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# The Book of Daniel - Number One-Hundred and Seventy-Eight

Littafin Daniyel - Na Ɗari da Saba’in da Takwas

Prophetic Parallels: The Unfolding of Daniel 11 in the Last Days

Daidaitattun Alamomin Annabci: Bayyanar Cikar Daniyel 11 a Kwanaki na Ƙarshe

Author

Jeff Pippenger

Published

April 8, 2024

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Verses sixteen through nineteen of Daniel chapter eleven represents the history beginning at the soon coming Sunday law in the United States, until Michael stands up and human probation closes. It therefore also represents the history of verse forty-one through verse forty-five of the same chapter.

Ayoyi na sha shida zuwa na sha tara na sura ta goma sha ɗaya ta Daniel suna wakiltar tarihin da ya fara daga dokar Lahadi mai zuwa nan ba da daɗewa ba a Amurka, har zuwa lokacin da Mika’ilu zai tashi tsaye kuma lokacin gwaji na ’yan Adam ya rufe. Saboda haka, suna kuma wakiltar tarihin aya ta arba’in da ɗaya zuwa aya ta arba’in da biyar na wannan sura ɗaya.

> But he that cometh against him shall do according to his own will, and none shall stand before him: and he shall stand in the glorious land, which by his hand shall be consumed. He shall also set his face to enter with the strength of his whole kingdom, and upright ones with him; thus shall he do: and he shall give him the daughter of women, corrupting her: but she shall not stand on his side, neither be for him. After this shall he turn his face unto the isles, and shall take many: but a prince for his own behalf shall cause the reproach offered by him to cease; without his own reproach he shall cause it to turn upon him. Then he shall turn his face toward the fort of his own land: but he shall stumble and fall, and not be found. Daniel 11:16–19.

> Amma wanda ya zo yaƙi da shi zai yi bisa ga nufinsa, ba kuwa wanda zai iya tsayawa a gabansa; zai kuma tsaya a ƙasa mai ɗaukaka, wadda za a hallaka ta da hannunsa. Zai kuma mai da fuskarsa ya shiga da ƙarfin dukan mulkinsa, tare da masu adalci tare da shi; haka zai yi: zai kuma ba shi ’yar mata, domin ya lalatar da ita; amma ba za ta tsaya a gefensa ba, ba kuwa za ta kasance dominsa ba. Bayan wannan zai mai da fuskarsa zuwa ga tsibirai, zai kuma kama da yawa: amma wani sarki saboda kansa zai sa zagin da ya yi ya ƙare; ba tare da nasa zagin ba zai mai da shi a kansa. Sa’an nan zai mai da fuskarsa zuwa ga sansanin ƙasarsa: amma zai yi tuntuɓe ya fāɗi, ba kuwa za a same shi ba. Daniyel 11:16–19.

When Sister White addressed the final fulfillment of Daniel chapter eleven, she stated “that much of the history that has been fulfilled in this prophecy will be repeated.” Verses forty-one through forty-five repeat the prophetic history of these verses. The verses were fulfilled when pagan Rome took control of the world by first conquering three geographical areas.

Sa’ad da Sister White ta yi magana game da cikuwar ƙarshe ta sura ta goma sha ɗaya ta Daniyel, ta bayyana cewa “za a maimaita da yawa daga tarihin da ya cika a cikin wannan annabcin.” Ayoyi na arba’in da ɗaya zuwa arba’in da biyar suna maimaita tarihin annabci na waɗannan ayoyi. Ayoyin sun cika ne sa’ad da Roma ta arna ta karɓi iko da duniya ta wajen fara cinye yankuna uku na ƙasa.

> “Although Egypt could not stand before Antiochus, the king of the north, Antiochus could not stand before the Romans, who now came against him. No kingdoms were longer able to resist this rising power. Syria was conquered, and added to the Roman empire, when Pompey, BC 65, deprived Antiochus Asiaticus of his possessions, and reduced Syria to a Roman province.

> “Ko da yake Masar ba ta iya tsayawa a gaban Antiyokus, sarkin arewa, Antiyokus kuwa bai iya tsayawa a gaban Romawa ba, waɗanda a wannan lokaci suka zo gāba da shi. Babu sauran masarautu da suka ƙara iya yin tsayayya da wannan iko mai tasowa. An ci Suriya da yaƙi, aka kuma haɗa ta da daular Roma, sa’ad da Pompei, a shekara ta 65 K.H., ya ƙwace wa Antiyokus Asiaticus mallakarsa, ya mai da Suriya lardi na Roma.”

> “The same power was also to stand in the Holy Land, and consume it. Rome became connected with the people of God, the Jews, by alliance, BC 162, from which date it holds a prominent place in the prophetic calendar. It did not, however, acquire jurisdiction over Judea by actual conquest till BC 63; and then in the following manner.

> “Wannan iko ɗaya kuma zai tsaya a Ƙasa Mai Tsarki, ya kuma cinye ta. Roma ta kulla alaƙa da mutanen Allah, Yahudawa, ta wurin ƙawance, a shekara ta 162 K.H., tun daga wannan lokaci kuwa take da matsayi fitacce a cikin jadawalin annabci. Amma, duk da haka, ba ta sami iko na mulki a kan Yahudiya ta wurin cin nasara kai tsaye ba sai a shekara ta 63 K.H.; kuma hakan ya faru ta wannan hanya mai zuwa.

> “On Pompey’s return from his expedition against Mithridates, king of Pontus, two competitors, Hyrcanus and Aristobulus, were struggling for the crown of Judea. Their cause came before Pompey, who soon perceived the injustice of the claims of Aristobulus, but wished to defer decision in the matter till after his long-desired expedition into Arabia, promising then to return, and settle their affairs as should seem just and proper. Aristobulus, fathoming Pompey’s real sentiments, hastened back to Judea, armed his subjects, and prepared for a vigorous defense, determined, at all hazards, to keep the crown, which he foresaw would be adjudicated to another. Pompey closely followed the fugitive. As he approached Jerusalem, Aristobulus, beginning to repent of his course, came out to meet him, and endeavored to accommodate matters by promising entire submission and large sums of money. Pompey, accepting this offer, sent Gabinius, at the head of a detachment of soldiers, to receive the money. But when that lieutenant-general arrived at Jerusalem, he found the gates shut against him, and was told from the top of the walls that the city would not stand to the agreement.

> “Sa’ad da Pompey ya dawo daga yaƙin da ya yi da Mithridates, sarkin Pontus, masu neman sarautar Yahudiya guda biyu, Hyrcanus da Aristobulus, suna gwagwarmaya domin kambi. Al’amarinsu ya zo gaban Pompey, wanda nan da nan ya fahimci rashin adalcin iƙirarin Aristobulus, amma ya so ya jinkirta yanke hukunci a cikin wannan al’amari har sai bayan yaƙin da ya daɗe yana marmari zuwa Arabiya, yana alkawarin cewa daga nan zai dawo, ya kuma daidaita al’amuransu yadda zai bayyana masa a matsayin abin da yake adalci kuma ya dace. Aristobulus, da ya gane ainihin ra’ayin Pompey, ya hanzarta komawa Yahudiya, ya makamai mutanensa, ya kuma shirya domin ƙaƙƙarfan kariya, yana ƙudurin, ko ta halin ƙaƙa, ya riƙe kambin, wanda ya hango za a yanke a ba wani. Pompey ya bi mai gudun nan a kusa. Yayin da yake kusantar Urushalima, Aristobulus, yana fara nadamar hanyar da ya bi, ya fito domin ya tarye shi, ya kuma yi ƙoƙarin sasanta al’amura ta wurin alkawarta cikakkiyar miƙa kai da manyan kuɗaɗe. Pompey, da ya amince da wannan tayi, ya aika Gabinius, a kan jagorancin wata ƙungiyar sojoji, domin ya karɓi kuɗin. Amma sa’ad da wancan babban hafsan ya isa Urushalima, sai ya tarar an rufe ƙofofin birnin a kansa, aka kuma gaya masa daga saman katanga cewa birnin ba zai tsaya ga yarjejeniyar ba.”

> “Pompey, not to be deceived in this way with impunity, put Aristobulus, whom he had retained with him, in irons, and immediately marched against Jerusalem with his whole army. The partisans of Aristobulus were for defending the place; those of Hyrcanus, for opening the gates. The latter being in the majority, and prevailing, Pompey was given free entrance into the city. Whereupon the adherents of Aristobulus retired to the mountain of the temple, as fully determined to defend that place as Pompey was to reduce it. At the end of three months a breach was made in the wall sufficient for an assault, and the place was carried at the point of the sword. In the terrible slaughter that ensued, twelve thousand persons were slain. It was an affecting sight, observes the historian, to see the priests, engaged at the time in divine service, with calm hand and steady purpose pursue their accustomed work, apparently unconscious of the wild tumult, though all around them their friends were given to the slaughter, and though often their own blood mingled with that of their sacrifices.

> “Don kada a ruɗe shi ta wannan hanya ba tare da hukunci ba, Pompey ya sa Aristobulus, wanda ya riƙe tare da shi, cikin sarƙoƙi, kuma nan da nan ya nufi Urushalima da dukan rundunarsa. Magoya bayan Aristobulus suna goyon bayan kare wurin; na Hyrcanus kuwa, a buɗe ƙofofin. Waɗannan na ƙarshe, da yake su ne mafi rinjaye, kuma suka yi nasara, sai aka ba Pompey damar shiga birnin ba tare da shamaki ba. Nan take mabiyan Aristobulus suka ja da baya zuwa tudun haikalin, suna da cikakkiyar niyyar kare wannan wuri kamar yadda Pompey kuma ya ƙudura ya cinye shi. A ƙarshen watanni uku aka yi kafa a katangar da ta isa a kai farmaki, kuma aka ƙwace wurin da bakin takobi. A mummunan kisan da ya biyo baya, an kashe mutane dubu goma sha biyu. Abin tausayi ne ƙwarai, in ji masanin tarihi, a ga firistoci, waɗanda a lokacin suna cikin hidimar Allah, da hannu mai natsuwa da ƙuduri marar girgiza suna ci gaba da aikin da suka saba yi, kamar ba su san da wannan mummunan rikici ba, alhali kuwa a kewaye da su ana yanka abokansu, kuma sau da yawa jininsu na gaurayewa da na hadayunsu.”

> “Having put an end to the war, Pompey demolished the walls of Jerusalem, transferred several cities from the jurisdiction of Judea to that of Syria, and imposed tribute on the Jews. Thus for the first time was Jerusalem placed by conquest in the hands of that power which was to hold the ‘glorious land’ in its iron grasp till it had utterly consumed it.

> “Bayan da ya kawo yaƙin ƙarshe, Pompey ya rushe katangar Urushalima, ya mayar da birane da dama daga ƙarƙashin ikon Yahudiya zuwa ƙarƙashin ikon Siriya, kuma ya ɗora haraji a kan Yahudawa. Ta haka ne, a karo na farko, aka sa Urushalima ta wurin cin nasara cikin hannun wannan iko wanda zai riƙe ‘ƙasa mai ɗaukaka’ a cikin damƙarsa ta baƙin ƙarfe har sai ya cinye ta gabaki ɗaya.

> “‘VERSE 17. He shall also set his face to enter with the strength of his whole kingdom, and upright ones with him; thus shall he do: and he shall give him the daughter of women, corrupting her: but she shall not stand on his side, neither be for him.’

> “‘AYA TA 17. Haka kuma zai sa fuskarsa don ya shiga da ƙarfin dukan mulkinsa, tare da masu-adalci tare da shi; haka zai yi: kuma zai ba shi ’yar mata, yana lalatar da ita; amma ba za ta tsaya a gefensa ba, ba kuwa za ta kasance tasa ba.’”

> “Bishop Newton furnishes another reading for this verse, which seems more clearly to express the sense, as follows: ‘He shall also set his face to enter by force the whole kingdom.’ Verse 16 brought us down to the conquest of Syria and Judea by the Romans. Rome had previously conquered Macedon and Thrace. Egypt was now all that remained of the ‘whole kingdom’ of Alexander, not brought into subjection to the Roman power, which power now set its face to enter by force into that country.

> “Bishop Newton ya kawo wata karatu dabam game da wannan aya, wadda take ganin kamar ta fi bayyana ma’anar sarai, kamar haka: ‘Zai kuma fuskanci shiga da ƙarfi cikin dukan mulkin.’ Aya ta 16 ta kawo mu har zuwa cin nasarar Siriya da Yahudiya da Romawa suka yi. Roma tun da farko ta riga ta ci Makidoniya da Trasiya. Masar ce yanzu kaɗai ta rage daga cikin ‘dukan mulkin’ na Alexander, wadda ba a riga an rinjayar da ita ƙarƙashin ikon Roma ba, wanda ikon yanzu ya fuskanci shiga da ƙarfi cikin ƙasar nan.”

> “Ptolemy Auletes died BC 51. He left the crown and kingdom of Egypt to his eldest son and daughter, Ptolemy and Cleopatra. It was provided in his will that they should marry together, and reign jointly; and because they were young, they were placed under the guardianship of the Romans. The Roman people accepted the charge, and appointed Pompey as guardian of the young heirs of Egypt.

> “Ptolemy Auletes ya mutu a shekara ta 51 K.H. Ya bar rawani da mulkin Masar ga babban ɗansa da ’yarsa, wato, Ptolemy da Cleopatra. An tanada a cikin wasiyyarsa cewa su yi aure da juna, kuma su yi mulki tare; kuma domin suna matasa ne, aka sa su a ƙarƙashin kulawar Romawa. Mutanen Roma suka karɓi wannan alhaki, suka kuma naɗa Pompey a matsayin mai kula da matasan magadan Masar.

> “A quarrel having not long after broken out between Pompey and Caesar, the famous battle of Pharsalia was fought between the two generals. Pompey, being defeated, fled into Egypt. Caesar immediately followed him thither; but before his arrival, Pompey was basely murdered by Ptolemy, whose guardian he had been appointed. Caesar therefore assumed the appointment which had been given to Pompey, as guardian of Ptolemy and Cleopatra. He found Egypt in commotion from internal disturbances, Ptolemy and Cleopatra having become hostile to each other, and she being deprived of her share in the government. Notwithstanding this, he did not hesitate to land at Alexandria with his small force, 800 horse and 3200 foot, take cognizance of the quarrel, and undertake its settlement. The troubles daily increasing, Caesar found his small force insufficient to maintain his position, and being unable to leave Egypt on account of the north wind which blew at that season, he sent into Asia, ordering all the troops he had in that quarter to come to his assistance as soon as possible.

> “Ba da jimawa ba bayan haka, wata husuma ta ɓarke tsakanin Pompey da Caesar, kuma aka yi mashahurin yaƙin Pharsalia tsakanin shugabannin yaƙin biyu. Da aka ci Pompey da yaƙi, sai ya gudu zuwa Masar. Nan da nan Caesar ya bi shi zuwa can; amma kafin isowarsa, an kashe Pompey cikin wulaƙanci ta hannun Ptolemy, wanda a dā aka naɗa shi a matsayin mai kula da shi. Saboda haka Caesar ya karɓi wannan naɗin da aka ba wa Pompey, na zama mai kula da Ptolemy da Cleopatra. Ya tarar da Masar cikin rikice-rikice saboda tashin hankulan cikin gida, domin Ptolemy da Cleopatra sun zama maƙiya ga juna, ita kuma an ƙwace mata rabonta a cikin mulki. Duk da haka, bai yi jinkirin sauka a Alexandria da ƙaramin rundunarsa ba, dawakai 800 da sojojin ƙafa 3200, ya binciki rigimar, ya kuma ɗauki alhakin sasanta ta. Da rikice-rikicen suke ƙaruwa kowace rana, Caesar ya ga ƙaramar rundunarsa ba ta isa ta tabbatar masa da matsayinsa ba; kuma da yake ba zai iya barin Masar ba saboda iskar arewa da take kadawa a wannan lokaci, sai ya aika zuwa Asiya, yana umartar dukan sojojin da yake da su a wancan ɓangaren su zo su taimake shi da gaggawa kamar yadda zai yiwu.”

> “In the most haughty manner he decreed that Ptolemy and Cleopatra should disband their armies, appear before him for a settlement of their differences, and abide by his decision. Egypt being an independent kingdom, this haughty decree was considered an affront to its royal dignity, at which the Egyptians, highly incensed, flew to arms. Caesar replied that he acted by virtue of the will of their father, Auletes, who had put his children under the guardianship of the senate and people of Rome, the whole authority of which was now vested in his person as consul; and that, as guardian, he had the right to arbitrate between them.

> Cikin matuƙar girman kai ya yi umurni cewa Ptolemy da Cleopatra su tarwatsa rundunoninsu, su bayyana a gabansa domin a sasanta bambance-bambancen da ke tsakaninsu, kuma su yi biyayya ga hukuncinsa. Da yake Masar masarauta ce mai cin gashin kanta, an ɗauki wannan umurni na girman kai a matsayin cin mutunci ga martabar sarautarta; saboda haka Masarawa, cike da tsananin fushi, suka ɗauki makamai. Kaisar kuwa ya amsa cewa ya yi haka ne bisa ga nufin mahaifinsu, Auletes, wanda ya ɗora ‘ya’yansa ƙarƙashin kulawar majalisa da jama’ar Roma, kuma dukkan ikon wannan yanzu yana hannunsa a matsayinsa na konsul; kuma cewa, a matsayinsa na majiɓinci, yana da ikon yin sulhu a tsakaninsu.

> “The matter was finally brought before him, and advocates appointed to plead the cause of the respective parties. Cleopatra, aware of the foible of the great Roman conqueror, judged that the beauty of her presence would be more effectual in securing judgment in her favor than any advocate she could employ. To reach his presence undetected, she had recourse to the following stratagem: Laying herself at full length in a bundle of clothes, Apollodorus, her Sicilian servant, wrapped it up in a cloth, tied it with a thong, and raising it upon his Herculean shoulders, sought the apartments of Caesar. Claiming to have a present for the Roman general, he was admitted through the gate of the citadel, entered into the presence of Caesar, and deposited the burden at his feet. When Caesar had unbound this animated bundle, lo! the beautiful Cleopatra stood before him. He was far from being displeased with the stratagem, and being of a character described in 2 Peter 2:14, the first sight of so beautiful a person, says Rollin, had all the effect upon him she had desired.

> “A ƙarshe aka gabatar da al’amarin a gabansa, aka kuma naɗa masu kare ƙarar domin su yi roƙon shari’ar ɓangarorin da abin ya shafa. Cleopatra, da yake ta fahimci raunin babban mai nasarar Roma, ta yanke hukunci cewa kyawun bayyanarta zai fi kowane mai kare ƙara da za ta iya ɗauka tasiri wajen tabbatar mata da hukunci a kanta. Domin ta isa gabansa ba tare da an gane ta ba, sai ta yi amfani da wannan dabara: Ta kwanta cikakke a cikin ƙunshin tufafi, sai Apollodorus, bawanta ɗan Sicilia, ya naɗe shi cikin wani zane, ya ɗaure shi da igiyar fata, kuma ya ɗora shi a kan faffadan kafaɗunsa irin na Hercules, ya nufi masaukatan Kaisar. Da yake ya ce yana da kyauta domin babban hafsan Romawa, aka barsa ya shiga ta ƙofar kagara, ya shiga gaban Kaisar, ya ajiye kayan a ƙafafunsa. Da Kaisar ya warware wannan ƙunshi mai rai, sai ga kyakkyawar Cleopatra tsaye a gabansa. Bai kasance ko kaɗan cikin rashin jin daɗin wannan dabara ba; kuma da yake yana da irin halin da aka bayyana a cikin 2 Bitrus 2:14, kallon farko na mutum mai irin wannan kyau, in ji Rollin, ya yi masa cikakken tasirin da ita ta so.”

> “Caesar at length decreed that the brother and sister should occupy the throne jointly, according to the intent of the will. Pothinus, the chief minister of state, having been principally instrumental in expelling Cleopatra from the throne, feared the result of her restoration. He therefore began to excite jealousy and hostility against Caesar, by insinuating among the populace that he designed eventually to give Cleopatra the sole power. Open sedition soon followed. Achillas, at the head of 20,000 men, advanced to drive Caesar from Alexandria. Skillfully disposing his small body of men in the streets and alleys of the city, Caesar found no difficulty in repelling the attack. The Egyptians undertook to destroy his fleet. He retorted by burning theirs. Some of the burning vessels being driven near the quay, several of the buildings of the city took fire, and the famous Alexandrian library, containing nearly 400,000 volumes, was destroyed.

> “A ƙarshe Kaisar ya ba da umarni cewa ɗan’uwa da ’yar’uwa su zauna a kan kursiyin mulki tare, bisa ga manufar wasiyyar. Pothinus, babban ministan gwamnati, wanda shi ne ya fi kowa taka rawa wajen korar Cleopatra daga kursiyin, ya ji tsoron abin da zai biyo bayan mayar da ita. Saboda haka ya fara tayar da kishi da gaba ga Kaisar, yana shigar wa jama’a cewa manufarsa ita ce, a ƙarshe, ya ba Cleopatra ikon mulki ita kaɗai. Ba da daɗewa ba fitina ta fili ta biyo baya. Achillas, yana jagorancin mutane 20,000, ya doso domin korar Kaisar daga Alexandria. Da ya tsara ƙananan rundunarsa da fasaha cikin tituna da lungunan birnin, Kaisar bai sami wata wahala ba wajen fatattakar harin. Masarawa suka yi yunƙurin hallaka jiragen ruwansa. Shi kuwa ya rama ta wurin ƙona nasu. Da aka tura wasu daga cikin jiragen da suke ƙonewa kusa da mashigin jiragen ruwa, gine-gine da dama na birnin suka kama da wuta, kuma shahararriyar ɗakin karatu na Alexandria, mai ɗauke da kusan juzu’i 400,000, ta lalace.”

> “The war growing more threatening, Caesar sent into all the neighboring countries for help. A large fleet came from Asia Minor to his assistance. Mithridates set out for Egypt with an army raised in Syria and Cilicia. Antipater the Idumean joined him with 3,000 Jews. The Jews, who held the passes into Egypt, permitted the army to pass on without interruption. Without this co-operation on their part, the whole plan must have failed. The arrival of this army decided the contest. A decisive battle was fought near the Nile, resulting in a complete victory for Caesar. Ptolemy, attempting to escape, was drowned in the river. Alexandria and all Egypt then submitted to the victor. Rome had now entered into and absorbed the whole of the original kingdom of Alexander.

> “Da yake yaƙin yana ƙara tsananta da barazana, Kaisar ya aika zuwa dukan ƙasashen maƙwabta domin neman taimako. Wani babban jirgin ruwa na yaƙi ya zo daga Ƙaramar Asiya domin taimaka masa. Mithridates ya nufi Masar tare da rundunar da aka tara a Suriya da Kilikiya. Antipater Ba’Idumeya ya haɗu da shi tare da Yahudawa 3,000. Yahudawan, waɗanda suke riƙe da mashigai zuwa cikin Masar, suka ƙyale rundunar ta wuce ba tare da tangarda ba. Da ba tare da wannan haɗin kai daga gare su ba, dole ne dukan shirin ya rushe. Zuwan wannan runduna ya yanke hukuncin gwagwarmayar. An yi wani yaƙi mai yanke hukunci kusa da Kogin Nilu, wanda ya ƙare da cikakkiyar nasara ga Kaisar. Ptolemy, yana ƙoƙarin tserewa, ya nutse a cikin kogin. Sai Alexandria da dukan Masar suka miƙa wuya ga mai nasara. A wannan lokacin Roma ta riga ta shiga cikin dukan asalin mulkin Aleksanda, ta kuma mamaye shi gaba ɗaya.”

> “By the ‘upright ones’ of the text are doubtless meant the Jews, who gave him the assistance already mentioned. With out this, he must have failed; with it, he completely subdued Egypt to his power, BC 47.

> “Da ‘madaidaici’ na nassin ake nufi babu shakka Yahudawa, waɗanda suka ba shi taimakon da aka riga aka ambata. In ba tare da wannan ba, lalle ne da ya gaza; tare da shi kuwa, ya rinjayi Masar gaba ɗaya ƙarƙashin ikonsa, a shekara ta 47 K.H.”

> “‘The daughter of women, corrupting her.’ The passion which Caesar had conceived for Cleopatra, by whom he had one son is assigned by the historian as the sole reason of his undertaking so dangerous a campaign as the Egyptian war. This kept him much longer in Egypt than his affairs required, he spending whole nights in feasting and carousing with the dissolute queen. ‘But,’ said the prophet, ‘she shall not stand on his side, neither be for him.’ Cleopatra afterward joined herself to Antony, the enemy of Augustus Caesar, and exerted her whole power against Rome.

> “‘’Yar mata, tana ɓata shi.’ Ƙaunar sha’awa wadda Kaisar ya ɗauka wa Cleopatra, wadda ya haifa mata ɗa namiji guda, masanin tarihi ya bayyana a matsayin dalili guda kaɗai na shigarsa irin wannan yaƙi mai hatsari kamar yaƙin Masar. Wannan ya riƙe shi a Masar na tsawon lokaci fiye da yadda al’amuransa suka bukata, yana shafe dukan dare cikin biki da shaye-shaye tare da sarauniya marar tarbiyya. ‘Amma,’ in ji annabi, ‘ba za ta tsaya a gefensa ba, ba kuma za ta kasance dominsa ba.’ Daga baya Cleopatra ta haɗa kanta da Antony, maƙiyin Augustus Kaisar, ta kuma yi amfani da dukan ƙarfinta gāba da Roma.”

> “‘VERSE 18. After this shall he turn his face unto the isles, and shall take many: but a prince for his own behalf shall cause the reproach offered by him to cease; without his own reproach he shall cause it to turn upon him.’

> “‘AYA TA 18. Bayan wannan zai mai da fuskarsa zuwa ga tsibirai, ya kuma kwace da yawa; amma wani basarake, domin kansa, zai sa zagin da ya yi ya ƙare; kuma ba tare da nasa zagi ba, zai mai da shi a kansa.’”

> “War with Pharnaces, king of Cimmerian Bosphorus, at length drew him away from Egypt. ‘On his arrival where the enemy was,’ says Prideaux, ‘he, without giving any respite either to himself or them, immediately fell on, and gained an absolute victory over them; an account whereof he wrote to a friend of his in these three words: Veni, vidi, vici; I came, I saw, I conquered.’ The latter part of this verse is involved in some obscurity, and there is difference of opinion in regard to its application. Some apply it further back in Caesar’s life, and think they find a fulfilment in his quarrel with Pompey. But preceding and subsequent events clearly defined in the prophecy, compel us to look for the fulfilment of this part of the prediction between the victory over Pharnaces, and Caesar’s death at Rome, as brought to view in the following verse. A more full history of this period might bring to light events which would render the application of this passage unembarrassed.

> “Yaƙi da Farnakes, sarkin Bosforus na Kimmeriya, a ƙarshe ya janye shi daga Masar. ‘Da zuwansa inda abokan gāba suke,’ in ji Prideaux, ‘ba tare da ya ba kansa ko su wani ɗan hutu ba, nan da nan ya afka musu, ya kuma sami cikakkiyar nasara a kansu; labarin wannan kuwa ya rubuta wa wani abokinsa cikin waɗannan kalmomi uku: Veni, vidi, vici; Na zo, na gani, na yi nasara.’ Sashe na ƙarshen wannan aya yana tattare da wani ɗan duhu, kuma akwai saɓanin ra’ayi game da yadda ya kamata a ɗora shi. Waɗansu suna ɗora shi ga wani lokaci mafi baya a rayuwar Kaisar, suna kuma tsammanin sun sami cikawarsa a cikin saɓaninsa da Pompey. Amma abubuwan da suka gabata da waɗanda suka biyo baya da aka fayyace sarai a cikin annabcin suna tilasta mana mu nemi cikar wannan ɓangare na hasashen tsakanin nasarar da ya yi a kan Farnakes da mutuwar Kaisar a Roma, kamar yadda aya mai biye ta bayyana. Tarihi mafi cika game da wannan zamani na iya fito da abubuwan da za su sa ɗorawar wannan nassi ta zama ba tare da ruɗani ba.”

> “‘VERSE 19. Then he shall turn his face toward the fort of his own land: but he shall stumble and fall, and not be found.’

> “‘AYA TA 19. Sa’an nan zai juya fuskarsa zuwa ga kagarun ƙasarsa: amma zai yi tuntuɓe, ya fāɗi, kuma ba za a sāme shi ba.’”

> “After this conquest, Caesar defeated the last remaining fragments of Pompey’s party, Cato and Scipio in Africa and Labienus and Varus in Spain. Returning to Rome, the ‘fort of his own land,’ he was made perpetual dictator; and such other powers and honors were granted him as rendered him in fact absolute sovereign of the whole empire. But the prophet had said that he should stumble and fall. The language implies that his overthrow would be sudden and unexpected, like a person accidentally stumbling in his walk. And so this man, who fought and won five hundred battles, taken one thousand cities, and slain one million one hundred and ninety-two thousand men, fell, not in the din of battle and the hour of strife, but when he thought his pathway was smooth and strewn with flowers, and when danger was supposed to be far away; for, taking his seat in the senate chamber upon his throne of gold, to receive at the hands of that body the title of king, the dagger of treachery suddenly struck him to the heart. Cassius, Brutus, and other conspirators rushed upon him, and he fell, pierced with twenty-three wounds. Thus he suddenly stumbled and fell, and was not found, BC 44.” Uriah Smith, Daniel and the Revelation, 258–264.

> “Bayan wannan cin nasara, Kaisar ya ci nasara a kan ragowar ƙungiyar Pompey da suka saura, wato Cato da Scipio a Afirka, da Labienus da Varus a Sifaniya. Da ya komo Roma, ‘katangar ƙasarsa,’ aka naɗa shi dikta na har abada; aka kuma ba shi waɗansu ikon mulki da girma dabam-dabam waɗanda a zahiri suka mai da shi cikakken mamallakin daular baki ɗaya. Amma annabin ya faɗa cewa zai yi tuntuɓe ya fāɗi. Harshen nan yana nuna cewa kifar da shi zai kasance kwatsam ne, ba tare da zato ba, kamar mutum da ya yi tuntuɓe a kan tafiyarsa bisa kuskure. Haka kuwa ya faru da wannan mutum, wanda ya yi yaƙe-yaƙe ɗari biyar ya kuma yi nasara a cikinsu, ya ƙwace birane dubu ɗaya, ya kuma kashe mutane miliyan ɗaya da dubu ɗari ɗaya da casa’in da biyu; ya fāɗi, ba a cikin ƙarar yaƙi da lokacin gwagwarmaya ba, sai lokacin da yake tsammani hanyarsa ta yi laushi kuma an shimfiɗa mata furanni, kuma lokacin da ake zaton haɗari yana can nesa ƙwarai; gama, yana zaune a majalisar dattawa a kan kursiyinsa na zinariya, domin ya karɓi taken sarki daga hannun wannan majalisa, sai wuƙar cin amana ta soke shi a zuciya kwatsam. Cassius, Brutus, da sauran masu ƙulla maƙarƙashiya suka ruga a kansa, ya kuwa fāɗi, an huda shi da raunuka ashirin da uku. Ta haka ne ya yi tuntuɓe ya fāɗi kwatsam, kuma ba a ƙara same shi ba, K.H. 44.” Uriah Smith, Daniel and the Revelation, 258–264.

The historical fulfillment of pagan Rome (the king of the north), being established upon the throne is a history that prefigures the history of modern Rome’s enthronement at the threefold union which takes place at the soon coming Sunday law. The history is also typified in verses thirty through thirty-six, which identified when the papacy was first placed upon the throne in 538. Verses sixteen through nineteen, and verses thirty-one through thirty-six both represent the final rise and fall of the whore of Tyre. That history was also represented in verses five through nine, when the first king of the north was established after conquering three geographical areas. Thereafter he entered into a treaty with the king of the south, but broke the treaty, and in response the king of the south delivered a deadly wound, and the king of the north died in the captivity of Egypt.

Cikar tarihin Roma arna ta dā (sarkin arewa), da aka kafa a kan kursiyi, tarihi ne da yake nuna tun da wuri tarihin naɗa Roma ta zamani a kan kursiyi a cikin haɗin kai na ninki uku da zai faru a dokar Lahadi mai zuwa ba da daɗewa ba. Haka kuma an ba da misalin wannan tarihin a ayoyi talatin zuwa talatin da shida, waɗanda suka nuna lokacin da aka fara sa papanci a kan kursiyi a shekara ta 538. Ayoyi goma sha shida zuwa goma sha tara, da kuma ayoyi talatin da ɗaya zuwa talatin da shida, dukansu suna wakiltar tashin ƙarshe da faɗuwar karuwar Taya. An kuma wakilta wannan tarihi a ayoyi biyar zuwa tara, lokacin da aka kafa sarki na farko na arewa bayan ya ci yankuna uku na ƙasa. Bayan haka ya shiga yarjejeniya da sarkin kudu, amma ya karya yarjejeniyar, sai kuwa a martani sarkin kudu ya yi masa mummunan rauni mai kisa, kuma sarkin arewa ya mutu a cikin bautar Masar.

Verses five through nine, verses sixteen through nineteen, and verses thirty through thirty-six provide three prophetic lines that are fulfilled in verses forty through forty-five. When Sister White identified that “much of the history that has been fulfilled in this prophecy will be repeated,” it actually meant that the entire chapter illustrates verses forty through forty-five. Verses twenty through twenty-two identify the birth and the death of Christ, thus representing the time of the end in both 1798 and 1989 by His birth, and then His death on the cross represented October 22, 1844, and the Sunday law.

Ayoyi na biyar zuwa na tara, ayoyi na goma sha shida zuwa na goma sha tara, da kuma ayoyi na talatin zuwa na talatin da shida suna ba da layukan annabci guda uku waɗanda suke cika a cikin ayoyi na arba’in zuwa na arba’in da biyar. Sa’ad da ’Yar’uwa White ta bayyana cewa “da yawa daga tarihin da ya cika a cikin wannan annabci za a maimaita shi,” ainihin ma’anarsa ita ce dukan surar tana nuna ayoyi na arba’in zuwa na arba’in da biyar. Ayoyi na ashirin zuwa na ashirin da biyu suna bayyana haihuwa da mutuwar Almasihu, ta haka suna wakiltar ƙarshen zamani a duka 1798 da 1989 ta wurin haihuwarsa, sa’an nan mutuwarsa a kan gicciye ta wakilci 22 ga Oktoba, 1844, da kuma dokar Lahadi.

Verse twenty-three identifies the league between the Jews and Rome, during the history of the Maccabean revolt. The “league” in that history is represented by the dates of 161 BC and 158 BC. The Maccabean history represents an internal line that finds its beginning with a “league” between Rome and the Maccabean Jews that was initiated by the Jews, and ultimately ended with the Jews pronouncing that they have no king but Caesar. Verse twenty-three of course follows verses twenty-one and twenty-two, and verse twenty-one identifies the birth of Christ, which is a prophetic time of the end, and verse twenty-two identifies the cross, which represents the Sunday law.

Aya ta ashirin da uku tana nuna ƙawancen da ke tsakanin Yahudawa da Roma, a lokacin tarihin tawayen Makkabiyawa. “Ƙawancen” a cikin wannan tarihin an wakilta shi da shekarun 161 K.H. da 158 K.H. Tarihin Makkabiyawa yana wakiltar wani layi na ciki wanda ya samo asali daga “ƙawance” tsakanin Roma da Yahudawan Makkabi wanda Yahudawan ne suka fara, kuma a ƙarshe ya ƙare da Yahudawan suna furta cewa ba su da wani sarki sai Kaisar. Aya ta ashirin da uku, ba shakka, tana bin ayoyi na ashirin da ɗaya da ashirin da biyu, kuma aya ta ashirin da ɗaya tana nuna haihuwar Almasihu, wadda lokaci ne na annabci na ƙarshe, yayin da aya ta ashirin da biyu take nuna gicciye, wanda yake wakiltar dokar Lahadi.

At the cross the Jews identified Caesar (Rome) as their king, and the “league” of verse twenty-three references the beginning of the Jews’ choice to serve Rome, right at the ending point of the Jews proclaiming their allegiance to Rome. The ending of the Jews, as represented at the cross, is followed by the beginning of the Jews’ association with Rome.

A kan gicciye ne Yahudawa suka bayyana Kaisar (Roma) a matsayin sarkinsu, kuma “ƙawancen” da ke cikin aya ta ashirin da uku yana nuni da farkon zaɓin Yahudawa na bauta wa Roma, daidai a wurin ƙarshen lokacin da Yahudawa suka yi shelar biyayyarsu ga Roma. Ƙarshen Yahudawa, kamar yadda aka wakilta a kan gicciye, yana biye da farkon haɗuwar Yahudawa da Roma.

Verses twenty-four through thirty describe the three hundred and sixty years that pagan Rome ruled supremely from the Battle of Actium in 31 BC, unto the transfer of the capital from Rome to Constantinople in the year 330. The period of three hundred and sixty years typifies the twelve hundred and sixty years papal Rome ruled supremely, and together they represent the period from verse forty-one, and the threefold union that occurs at the soon coming Sunday law, unto the close of probation.

Aya ta ashirin da huɗu zuwa ta talatin suna bayyana shekaru ɗari uku da sittin da Roma arna ta yi mulki mafi girma tun daga Yaƙin Actium a shekara ta 31 K.H., har zuwa mayar da babban birnin daga Roma zuwa Constantinople a shekara ta 330. Tsawon wannan zamani na shekaru ɗari uku da sittin yana wakiltar shekaru dubu ɗaya da ɗari biyu da sittin da Roma ta papanci ta yi mulki mafi girma, kuma tare suna wakiltar lokacin da ya fara daga aya ta arba’in da ɗaya, da kuma haɗin kai sau uku da zai faru a dokar Lahadi mai zuwa nan ba da daɗewa ba, har zuwa rufe ƙofar alheri.

All the prophetic lines of history in chapter eleven, align with the last six verses of Daniel eleven, but it is the prophetic history from the time of the end in 1989, represented in verse forty through to the Sunday law in verse forty-one, that is “that portion of the prophecy of Daniel relating to the last days.” The history that is left blank in verse forty, is the Revelation of Jesus Christ that is unsealed when the time is at hand, just before probation closes.

Dukan layukan annabcin tarihi a sura ta goma sha ɗaya sun yi daidai da ayoyi shida na ƙarshe na Daniyel 11, amma tarihin annabci daga lokacin ƙarshe a shekara ta 1989, wanda aka wakilta a aya ta arba’in har zuwa dokar Lahadi a aya ta arba’in da ɗaya, shi ne “wancan ɓangaren annabcin Daniyel da ya shafi kwanakin ƙarshe.” Tarihin da aka bar fanko a aya ta arba’in shi ne Wahayin Yesu Almasihu, wanda ake buɗe hatiminsa sa’ad da lokaci ya yi kusa, gab da rufe lokacin gwaji.

We will continue this study in the next article.

Za mu ci gaba da wannan nazari a talifi na gaba.

> “We have the commandments of God and the testimony of Jesus Christ, which is the spirit of prophecy. Priceless gems are to be found in the word of God. Those who search this word should keep the mind clear. Never should they indulge perverted appetite in eating or drinking.

> “Muna da dokokin Allah da kuma shaidar Yesu Almasihu, wadda ita ce ruhun annabci. Akwai duwatsu masu daraja marasa ƙima da za a samu a cikin maganar Allah. Waɗanda suke binciken wannan Magana ya kamata su kiyaye hankalinsu a sarari. Kada su taɓa yarda da karkatacciyar sha’awa wajen ci ko sha.”

> “If they do this, the brain will be confused; they will be unable to bear the strain of digging deep to find out the meaning of those things which relate to the closing scenes of this earth’s history.

> “In suka yi haka, kwakwalwar za ta rikice; ba za su iya jure wa nauyin zurfafa bincike domin gano ma’anar waɗannan abubuwa da suke da alaƙa da al’amuran ƙarshe na tarihin wannan duniya ba.

> “When the books of Daniel and Revelation are better understood, believers will have an entirely different religious experience. They will be given such glimpses of the open gates of heaven that heart and mind will be impressed with the character that all must develop in order to realize the blessedness which is to be the reward of the pure in heart.

> “Sa’ad da aka fi fahimtar littattafan Daniyel da Ru’ya ta Yohanna, masu bi za su sami wata irin ƙwarewar addini da ta bambanta ƙwarai. Za a ba su irin waɗannan hango-hangon buɗaɗɗun ƙofofin sama, har zuciya da tunani su karɓi zurfin tasirin irin halin da dole ne kowa ya bunƙasa domin ya sami albarkar da za ta zama sakamakon masu tsarkin zuciya.

> “The Lord will bless all who will seek humbly and meekly to understand that which is revealed in the Revelation. This book contains so much that is large with immortality and full of glory that all who read and search it earnestly receive the blessing to those ‘that hear the words of this prophecy, and keep those things which are written therein.’

> “Ubangiji zai albarkaci dukan waɗanda za su nemi su fahimci abin da aka bayyana cikin Wahayin cikin tawali’u da sauƙin kai. Wannan littafi yana ƙunshe da abubuwa masu yawa waɗanda suke cike da dawwama marar mutuwa kuma cike da ɗaukaka, har dukan waɗanda suke karantawa kuma suke bincikensa da ƙwazo suke karɓar albarkar da aka yi wa waɗanda ‘suke jin kalmomin wannan annabci, kuma suke kiyaye abubuwan da aka rubuta a cikinsa.’”

> “One thing will certainly be understood from the study of Revelation—that the connection between God and His people is close and decided.

> “Abu guda tabbatacce za a gane daga nazarin Wahayin Yahaya—shi ne, dangantakar da ke tsakanin Allah da mutanensa ta yi kusa ƙwarai kuma tabbatacciya ce.

> “A wonderful connection is seen between the universe of heaven and this world. The things revealed to Daniel were afterward complemented by the revelation made to John on the Isle of Patmos. These two books should be carefully studied. Twice Daniel inquired, How long shall it be to the end of time?

> “Ana ganin wata haɗin kai mai banmamaki tsakanin sararin samaniya na sama da wannan duniya. Abubuwan da aka bayyana wa Daniyel daga baya an cika su da wahayin da aka yi wa Yohanna a Tsibirin Patmos. Ya kamata a yi nazari a kan waɗannan littattafai biyu da kulawa sosai. Sau biyu Daniyel ya yi tambaya, Har yaushe zai kasance har zuwa ƙarshen zamani?”

> “‘And I heard, but I understood not: then said I, O my Lord, what shall be the end of these things? And He said, Go thy way, Daniel: for the words are closed up and sealed till the time of the end. Many shall be purified, and made white, and tried; but the wicked shall do wickedly: and none of the wicked shall understand; but the wise shall understand. And from the time that the daily sacrifice shall be taken away, and the abomination that maketh desolate set up, there shall be a thousand two hundred and ninety days. Blessed is he that waiteth, and cometh to the thousand three hundred and five and thirty days. But go thou thy way till the end be: for thou shalt rest, and stand in thy lot at the end of the days.’

> “‘Na kuwa ji, amma ban fahimta ba; sai na ce, Ya Ubangijina, menene ƙarshen waɗannan abubuwa? Sai Ya ce, Ka tafi hanyarka, Daniyel; gama an rufe kalmomin, an kuma hatimce su har zuwa lokacin ƙarshe. Mutane da yawa za a tsarkake su, a mai da su farare, a kuma gwada su; amma mugaye za su aikata mugunta: kuma babu wani daga cikin mugaye da zai fahimta; amma masu hikima za su fahimta. Kuma tun daga lokacin da za a kawar da hadayar yau da kullum, a kuma kafa abin ƙyama mai kawo hallaka, za a yi kwanaki dubu ɗaya da ɗari biyu da casa’in. Mai albarka ne wanda ya yi haƙuri, ya kuma kai ga kwanaki dubu ɗaya da ɗari uku da talatin da biyar. Amma kai, ka tafi hanyarka har ƙarshe ya zo: gama za ka huta, kuma za ka tsaya a rabonka a ƙarshen kwanakin.’”

> “It was the Lion of the tribe of Judah who unsealed the book and gave to John the revelation of what should be in these last days.

> “Zakin kabilar Yahuza ne ya buɗe hatimin littafin, ya kuma ba Yohanna wahayi game da abin da zai kasance a waɗannan kwanaki na ƙarshe.

> “Daniel stood in his lot to bear his testimony which was sealed until the time of the end, when the first angel’s message should be proclaimed to our world. These matters are of infinite importance in these last days; but while ‘many shall be purified, and made white, and tried,’ ‘the wicked shall do wickedly: and none of the wicked shall understand.’ How true this is! Sin is the transgression of the law of God; and those who will not accept the light in regard to the law of God will not understand the proclamation of the first, second, and third angel’s messages. The book of Daniel is unsealed in the revelation to John, and carries us forward to the last scenes of this earth’s history.

> “Daniyel ya tsaya a rabonsa domin ya ba da shaidarsa wadda aka hatimce har zuwa lokacin ƙarshe, sa’ad da za a yi shelar saƙon mala’ika na fari ga duniyarmu. Waɗannan al’amura suna da muhimmanci marar iyaka a cikin waɗannan kwanaki na ƙarshe; amma yayin da ‘da yawa za a tsarkake su, a mai da su farare, a kuma gwada su,’ ‘mugaye kuwa za su aikata mugunta: kuma babu wani daga cikin mugaye da zai fahimta.’ Gaskiya ƙwarai haka yake! Zunubi shi ne keta shari’ar Allah; kuma waɗanda ba za su karɓi haske game da shari’ar Allah ba ba za su fahimci shelar saƙonnin mala’ika na fari, na biyu, da na uku ba. An buɗe hatimin littafin Daniyel a cikin wahayi zuwa ga Yohanna, kuma yana kai mu gaba zuwa ga al’amuran ƙarshe na tarihin wannan duniya.”

> “Will our brethren bear in mind that we are living amid the perils of the last days? Read Revelation in connection with Daniel. Teach these things.” Testimonies to Ministers, 114, 115.

> “’Yan’uwanmu za su sa a zuciya cewa muna rayuwa ne a tsakiyar hatsarorin kwanaki na ƙarshe? Ku karanta Ru’ya ta Yohanna tare da Daniyel. Ku koyar da waɗannan abubuwa.” Testimonies to Ministers, 114, 115.

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