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# The Book of Daniel - Number One-Hundred and Thirty-Eight

Littafin Daniyel - Na Dari da Talatin da Takwas

Unveiling Daniel 11: A Prophetic Journey through History

Bayyana Daniyel 11: Tafiya ta Annabci Cikin Tarihi

Author

Jeff Pippenger

Published

March 15, 2024

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Verse forty of Daniel chapter eleven, represents one of the most profound verses of God’s Word. The prophetic histories that are represented therein are where the wheels within the wheels of Ezekiel’s vision are brought together. With the time of the end of the Millerite movement in 1798, and also the time of the end of the movement of the third angel in 1989, the internal and external histories of God’s people of the last days are portrayed. Within the verse is the announcement of the approaching judgment which arrived with the first angel in 1798, all the way until the Sunday law of verse forty-one. The verse therefore represents the investigative judgment of God’s church beginning with the dead, through to the sealing of the one hundred and forty-four thousand, and God spewing Laodicean Adventism out of His mouth.

Aya ta arba’in na Daniyel sura ta goma sha ɗaya tana wakiltar ɗaya daga cikin ayoyi mafi zurfi a cikin Maganar Allah. Tarihunan annabci da aka wakilta a cikinta su ne inda ƙafafun da ke cikin ƙafafun wahayin Ezekiyel suke haɗuwa wuri guda. Tare da lokacin ƙarshe na motsin Milleriyawa a shekara ta 1798, da kuma lokacin ƙarshe na motsin mala’ika na uku a shekara ta 1989, an zana tarihin cikin gida da na waje na mutanen Allah na kwanakin ƙarshe. A cikin ayar akwai shelar hukunci mai gabatowa wadda ta iso tare da mala’ika na fari a shekara ta 1798, har zuwa dokar Lahadi ta aya ta arba’in da ɗaya. Saboda haka ayar tana wakiltar hukuncin bincike na ikkilisiyar Allah wanda ya fara da matattu, har zuwa hatimcewar dubu ɗari da arba’in da huɗu, da kuma Allah yana tofar da Adventism na Laodikiya daga bakinsa.

The history where the papacy received its deadly wound in 1798, until the deadly wound is healed in verse forty-one is represented in the history of the verse. Verse forty-one onward is set within the context of the escalating executive judgments of God, which begin in that verse. In this prophetic sense, verse forty is the end of Daniel chapter eleven, and verses one and two, of the chapter are the beginning. Chapter eleven presents the rebellion of the antichrist, and chapter ten represents the beginning of the Hiddekel River vision, and chapter twelve represents the end. Chapters ten and twelve represent the first and the last, and chapter eleven is the rebellion in the middle.

Tarihin da papanci ya karɓi mummunan raunin mutuwarsa a shekara ta 1798, har sai an warkar da wannan mummunan raunin mutuwa a aya ta arba’in da ɗaya, an wakilta shi cikin tarihin ayar. Daga aya ta arba’in da ɗaya zuwa gaba an kafa shi ne cikin mahallin hukuncin zartarwa na Allah da ke ƙaruwa, waɗanda suke farawa a wannan ayar. A wannan ma’anar annabci, aya ta arba’in ita ce ƙarshen sura ta goma sha ɗaya ta Daniyel, kuma ayoyi na ɗaya da na biyu na surar su ne farkonta. Sura ta goma sha ɗaya tana gabatar da tawayar maƙiyin Almasihu, kuma sura ta goma tana wakiltar farkon wahayin Kogin Hiddekel, yayin da sura ta goma sha biyu take wakiltar ƙarshensa. Surori na goma da na goma sha biyu suna wakiltar na farko da na ƙarshe, kuma sura ta goma sha ɗaya ita ce tawayar da take a tsakiyarsu.

Chapters ten and twelve are the same, for, unlike chapter eleven, they represent Daniel’s experience in relation to the vision, and chapter eleven is the vision. Chapter ten is the first letter of the Hebrew alphabet, chapter eleven is the thirteenth rebellious letter of the Hebrew alphabet, and chapter twelve is the last letter of the alphabet. The Hiddekel River vision is the “Truth.”

Babi na goma da na goma sha biyu iri ɗaya ne, domin, ba kamar babi na goma sha ɗaya ba, suna wakiltar abin da Daniyel ya fuskanta dangane da wahayin, kuma babi na goma sha ɗaya shi ne wahayin. Babi na goma shi ne harafi na farko na baƙaƙen Ibrananci, babi na goma sha ɗaya shi ne harafi na goma sha uku mai tawaye na baƙaƙen Ibrananci, kuma babi na goma sha biyu shi ne harafi na ƙarshe na baƙaƙen. Wahayin Kogin Hiddekel shi ne “Gaskiya.”

In chapter eleven, the beginning illustrates the end, for Christ never changes. The final history represented in verse forty, is the testing time of the image of the beast. That testing time concludes with the mark of the beast, which is represented in verse forty-one. Verses one and two, must therefore address the sealing time of the one hundred and forty-four thousand, for that period of time is also the period of the formation of the image of the beast.

A sura ta goma sha ɗaya, farkon yana misalta ƙarshen, gama Almasihu ba ya taɓa canjawa. Tarihin ƙarshe da aka wakilta a aya ta arba’in, shi ne lokacin gwaji na siffar dabbar. Wannan lokacin gwaji yana ƙarewa da alamar dabbar, wadda aka wakilta a aya ta arba’in da ɗaya. Saboda haka, ayoyi na ɗaya da na biyu dole ne su yi magana a kan lokacin hatimcewar dubu ɗari da arba’in da huɗu, gama wannan ɗan lokaci shi ma shi ne lokacin kafuwar siffar dabbar.

> “The Lord has shown me clearly that the image of the beast will be formed before probation closes; for it is to be the great test for the people of God, by which their eternal destiny will be decided. . ..

> “Ubangiji ya nuna mini a sarari cewa za a kafa surar dabbar kafin wa’adin jarrabawa ya rufe; gama ita ce za ta zama babban gwaji ga mutanen Allah, wanda ta wurinsa za a ƙayyade makomarsu ta har abada....”

> “This is the test that the people of God must have before they are sealed.” Manuscript Releases, volume 15, 15.

> “Wannan shi ne jarabawar da mutanen Allah dole ne su sha kafin a hatimce su.” Manuscript Releases, juzu’i na 15, 15.

There are always two waymarks that identify a time of the end. In the reform movement of Moses, it was Aaron’s birth followed three years later with Moses’ birth. In the reform movement to come out of Babylon and rebuild the temple it was king Darius, followed by king Cyrus. In the reform movement of Christ, it was the birth of John the Baptist, followed in six months by the birth of Christ. In the reform movement of the Millerites it was the death of the papal system in 1798, followed by the death of the pope in 1799. In the reform movement of the third angel, it was president Reagan and president Bush the first, who both represented 1989. In Daniel chapter ten, verse one, we find king Cyrus identified.

A kowane lokaci na ƙarshe, kullum akwai alamomi biyu da suke bayyana shi. A cikin motsin gyara na Musa, haihuwar Haruna ce, sannan bayan shekaru uku haihuwar Musa ta biyo baya. A cikin motsin gyara na fitowa daga Babila da sake gina haikali, sarki Dāriyus ne, sannan sarki Sairus ya biyo baya. A cikin motsin gyara na Almasihu, haihuwar Yohanna Mai Baftisma ce, sannan bayan wata shida haihuwar Almasihu ta biyo baya. A cikin motsin gyara na Millerites, mutuwar tsarin papanci a shekara ta 1798 ce, sannan mutuwar shugaban Kirista ta biyo baya a shekara ta 1799. A cikin motsin gyara na mala’ika na uku, shugaban ƙasa Reagan da shugaban ƙasa Bush na farko ne, waɗanda dukansu suka wakilci shekara ta 1989. A cikin Daniyel sura ta goma, aya ta ɗaya, muna samun an bayyana sarki Sairus.

> In the third year of Cyrus king of Persia a thing was revealed unto Daniel, whose name was called Belteshazzar; and the thing was true, but the time appointed was long: and he understood the thing, and had understanding of the vision. Daniel 10:1.

> A shekara ta uku ta sarautar Sairus, sarkin Farisa, an bayyana wani abu ga Daniyel, wanda ake kira sunansa Belteshazzar; abin kuwa gaskiya ne, amma lokacin da aka ƙaddara ya yi tsawo: sai ya fahimci abin, kuma ya sami ganewa game da wahayin. Daniyel 10:1.

In the following verses of chapter ten, we see the experience of Daniel represented in advance of Gabriel delivering the vision of prophetic history in chapter eleven. Cyrus marks the time of the end, for previously Cyrus, Darius’ nephew, had been Darius’ general who slew Belshazzar, thus marking the end of the seventy years of captivity, which typified the twelve-hundred and sixty-year captivity of spiritual Israel in spiritual Babylon from 538 unto 1798.

A ayoyi na gaba na sura ta goma, muna ganin abin da Daniyel ya fuskanta an gabatar da shi tun da wuri kafin Jibra’ilu ya kawo wahayin tarihin annabci a sura ta goma sha ɗaya. Sairus yana nuna lokacin ƙarshe, domin tun da farko Sairus, ɗan ɗan’uwan Dariyus, shi ne janar na Dariyus wanda ya kashe Belshazzar, ta haka yana nuna ƙarshen shekaru saba’in na bauta, waɗanda suka kasance alamar kamanceceniya ta shekaru dubu ɗaya da ɗari biyu da sittin na bautar Isra’ila ta ruhaniya a Babila ta ruhaniya daga 538 har zuwa 1798.

> “God’s church on earth was as verily in captivity during this long period of relentless persecution as were the children of Israel held captive in Babylon during the period of the exile.” Prophets and Kings, 714.

> “Ikkilisiyar Allah a duniya hakika tana cikin bauta a lokacin wannan dogon zamani na tsanantawa marar ƙaƙƙautawa kamar yadda ’ya’yan Isra’ila suka kasance a cikin bauta a Babila a lokacin zaman gudun hijira.” Prophets and Kings, 714.

The end of the twelve hundred and sixty years in 1798, marked the time of the end, so the end of the seventy years marked the “time of the end” for that history. Both Darius and Cyrus are represented at the death of Belshazzar and end of the kingdom of Babylon, for as Darius’s general who accomplished the work, Cyrus was representing Darius. When George Bush the first was inaugurated on January 20, 1989, Reagan had been president for the first nineteen days of 1989.

Ƙarshen shekaru dubu ɗaya da ɗari biyu da sittin a shekara ta 1798 ya nuna lokacin ƙarshe; haka kuma ƙarshen shekaru saba’in ya nuna “lokacin ƙarshe” ga wancan tarihin. Duka Dariyus da Sairus an wakilta su a mutuwar Belshazzar da ƙarshen mulkin Babila, gama da yake Sairus janar ne na Dariyus wanda ya kammala aikin, Sairus yana wakiltar Dariyus ne. Sa’ad da aka rantsar da George Bush na farko a ranar 20 ga Janairu, 1989, Reagan ya riga ya kasance shugaban ƙasa a cikin kwanaki goma sha tara na farko na shekara ta 1989.

The vision of the Hiddekel began at the time of the end, in the third year of Cyrus. When Gabriel begins to unfold to Daniel the prophetic history of chapter eleven, he first references the first year of Darius, to establish clearly that the vision of prophetic history that he was about to present to Daniel begins in the last time of the end, in 1989, for all the prophets speak more of the last days than the days in which they lived.

Wahayin Hiddekel ya fara ne a lokacin ƙarshe, a shekara ta uku ta Sairus. Sa’ad da Jibra’ilu ya fara warware wa Daniyel tarihin annabci na sura ta goma sha ɗaya, sai ya fara komawa ga shekara ta fari ta Dariyus, domin ya tabbatar a sarari cewa wahayin tarihin annabci wanda yake gab da gabatar wa Daniyel yana farawa ne a ƙarshe na ƙarshe, a shekara ta 1989, gama dukan annabawa sun fi magana game da kwanakin ƙarshe fiye da kwanakin da suka rayu a cikinsu.

> But I will show thee that which is noted in the scripture of truth: and there is none that holdeth with me in these things, but Michael your prince. Also I in the first year of Darius the Mede, even I, stood to confirm and to strengthen him. Daniel 10:21, 11:1.

> Amma zan nuna maka abin da aka rubuta a littafin gaskiya: kuma babu wanda yake tsayawa tare da ni a cikin waɗannan al’amura, sai Mika’ilu, yarimanku. Ni ma, a shekara ta fari ta Dariyus Bamede, ni kuwa, na tsaya domin in tabbatar da shi, in kuma ƙarfafa shi. Daniel 10:21, 11:1.

In the first year of Darius, which represents the time of the end in 1989, Gabriel “stood”, thus identifying that at a “time of the end”, an angel arrives. In 1798 the first angel arrived, and in 1989, the third angel arrived. It wasn’t until the message of the third angel was empowered in 2001 that the sealing of the third angel began, but the movement of the third angel arriving in 1989, is represented by Gabriel standing at the time of the end. Gabriel is going to show Daniel “that which is noted in the scripture of truth,” and the vision of the Hiddekel possesses the signature of “Truth,” which Gabriel is about to set forth.

A cikin shekara ta fari ta Dāriyus, wadda ke wakiltar lokacin ƙarshe a 1989, Jibra’ilu ya “tsaya”, ta haka yana bayyana cewa a “lokacin ƙarshe”, mala’ika yana zuwa. A 1798 mala’ika na fari ya zo, kuma a 1989, mala’ika na uku ya zo. Sai da saƙon mala’ika na uku ya sami ƙarfi a 2001 ne aka fara hatimcewar mala’ika na uku, amma motsin zuwan mala’ika na uku a 1989, ana wakiltarsa da Jibra’ilu yana tsaye a lokacin ƙarshe. Jibra’ilu zai nuna wa Daniyel “abin da aka rubuta a cikin littafin gaskiya,” kuma wahayin Hiddekel yana ɗauke da alamar “Gaskiya,” wadda Jibra’ilu yake gab da bayyana.

In verse fourteen of chapter ten Gabriel had already informed Daniel that what he was addressing in the vision of the Hiddekel was “what would happen to God’s people in the last days.”

A aya ta goma sha huɗu ta sura ta goma, tuni Jibra’ilu ya sanar da Daniyel cewa abin da yake magana a kai cikin wahayin Hiddekel shi ne “abin da zai faru da mutanen Allah a cikin kwanaki na ƙarshe.”

> Now I am come to make thee understand what shall befall thy people in the latter days: for yet the vision is for many days. Daniel 10:14.

> Yanzu na zo domin in sa ka fahimci abin da zai auku wa mutanenka a kwanaki na ƙarshe: gama wahayin har na sauran kwanaki masu yawa ne. Daniyel 10:14.

Verse two of Daniel chapter eleven represents the knowledge that was unsealed at the time of the end in 1989, and which identifies what “shall befall” God’s people “in the latter days”.

Aya ta biyu ta Daniyel sura ta goma sha ɗaya tana wakiltar sanin da aka buɗe a lokacin ƙarshe a shekara ta 1989, wanda kuma yake bayyana abin da “zai sami” mutanen Allah “a kwanaki na ƙarshe”.

> And now will I show thee the truth. Behold, there shall stand up yet three kings in Persia; and the fourth shall be far richer than they all: and by his strength through his riches he shall stir up all against the realm of Grecia. Daniel 11:2.

> Yanzu kuma zan nuna maka gaskiya. Ga shi, har yanzu sarakuna uku za su taso a Farisa; na huɗu kuwa zai fi su duka arziki ƙwarai; kuma ta wurin ƙarfinsa da dukiyarsa zai tayar da kowa gaba da mulkin Girka. Daniyel 11:2.

Cyrus prefigures the second king since 1989. He is the king of the Medo-Persian Empire, which represents the kingdom of Bible prophecy in the last days that is made up of two horns, represented by the Medes and the Persians. After the second king of the kingdom of the two-horned earth beast at the time of the end in 1989, there would yet be three kings (Clinton, Bush the last, Obama), and then there would be a king that was far richer than they all were. The three kings that followed Bush the first, got wealthy after their presidencies, and only because they had become president. Trump, the fourth that was far richer, and was the wealthiest president ever, did not make his money because he had been president, but primarily through his work in real estate investments, well before he ran for president.

Sairus yana nuna alama tun da farko ga sarki na biyu tun daga 1989. Shi ne sarkin Daular Mediya da Farisa, wadda take wakiltar masarautar annabcin Littafi Mai Tsarki a kwanaki na ƙarshe da ta ƙunshi ƙaho biyu, waɗanda Mediyawa da Farisawa suke wakilta. Bayan sarki na biyu na masarautar dabbar ƙasa mai ƙaho biyu a lokacin ƙarshe a shekara ta 1989, har yanzu za a sami sarakuna uku (Clinton, Bush na ƙarshe, Obama), sa’an nan kuma za a sami wani sarki wanda ya fi su duka arziki sosai. Sarakuna ukun da suka bi bayan Bush na farko, sun arzuta bayan shugabancinsu, kuma saboda kawai sun zama shugaban ƙasa. Trump, na huɗu wanda ya fi su duka arziki ƙwarai, kuma shi ne shugaban ƙasa mafi arziki da aka taɓa samu, bai sami kuɗinsa ba domin ya kasance shugaban ƙasa, amma da farko ta wurin aikinsa a zuba jari na gidaje, tun kafin ya tsaya takarar shugaban ƙasa.

Formerly the richest president in American history, relatively speaking, was the first president of the United States. Prior to Donald Trump, George Washington was the richest president in American history, and he made his money as did Donald Trump, through real estate investments. Both Washington and Trump came to the presidency from non-traditional political backgrounds. Washington was primarily a military leader before becoming president, and Trump was a businessman and television personality, who like unto Washington was without any prior political experience.

A dā, idan aka yi la’akari da yanayin zamani, shugaban ƙasar da ya fi kowa arziki a tarihin Amurka shi ne shugaban ƙasa na farko na Amurka. Kafin Donald Trump, George Washington ne shugaban ƙasar da ya fi kowa arziki a tarihin Amurka, kuma ya tara dukiyarsa kamar yadda Donald Trump ya yi, ta wajen zuba jari a harkokin gidaje. Dukansu Washington da Trump sun zo ga shugabancin ƙasa daga guraben siyasa marasa al’ada. Washington a farko jagoran soja ne kafin ya zama shugaban ƙasa, kuma Trump ɗan kasuwa ne kuma fitaccen mutum a talabijin, wanda, kamar Washington, bai taɓa samun wani gogewa a siyasa ba.

Both presidents were known for their strong personalities and leadership styles, although they manifested these traits quite differently. Washington was known for his stoic, calm, and confident leadership and unifying presence during the Revolutionary War and the early years of the Republic, while Trump is known for his assertive approach to leadership and governance. Both Washington and Trump were figures of significant controversy, albeit for very different reasons. Washington, while widely revered, faced criticism during his time for various issues, including his views on slavery. Trump’s presidency was marked by numerous controversies, including his use of “mean tweets” on social media, his America-first policy decisions, and his own self-awareness.

Dukkanin shugabannin ƙasashen biyu an san su da ƙaƙƙarfan halayyarsu da salon jagoranci, ko da yake sun bayyana waɗannan siffofi ta hanyoyi masu matuƙar bambanci. An san Washington da jagoranci mai juriyar zuciya, natsuwa, da amincewa da kai, tare da kasancewarsa abin haɗin kai a lokacin Yaƙin Juyin Juya Hali da kuma a farkon shekarun Jamhuriya, alhali kuwa an san Trump da salon jagoranci da gudanar da mulki mai tsayayyiyar magana da ƙarfi. Dukansu, Washington da Trump, sun kasance mutane masu jawo muhawara mai yawa, ko da yake saboda dalilai mabambanta ƙwarai. Washington, ko da yake ana girmama shi ƙwarai, ya fuskanci suka a zamaninsa kan batutuwa dabam-dabam, ciki har da ra’ayoyinsa game da bautar mutane. Shugabancin Trump ya kasance cike da muhawarori masu yawa, ciki har da amfani da “munanan tweets” a kafafen sada zumunta, matakan manufofinsa na sa Amurka a gaba, da kuma wayewarsa game da kansa.

The richest and sixth president was to stir up the globalist dragon powers. When we lay the history of verse two of chapter eleven, upon the history of the period of 1776, 1789, and 1798, we find further information addressing the last president of the earth beast, for Jesus illustrates the end with the beginning. The first two periods represented by 1776, and 1789, provide two witnesses that the final president, will be the eighth president, who was of the seven. Trump was the sixth president after Reagan, and as the eighth president, he will be “of the seven”. The final, and eighth president will rule when the United States forms the image “to and of” the beast.

Shugaban ƙasa na shida kuma mafi arziki zai tā da ikon dodannin duniya-guda. Sa’ad da muka ɗora tarihin aya ta biyu ta sura ta goma sha ɗaya a kan tarihin zamanan 1776, 1789, da 1798, muna samun ƙarin bayani da yake magana game da shugaban ƙasa na ƙarshe na dabbar ƙasa, gama Yesu yana kwatanta ƙarshe da farko. Lokuta biyu na farko da 1776 da 1789 suke wakilta suna ba da shaidu biyu cewa shugaban ƙasa na ƙarshe zai zama shugaban ƙasa na takwas, wanda ya fito daga cikin bakwai ɗin. Trump shi ne shugaban ƙasa na shida bayan Reagan, kuma a matsayin shugaban ƙasa na takwas, zai kasance “na cikin bakwai ɗin”. Shugaban ƙasa na ƙarshe, wato na takwas, zai yi mulki sa’ad da Amurka za ta kafa siffar “ga kuma ta” dabbar.

The president who rules when the image of the beast is formed by the United States, must be the eighth, that is of the seven, as witnessed to by Peyton Randolph, and John Hancock. The papacy is the eighth head that was of the seven, and it received a prophetic deadly wound. To be an image of the papacy, the eighth president that is of the seven, must also have a prophetic identification of being prophetically “wounded” or “killed”.

Shugaban ƙasar da yake mulki sa’ad da Amurka ta ƙirƙiri siffar dabbar, dole ne ya zama na takwas, wato wanda yake daga cikin bakwai ɗin nan, kamar yadda Peyton Randolph da John Hancock suka shaida. Paparoma shi ne kai na takwas wanda yake daga cikin bakwai ɗin, kuma ya karɓi mummunan rauni na annabci. Domin ya zama siffar papacy, shugaban ƙasa na takwas wanda yake daga cikin bakwai ɗin, dole ne shi ma ya kasance yana da gano na annabci na kasancewa an “ji masa rauni” ko an “kashe shi” a annabce.

The papacy received its deadly wound from a dragon power (France), a dragon power who the papacy had been struggling against since the time when Paul identified that, the mystery of iniquity (the man of sin), did already work at that time. The dragon of paganism was restraining the papacy from taking the throne, which it did in 538.

Fafaroma ta karɓi mummunan rauninta mai mutuwa daga ikon maciji (Faransa), ikon maciji wanda Fafaroma ta daɗe tana fama da shi tun daga lokacin da Bulus ya nuna cewa asirin mugunta (mutumin zunubi) ya riga ya fara aiki tun a wancan lokaci. Macijin arna yana hana Fafaroma hawa karagar mulki, abin da ta yi a shekara ta 538.

From the beginning of the papacy unto its final demise it struggles against dragon powers. An image of the papacy requires that the image struggles with a dragon power. In Revelation seventeen the papacy, who is the eighth head, that is of the seven heads, is ultimately burned with fire and her flesh is eaten by the ten kings. In both deaths (1798 and the last days), the papal beast is killed by a dragon power. In order for the United States to form an image of the beast, the eighth president would also need to be killed by a dragon power that it was at war with, and the sixth king after the time of the end in 1989, is the king that stirred up all the dragon powers.

Tun daga farkon mulkin papanci har zuwa hallakarsa ta ƙarshe, yana ta gwagwarmaya da ikon dodon. Siffar papanci tana bukatar cewa wannan siffar ma ta yi gwagwarmaya da ikon dodon. A Ru’ya ta Yohanna sura ta goma sha bakwai, papanci, wanda shi ne kai na takwas, wanda kuma yake daga cikin kawuna bakwai, a ƙarshe za a ƙone shi da wuta, kuma sarakuna goma za su ci naman jikinta. A cikin mutuwowin biyu nan (1798 da kwanaki na ƙarshe), ikon dabbar papanci ikon dodon ne yake kashewa. Domin Amurka ta kafa siffar dabbar, dole ne shugaban ƙasa na takwas shi ma ikon dodon da yake yaƙi da shi ya kashe shi, kuma sarki na shida bayan lokacin ƙarshe a 1989 shi ne sarkin da ya tayar da dukan ikokin dodon.

Ronald Reagan was an apostate Protestant, but George Bush the first, was a classic globalist. One of his famous quotes is where he lied by saying, on August 18, 1988, “And I’m the one who will not raise taxes. My opponent now says he’ll raise them as a last resort, or a third resort. But when a politician talks like that, you know that’s one resort he’ll be checking into. My opponent won’t rule out raising taxes. But I will. And the Congress will push me to raise taxes and I’ll say no. And they’ll push, and I’ll say no, and they’ll push again, and all I can say to them is: read my lips: no new taxes.”

Ronald Reagan ɗan Furotesta ne mai ridda, amma George Bush na farko kuwa, cikakken ɗan tutar tsarin duniya ne. Ɗaya daga cikin shahararrun maganganunsa shi ne inda ya yi ƙarya da cewa, a ranar 18 ga Agusta, 1988, “Kuma ni ne wanda ba zai ƙara haraji ba. Abokin takarata yanzu ya ce zai ƙara su ne a matsayin mafita ta ƙarshe, ko kuma mafita ta uku. Amma idan ɗan siyasa ya yi magana haka, ka san cewa wannan mafita ce da zai koma gare ta. Abokin takarata bai kawar da yiwuwar ƙara haraji ba. Amma ni zan kawar da ita. Kuma Majalisa za ta matsa mini in ƙara haraji, ni kuma zan ce a’a. Za su matsa, ni kuma zan ce a’a, za su kuma sake matsawa, kuma abin da zan iya faɗa musu kawai shi ne: ku karanta leɓunana: babu sabon haraji.”

Other than that public lie, which is an attribute of a representative of the dragon power, his most famous quote was at a joint session of Congress on September 11, 1990, where he said, “Now, we can see a new world coming into view. A world in which there is the very real prospect of a new world order. In the words of Winston Churchill, a ‘world order’ in which ‘the principles of justice and fair play … protect the weak against the strong …’ A world where the United Nations, freed from cold war stalemate, is poised to fulfill the historic vision of its founders.” Bush the senior was a globalist, even if he identified as a Republican.

Baya ga waccan ƙaryar da aka yi a bainar jama’a, wadda take ɗaya daga cikin halayen wakilin ikon macijin, shahararriyar maganarsa ita ce wadda ya furta a zaman haɗin gwiwa na Majalisar Dokoki a ranar 11 ga Satumba, 1990, inda ya ce, “Yanzu, za mu iya ganin wata sabuwar duniya tana bayyana a gani. Duniya wadda a cikinta akwai tabbatacciyar damar wani sabon tsarin duniya. A cikin kalaman Winston Churchill, ‘tsarin duniya’ ne wanda a cikinsa ‘ka’idojin adalci da wasa na gaskiya … suke kāre masu rauni daga masu ƙarfi …’ Duniya inda Majalisar Ɗinkin Duniya, wadda aka kuɓutar daga tsayawar daka ta yaƙin cacar-baka, take shirin cika hangen nesa na tarihi na waɗanda suka kafa ta.” Bush babba ɗan ra’ayin duniya ɗaya ne, ko da yake ya bayyana kansa a matsayin ɗan jam’iyyar Republican.

Bill Clinton was the first president to hold his inauguration ceremony at the Lincoln Memorial, which means he turned his back to Lincoln and faced the obelisk of Washington’s monument, an obelisk that is internally filled with symbols of Freemasonry. Both the obelisk and the symbols of Freemasonry he chose to face as he falsely swore his allegiance to the Constitution, represented not only that he had turned his back upon the anti-slavery symbol of the Lincoln Memorial, but Clintons’ chosen historic positioning, agrees with his acceptance speech, where he praised a professor whom he had studied under in the Jesuit University that he had attended.

Bill Clinton shi ne shugaban ƙasa na farko da ya gudanar da bikin rantsar da shi a Lincoln Memorial, abin da ke nufin ya juya wa Lincoln baya ya fuskanci obelisk na abin tunawa ga Washington, wani obelisk da cikinsa yake cike da alamomin Freemasonry. Duka obelisk ɗin da kuma alamomin Freemasonry ɗin da ya zaɓa ya fuskanta sa’ad da ya yi rantsuwar mubaya’arsa ga Kundin Tsarin Mulki ta ƙarya, ba wai kawai sun nuna cewa ya juya wa alamar adawa da bauta ta Lincoln Memorial baya ba ne, amma matsayin tarihin da Clinton ya zaɓa ya kuma dace da jawabin karɓuwarsa, inda ya yabi wani farfesa wanda ya yi karatu a ƙarƙashinsa a Jami’ar Jesuit da ya halarta.

That professor, Carroll Quigley, wrote the book: Tragedy and Hope: A History of the World in Our Time, which was published in 1966, and is correctly and widely understood to represent “the Bible for globalist ideas”. As the Koran is to Islam, and as Morals and Dogma of the Ancient and Accepted Scottish Rite of Freemasonry, written by Albert Pike, and published in 1871, is considered the most comprehensive exposition of the esoteric teachings of Freemasonry; or as The Book of Mormon is to the Latter Day Saints, Quigley’s book is the Bible of globalist philosophy. Most would have known if Clinton praised Mohammed of the Koran, or if he praised Joseph Smith of The Book of Mormon, and some would have known who Albert Pike was, but few knew that Clinton’s praise of Quigley was consistent with his own globalist agenda, and his rejection of the principles represented by Abraham Lincoln.

Wancan farfesa, Carroll Quigley, ya rubuta littafin nan: Tragedy and Hope: A History of the World in Our Time, wanda aka buga a shekara ta 1966, kuma ana fahimtarsa daidai kuma a ko’ina a matsayin mai wakiltar “Littafi Mai Tsarki na ra’ayoyin masu neman tsarin duniya guda.” Kamar yadda Alƙur’ani yake ga Musulunci, kuma kamar yadda Morals and Dogma of the Ancient and Accepted Scottish Rite of Freemasonry, wanda Albert Pike ya rubuta, kuma aka buga a shekara ta 1871, ake ɗauka a matsayin mafi cikar bayani na koyarwar ɓoye ta Freemasonry; ko kuma kamar yadda The Book of Mormon yake ga Latter Day Saints, haka littafin Quigley yake matsayin Littafi Mai Tsarki na falsafar masu neman tsarin duniya guda. Da yawa za su san idan Clinton ya yabi Muhammadu na Alƙur’ani, ko kuwa idan ya yabi Joseph Smith na The Book of Mormon, kuma wasu za su san ko wanene Albert Pike, amma kaɗan ne suka san cewa yabon da Clinton ya yi wa Quigley ya yi daidai da ajandarsa ta neman tsarin duniya guda, da kuma ƙin amincewarsa da ƙa’idodin da Ibrahim Lincoln yake wakilta.

In the speech, Clinton said: “As a teenager, I heard John Kennedy’s summons to citizenship. And then, as a student at Georgetown, I heard that call clarified by a professor named Carroll Quigley, who said to us that America was the greatest nation in history because our people have always believed in two things: that tomorrow can be better than today and that every one of us has a personal moral responsibility to make it so.” Carroll Quigley’s idea on how to “make America great again”, was for the United States to surrender its national sovereignty to the United Nations. Clinton was a Democrat, globalist, representative of the dragon.

A cikin jawabin, Clinton ya ce: “Sa’ad da nake matashi, na ji kiran John Kennedy zuwa ɗan ƙasa nagari. Sa’an nan kuma, a matsayina na ɗalibi a Georgetown, na ji an ƙara fayyace wannan kira ta bakin wani farfesa mai suna Carroll Quigley, wanda ya gaya mana cewa Amurka ita ce ƙasa mafi girma a tarihin duniya domin mutanenmu kullum sun yi imani da abubuwa biyu: cewa gobe za ta iya fi yau kyau, kuma cewa kowannenmu yana da alhakin ɗabi’a na kansa ya tabbatar da haka.” Ra’ayin Carroll Quigley game da yadda za a “sake mai da Amurka babba”, shi ne Amurka ta mika ikon mulkinta na ƙasa ga Majalisar Ɗinkin Duniya. Clinton ɗan Democrat ne, mai ra’ayin duniya-ɗaya, wakilin macijin.

“Like father, like son”, George Bush the last, was a globalist, and just as was his father, a globalist who professed to be Republican. The apple does not fall far from the tree. The Bible raises the rhetorical question, “Can two walk together, except they be agreed?” One simply needs to track the many enterprises that Bush the last, accomplished together with Bill and Hillary Clinton to see who Bush the last agreed with.

“Kamar uba, kamar ɗa”, George Bush na ƙarshe, ɗan duniya ne, kuma kamar yadda ubansa ya kasance, ɗan duniya ne wanda yake ikirarin kasancewa ɗan jam’iyyar Republican. Ɗan itace ba ya faɗuwa da nisa da itacensa. Littafi Mai Tsarki ya tayar da tambaya mai ma’ana, “Mutum biyu za su iya tafiya tare, sai fa in sun yi jituwa?” Abin da mutum yake bukata kawai shi ne ya bi diddigin ayyuka masu yawa da Bush na ƙarshe ya gudanar tare da Bill da Hillary Clinton domin ya ga da wa Bush na ƙarshe ya yi jituwa.

Barack Hussein Obama made a statement about fundamentally transforming the United States during a campaign rally shortly before he was elected as President. On October 30, 2008, in Columbia, Missouri, Obama said: “We are five days away from fundamentally transforming the United States of America.” The statement was part of Obama’s broader message of “hope and change”, which was a central theme of his 2008 presidential campaign, emphasizing his commitment to significant policy reforms and a different direction for the country. The direction he turned the country was into the dragon policies of globalism, anti-white, pro-abortion, anti-carbon fuels, anti-America pro-globalism, Diversity, Equity, Inclusion, the false history of Critical Race Theory, and on and on. Obama was not simply a community organizer; he was and still is a representative of the dragon power’s globalist agenda.

Barack Hussein Obama ya yi wani furuci game da sauya Amurka gaba ɗaya a lokacin wani gangamin yaƙin neman zaɓe jim kaɗan kafin a zaɓe shi Shugaban Ƙasa. A ranar 30 ga Oktoba, 2008, a Columbia, Missouri, Obama ya ce: “Mun rage kwanaki biyar kacal kafin mu sauya Tarayyar Amurka gaba ɗaya.” Wannan furuci wani ɓangare ne na saƙon Obama mafi faɗi na “bege da canji,” wanda ya kasance muhimmin jigo na yaƙin neman zaɓensa na shugabancin ƙasa na 2008, yana jaddada jajircewarsa ga manyan gyare-gyaren manufofi da kuma wata sabuwar alkibla ta daban ga ƙasar. Alkiblar da ya karkatar da ƙasar zuwa gare ta ita ce manufofin dodon na duniya-ɗaya: masu adawa da fararen fata, masu goyon bayan zubar da ciki, masu adawa da makamashin carbon, masu adawa da Amurka amma masu goyon bayan duniya-ɗaya, Bambance-bambance, Daidaito, Haɗawa, tarihin ƙarya na Ka’idar Tsattsaurar Fahimtar Kabilanci, da dai sauransu ba ƙarewa. Obama ba kawai mai shirya al’umma ba ne; ya kasance kuma har yanzu wakili ne na ajandar duniya-ɗaya ta ikon dodon.

Trump however, unlike a typical modern politician, kept more promises than all the other seven presidents in the period beginning in 1989, combined. He was committed to making America great again, and in so attempting, he stirred up the globalist powers that be, not only in the United States, but in the entire world.

Sai dai Trump, ba kamar ɗan siyasa na zamani na yau da kullum ba, ya cika alkawura fiye da sauran shugabanni bakwai duka a tsawon lokacin da ya fara daga 1989, idan aka haɗa su wuri guda. Ya jajirce wajen sake mai da Amurka babba, kuma a cikin ƙoƙarinsa na yin haka, ya tunzura ikon-ikon masu kishin tsarin duniya da ke mulki, ba a cikin Amurka kaɗai ba, amma a cikin dukan duniya.

Joe Biden has no evidence whatsoever that he is anything other than another globalist.

Joe Biden ba shi da ko wata hujja kwata-kwata da ta nuna cewa shi wani abu ne dabam face wani ɗan duniya-ɗaya.

The beast of Catholicism waged a long-drawn-out war with the dragon powers, and the president that is reigning when the United States forms an image of the papacy, will, of prophetic necessity, be in a struggle with the dragon powers. None of the living presidents, other than Donald Trump, would wage war with the dragon powers, for the Democrats are openly globalist (dragons), and George Bush the last, was, as his father was (a professed Republican, that is actually a globalist dragon), for Jesus always illustrates the last with the first.

Dabbarar Katolika ya yi dogon yaƙi mai jan lokaci da ikonin maciji, kuma shugaban ƙasa wanda yake mulki sa’ad da Amurka za ta kafa siffar papanci, bisa ga larurar annabci, zai kasance cikin fafatawa da ikonin maciji. Babu wani daga cikin shugabannin ƙasa masu rai, in ban da Donald Trump, da zai yi yaƙi da ikonin maciji; gama ‘yan Democrat a fili masu kishin duniya ne (macizai), kuma George Bush na ƙarshe ya kasance, kamar yadda mahaifinsa ya kasance (ɗan Republican a furuci, amma a zahiri macijin mai kishin duniya ne), domin Yesu kullum yana kwatanta na ƙarshe da na farko.

We will continue this study in the next article.

Za mu ci gaba da wannan nazarin a talifi na gaba.

> “A great crisis awaits the people of God. A crisis awaits the world. The most momentous struggle of all the ages is just before us. Events which for more than forty years we have upon the authority of the prophetic word declared to be impending are now taking place before our eyes. Already the question of an amendment to the Constitution restricting liberty of conscience has been urged upon the legislators of the nation. The question of enforcing Sunday observance has become one of national interest and importance. We well know what the result of this movement will be. But are we ready for the issue? Have we faithfully discharged the duty which God has committed to us of giving the people warning of the danger before them?

> “Babban rikici yana jiran mutanen Allah. Rikici yana jiran duniya. Mafi girman gwagwarmaya cikin dukan zamanai yana gab da aukuwa a gabanmu. Abubuwan da tun fiye da shekaru arba’in muka, bisa ga ikon kalmar annabci, bayyana cewa suna gabatowa, yanzu suna faruwa a gaban idanunmu. Tuni an gabatar wa ’yan majalisar ƙasar batun yin gyara ga Kundin Tsarin Mulki wanda zai takaita ’yancin lamiri. Batun tilasta kiyaye ranar Lahadi ya zama abu mai jan hankalin ƙasa da kuma muhimmanci. Mun sani sarai abin da sakamakon wannan yunƙuri zai kasance. Amma shin muna shirye domin abin da zai biyo baya? Shin mun cika aikin da Allah ya ɗora mana na gargaɗar da mutane game da hatsarin da ke gabansu da aminci?”

> “There are many, even of those engaged in this movement for Sunday enforcement, who are blinded to the results which will follow this action. They do not see that they are striking directly against religious liberty. There are many who have never understood the claims of the Bible Sabbath and the false foundation upon which the Sunday institution rests. Any movement in favor of religious legislation is really an act of concession to the papacy, which for so many ages has steadily warred against liberty of conscience. Sunday observance owes its existence as a so-called Christian institution to ‘the mystery of iniquity;’ and its enforcement will be a virtual recognition of the principles which are the very cornerstone of Romanism. When our nation shall so abjure the principles of its government as to enact a Sunday law, Protestantism will in this act join hands with popery; it will be nothing else than giving life to the tyranny which has long been eagerly watching its opportunity to spring again into active despotism.

> “Akwai mutane da yawa, har ma cikin waɗanda suke da hannu a cikin wannan yunƙuri na tilasta kiyaye Lahadi, waɗanda aka makantar da su ga sakamakon da zai biyo bayan wannan mataki. Ba sa ganin cewa suna kai wa ’yancin addini hari kai tsaye. Akwai mutane da yawa waɗanda ba su taɓa fahimtar da’awar Asabar ta Littafi Mai Tsarki ba da kuma tushen ƙarya da hukuncin kiyaye Lahadi ya dogara a kai. Duk wani yunƙuri na goyon bayan dokokin addini, a zahiri aiki ne na yin sassauci ga papanci, wanda cikin ƙarnuka masu yawa ya ci gaba da yaƙi da ’yancin lamiri ba ƙaƙƙautawa. Kiyaye Lahadi yana bin wanzuwarsa a matsayin abin da ake kira hukuncin Kiristanci ga ‘asirin mugunta;’ kuma tilasta shi zai zama ainihin amincewa da ƙa’idodin da su ne ainihin ginshiƙin Romanism. Sa’ad da ƙasarmu za ta yi irin wannan watsi da ƙa’idodin mulkinta har ta kafa dokar Lahadi, Furotesta a cikin wannan aiki za su haɗa hannu da papanci; wannan ba zai zama kome ba face ba da rai ga zaluncin da ya daɗe yana jiran damarsa da ƙwazo domin ya sake kutso kai cikin mulkin danniya a aikace.”

> “The National Reform movement, exercising the power of religious legislation, will, when fully developed, manifest the same intolerance and oppression that have prevailed in past ages. Human councils then assumed the prerogatives of Deity, crushing under their despotic power liberty of conscience; and imprisonment, exile, and death followed for those who opposed their dictates. If popery or its principles shall again be legislated into power, the fires of persecution will be rekindled against those who will not sacrifice conscience and the truth in deference to popular errors. This evil is on the point of realization.

> “Yunkurin Gyaran Ƙasa, wanda yake aiwatar da ikon kafa dokokin addini, idan ya cika girma sosai, zai bayyanar da irin wannan rashin haƙuri da danniya da suka mamaye zamanan da suka shige. A wancan lokaci majalisun mutane suka ƙwace haƙƙoƙin Allahntaka, suna murƙushe ’yancin lamiri a ƙarƙashin ikonsu na kama-karya; kuma ɗauri, gudun hijira, da mutuwa suka biyo baya ga waɗanda suka yi hamayya da umarninsu. Idan Papanci ko kuma ƙa’idodinsa za su sāke samun ikon doka, wutar tsanantawa za a sāke kunna ta a kan waɗanda ba za su miƙa lamirinsu da gaskiya hadaya ba saboda girmama kurakuran jama’a. Wannan mugunta tana gab da tabbata.”

> “When God has given us light showing the dangers before us, how can we stand clear in His sight if we neglect to put forth every effort in our power to bring it before the people? Can we be content to leave them to meet this momentous issue unwarned?” Testimonies, volume 5, 711, 712.

> “Sa’ad da Allah ya ba mu haske yana nuna mana hatsarorin da suke gabanmu, ta yaya za mu tsaya marasa laifi a gabansa idan muka yi sakaci mu kasa yin kowane ƙoƙari da yake cikin ikonmu domin mu gabatar da wannan a gaban jama’a? Za mu iya yarda mu bar su su fuskanci wannan al’amari mai girma ba tare da an yi musu gargaɗi ba?” Testimonies, juzu’i na 5, 711, 712.

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