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# The Book of Daniel - Number One-Hundred and Sixty-Six

Littafin Daniyel - Lamba ɗari da sittin da shida

Unraveling Prophecy: The French Revolution, Putin’s Russia, and the Ukrainian Conflict

Bayyana Asirin Annabci: Juyin Juya Halin Faransa, Rasha ta Putin, da Rikicin Yukiren

Author

Jeff Pippenger

Published

March 29, 2024

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As we begin to consider the typification of the time of the end in 1989, by the prophetic history of verse ten, it is necessary to drop back into the history of the third generation of both horns of the earth beast. In 1913, the earth beast’s horn of Republicanism began its generation of compromise with the globalist banking system, and in 1919, the horn of true Protestantism began its generation of compromise with the theologians of apostate Protestantism and also the American Medical Association as it surrendered the accreditation of its educational system to the world. Both horns began a compromised relationship with the world that would change the direction of their respective messages from that point onward.

Yayin da muka fara la’akari da wakilcin zamani na ƙarshen a shekara ta 1989, ta wurin tarihin annabci na aya ta goma, ya zama wajibi mu koma baya cikin tarihin tsara ta uku na ƙahonai biyu na dabbar ƙasa. A shekara ta 1913, ƙahon dabbar ƙasa na Republicanism ya fara tsara ta na sulhu da tsarin banki na duniya, kuma a shekara ta 1919, ƙahon gaskatacciyar Furotestantanci ya fara tsara ta na sulhu da masana tauhidi na karkatacciyar Furotestantanci da kuma Ƙungiyar Likitocin Amirka, sa’ad da ya miƙa amincewa da tsarin iliminsa ga duniya. Dukan ƙahonan biyu sun fara wata alaƙa ta sulhu da duniya wadda za ta canja alkiblar saƙonninsu daban-daban tun daga wannan lokaci zuwa gaba.

In that history the starting point for the king of the north, and the king of the south of the last days also reached a turning point. The Miracle of Fatima occurred on October 13, 1917, in Fatima, Portugal. It was the culmination of a series of Marian apparitions witnessed by three young shepherd children: Lucia dos Santos and her cousins Francisco and Jacinta Marto. According to the accounts provided by the children, the Virgin Mary, identified as Our Lady of Fatima, appeared to them on the 13th day of each month from May to October 1917.

A cikin wannan tarihi, mafarin sarkin arewa ya kai wani muhimmin juyi, haka kuma sarkin kudu na kwanakin ƙarshe ya kai wani muhimmin juyi. Mu’ujizar Fatima ta faru a ranar 13 ga Oktoba, 1917, a Fatima, Portugal. Ita ce kololuwar jerin bayyanuwar Maryamu da yara makiyaya uku ƙanana suka gani: Lucia dos Santos da ‘yan uwanta Francisco da Jacinta Marto. Bisa ga bayanan da yaran suka bayar, Budurwa Maryamu, wadda aka bayyana a matsayin Uwargidanmu ta Fatima, ta bayyana gare su a ranar 13 ga kowane wata daga Mayu zuwa Oktoba 1917.

During the final apparition on October 13, 1917, tens of thousands of people gathered at the Cova da Iria, near Fatima, expecting to witness a miracle as predicted by the children. According to the witnesses, the sun appeared to change colors, spin, and dance in the sky. This event came to be known as the Miracle of the Sun or the Miracle of Fatima.

A lokacin bayyanar ta ƙarshe a ranar 13 ga Oktoba, 1917, dubban mutane masu yawa sun taru a Cova da Iria, kusa da Fatima, suna sa ran su shaida wata mu’ujiza kamar yadda yaran suka annabta. Bisa ga shaidar waɗanda suka gani, rana ta bayyana kamar tana sauya launuka, tana juyawa, kuma tana rawa a sararin sama. Wannan lamari ya zama sananne da sunan Mu’ujizar Rana ko Mu’ujizar Fatima.

The Miracle of Fatima is a significant event in Catholic history and devotion, and it has been the subject of much study, debate, and religious interpretation over the years. The events at Fatima have had a lasting impact on popular piety, Marian devotion, and the interpretation of apocalyptic themes within the Catholic Church.

Mu’ujizar Fátima wani muhimmin al’amari ne a tarihin Katolika da kuma ibadarta, kuma a tsawon shekaru ta kasance batun nazari mai yawa, muhawara, da fassarar addini. Abubuwan da suka faru a Fátima sun yi tasiri mai ɗorewa a kan ibadar jama’a, biyayya ga Maryamu, da kuma fassarar jigogin apokaliptik a cikin Cocin Katolika.

The Bolshevik Revolution occurred in Russia on November 7, 1917, when Bolshevik forces, led by Vladimir Lenin and the Bolshevik Party, seized key government buildings and infrastructure in Petrograd (now Saint Petersburg). This event marked the culmination of the Russian Revolution of 1917, which had begun with the February Revolution earlier in the year that led to the abdication of Tsar Nicholas II and the establishment of a provisional government.

Juyin Juya Halin Bolshevik ya faru a Rasha a ranar 7 ga Nuwamba, 1917, sa’ad da sojojin Bolshevik, ƙarƙashin jagorancin Vladimir Lenin da Jam’iyyar Bolshevik, suka ƙwace muhimman gine-ginen gwamnati da ababen more rayuwa a Petrograd (wanda yanzu ake kira Saint Petersburg). Wannan lamari ya nuna cikar Juyin Juya Halin Rasha na shekarar 1917, wanda ya fara ne da Juyin Juya Halin Fabrairu tun da fari a cikin wannan shekara, wanda ya kai ga saukar Tsar Nicholas II daga mulki da kuma kafa gwamnatin wucin gadi.

During the Revolution, the Bolsheviks successfully overthrew the provisional government and established Soviet control over Russia. The Bolsheviks proclaimed the establishment of a socialist state and began implementing their revolutionary program, including the nationalization of industry, land redistribution, and the withdrawal of Russia from World War I. The October Revolution ultimately led to the creation of the Soviet Union and had profound and far-reaching consequences for Russia and the world, shaping the course of 20th-century history.

A lokacin Juyin Juya Halin, Bolsheviks sun yi nasarar kifar da gwamnatin wucin gadi tare da kafa ikon Soviet a kan Rasha. Bolsheviks sun shelanta kafuwar ƙasar gurguzu kuma suka fara aiwatar da shirinsu na juyin juya hali, ciki har da ƙwace masana’antu su koma hannun ƙasa, sake rarraba ƙasa, da kuma fitar da Rasha daga Yaƙin Duniya na Ɗaya. A ƙarshe, Juyin Juya Halin Oktoba ya kai ga kafuwar Tarayyar Soviet kuma ya haifar da sakamako masu zurfi da nisa ga Rasha da duniya, yana tsara alkiblar tarihin ƙarni na ashirin.

Jesus illustrates the end with the beginning, and in order to fully see the king of the north and the king of the south of the last days, it is necessary to understand their beginnings. The literal kings of the south and the north that are identified in Daniel chapter eleven are defined as the power that rules the literal area of Egypt as the king of the south, and the power that rules the literal geographical area associated with Babylon as the king of the north.

Yesu ya kwatanta ƙarshe da farko, kuma domin a ga sarkin arewa da sarkin kudu na kwanaki na ƙarshe sarai, dole ne a fahimci farkonsu. Sarakunan kudu da na arewa na zahiri waɗanda aka bayyana a Daniyel sura ta goma sha ɗaya an ayyana su a matsayin ikon da yake mulkin ainihin yankin Masar a matsayin sarkin kudu, da kuma ikon da yake mulkin ainihin yankin ƙasa da ake dangantawa da Babila a matsayin sarkin arewa.

Literal prophecy transitioned to spiritual prophecy in the time of the cross, when ancient literal Israel was transitioning to modern spiritual Israel. Literal pagan Rome trampled down literal Jerusalem for three and a half literal years from 67 AD unto 70 AD, and spiritual papal Rome trampled down spiritual Jerusalem for three and a half spiritual years.

Annabci na zahiri ya sauya zuwa annabci na ruhaniya a lokacin gicciye, sa’ad da tsohuwar Isra’ila ta zahiri take sauyawa zuwa sabuwar Isra’ila ta ruhaniya. Roma ta arna ta zahiri ta tattake Urushalima ta zahiri har tsawon shekaru uku da rabi na zahiri daga 67 A.D. zuwa 70 A.D., kuma Roma ta papanci ta ruhaniya ta tattake Urushalima ta ruhaniya har tsawon shekaru uku da rabi na ruhaniya.

Spiritual Babylon is identified in Revelation chapter seventeen, as the whore who commits fornication with the kings of the earth. Spiritual Egypt is identified in Revelation chapter eleven as atheistic France. The modern manifestations of the spiritual king of the north, that received its deadly wound at the time of the end in 1798 and then retaliated against the modern manifestation of the spiritual king of the south at the time of the end in 1989, are both represented in verse forty of Daniel eleven. Both powers have their origins in their last day manifestation in the 1917 to 1918 time frame, which is the same time frame as the generation of compromise for both horns of the earth beast. Those beginnings must be recognized to rightly apply the endings. The beginnings of the last day kings of the north and south both start at the French Revolution.

An gano Babila ta ruhaniya a cikin Ru’ya ta Yohanna sura ta goma sha bakwai, a matsayin karuwar da take yin fasikanci tare da sarakunan duniya. An gano Masar ta ruhaniya a cikin Ru’ya ta Yohanna sura ta goma sha ɗaya a matsayin Faransa marar yarda da Allah. Bayyanannun siffofin zamani na sarkin arewa na ruhaniya, wanda ya karɓi mummunan rauninsa a lokacin ƙarshe a shekara ta 1798 sannan ya rama wa bayyananniyar sifar zamani ta sarkin kudu na ruhaniya a lokacin ƙarshe a shekara ta 1989, dukansu an wakilta su a aya ta arba’in ta Daniyel sura ta goma sha ɗaya. Dukkan waɗannan iko biyu sun samo asali ne, a bayyanarsu ta kwanaki na ƙarshe, a cikin zangon lokaci na 1917 zuwa 1918, wanda shi ne kuma wannan zangon lokaci na tsara ta sasantawa ga ƙahonin biyu na dabbar duniya. Dole ne a gane waɗannan farkon-farkon domin a iya aiwatar da ƙarshen yadda ya kamata. Farkon sarakunan arewa da kudu na kwanaki na ƙarshe dukansu suna farawa ne daga Juyin Juya Halin Faransa.

> “In the sixteenth century the Reformation, presenting an open Bible to the people, had sought admission to all the countries of Europe. Some nations welcomed it with gladness, as a messenger of Heaven. In other lands the papacy succeeded to a great extent in preventing its entrance; and the light of Bible knowledge, with its elevating influences, was almost wholly excluded. In one country, though the light found entrance, it was not comprehended by the darkness. For centuries, truth and error struggled for the mastery. At last the evil triumphed, and the truth of Heaven was thrust out. ‘This is the condemnation, that light is come into the world, and men loved darkness rather than light.’ John 3:19. The nation was left to reap the results of the course which she had chosen. The restraint of God’s Spirit was removed from a people that had despised the gift of His grace. Evil was permitted to come to maturity. And all the world saw the fruit of willful rejection of the light.

> “A ƙarni na sha shida, Gyaran Addini, yana gabatar wa mutane da Buɗaɗɗen Littafi Mai Tsarki, ya nemi karɓuwa a cikin dukan ƙasashen Turai. Waɗansu al’ummai suka karɓe shi da murna, kamar ɗan saƙo daga Sama. A wasu ƙasashe kuma, papanci ya yi nasara ƙwarai wajen hana shigowarsa; kuma hasken sanin Littafi Mai Tsarki, tare da tasirinsa mai ɗaukaka, an kusan kawar da shi gaba ɗaya. A wata ƙasa, ko da yake hasken ya sami shiga, duhu bai fahimce shi ba. Tsawon ƙarnuka, gaskiya da kuskure suka yi gwagwarmaya domin mallaka. A ƙarshe mugunta ta yi nasara, aka kuma korar gaskiyar Sama waje. ‘Hukuncin kuwa shi ne wannan, haske ya zo cikin duniya, mutane kuwa suka fi son duhu fiye da haske.’ Yohanna 3:19. Aka bar ƙasar ta girbi sakamakon tafarkin da ta zaɓa. An ɗauke hanawar Ruhun Allah daga kan mutanen da suka rena baiwar alherinsa. Aka yarda mugunta ta kai ga cikarta. Dukan duniya kuma ta ga ’ya’yan ƙin karɓar haske da gangan.”

> “The war against the Bible, carried forward for so many centuries in France, culminated in the scenes of the Revolution. That terrible outbreaking was but the legitimate result of Rome’s suppression of the Scriptures. It presented the most striking illustration which the world has ever witnessed of the working out of the papal policy—an illustration of the results to which for more than a thousand years the teaching of the Roman Church had been tending.

> “Yaƙin da aka yi gāba da Littafi Mai Tsarki, wanda aka ci gaba da yi tsawon ƙarnuka masu yawa a Faransa, ya kai kololuwa a cikin abubuwan da suka faru na Juyin Juya Hali. Wannan mummunan ɓarkewar ba komai ba ce sai dai sahihin sakamakon danniyar da Roma ta yi wa Nassosi. Ya ba da mafi bayyananniyar misali da duniya ta taɓa gani game da yadda manufar Paparoma take aiwatuwa—misalin sakamakon da koyarwar Cocin Roma take nufi da kaiwa zuwa gare shi fiye da shekaru dubu guda.”

> “The suppression of the Scriptures during the period of papal supremacy was foretold by the prophets; and the Revelator points also to the terrible results that were to accrue especially to France from the domination of the ‘man of sin.’” The Great Controversy, 265, 266.

> “An yi annabcin danne Nassosi a lokacin fifikon mulkin Paparoma; kuma mai Ru’ya ta Yohanna ya kuma nuna mummunan sakamakon da zai biyo baya, musamman ga Faransa, daga mamayar ‘mutumin zunubi.’” The Great Controversy, 265, 266.

The French Revolution was produced by the suppression of the Scriptures “during the period of papal supremacy.” The birth of atheism, which was to become the archenemy of the papacy, was brought about by the papacy itself. The French Revolution took place from 1789 to 1799, but the atheistic revolutionary spirit that began in France continued to spread across Europe and beyond. One-hundred eighteen years after the end of the revolution in France, the Russian Revolution began in Russia. The revolution of atheism that began in France, ended in Russia, and in 1917 Russia became the prophetic representative of the nation symbolized by the atheism of Egypt. The dragon power represented as the king of the south had migrated from France to Russia.

Juyin Juya Halin Faransa ya samo asali ne daga danne Nassosi “a lokacin rinjayar shugaban cocin Roma.” Haihuwar rashin yarda da Allah, wadda za ta zama babban maƙiyin ikon Paparoma, ikon Paparoma ne da kansa ya haifar. Juyin Juya Halin Faransa ya faru daga 1789 zuwa 1799, amma ruhin juyin juya hali na rashin yarda da Allah da ya fara a Faransa ya ci gaba da yaduwa a duk faɗin Turai har ma da ƙetare ta. Shekaru ɗari da goma sha takwas bayan ƙarshen juyin juya halin a Faransa, Juyin Juya Halin Rasha ya fara a Rasha. Juyin juya halin rashin yarda da Allah da ya fara a Faransa, ya ƙare a Rasha, kuma a 1917 Rasha ta zama wakiliyar annabci ta al’ummar da rashin yarda da Allah na Masar ya wakilta. Ikon macijin da aka wakilta a matsayin sarkin kudu ya yi ƙaura daga Faransa zuwa Rasha.

The revolution in France was represented politically and prophetically by Napoleon Bonaparte, and in that sense, Napoleon represents the first leader of a nation established in a revolution brought about by the atheism of Egypt. The narcissism of Napoleon is fitly repeated by the narcissism of Putin.

An wakilci juyin juya halin Faransa a fagen siyasa da annabci ta wurin Napoleon Bonaparte, kuma a wannan ma’ana, Napoleon yana wakiltar shugaban farko na wata al’umma da aka kafa a cikin juyin juya hali da rashin yarda da Allah na Masar ya haifar. Girman kai na son kai na Napoleon ya dace a maimaita shi ta wurin irin wannan girman kai na son kai na Putin.

Napoleon was keenly aware of the power of imagery and propaganda, as is Putin, who was a former KGB officer. The KGB specializes in propaganda. Napoleon used portraiture as a means of projecting his authority, power, and image of leadership to the public. He commissioned portraits from some of the most celebrated artists of his time, including Jacques-Louis David, Antoine-Jean Gros, and Jean-Auguste-Dominique Ingres, among others.

Napoleon yana da cikakkiyar fahimta sosai game da ikon hoton kwaikwayo da farfaganda, kamar yadda Putin ma yake da ita, wanda a da jami’in KGB ne. KGB ta ƙware a fannin farfaganda. Napoleon ya yi amfani da zanen hotuna a matsayin hanya ta nuna wa jama’a ikonsa, ƙarfinsa, da kuma kamannin jagorancinsa. Ya ba da umarnin a zana masa hotuna ga waɗansu daga cikin fitattun masu fasaha na zamaninsa, har da Jacques-Louis David, Antoine-Jean Gros, da Jean-Auguste-Dominique Ingres, da sauransu.

These portraits depicted Napoleon in various poses and settings, ranging from official state portraits to more informal scenes. They served not only as personal mementos for Napoleon himself but also as tools for spreading his image and influence both domestically and internationally. Putin has accomplished the identical work for himself, with a multitude of pictures of himself in settings that rival any of the modern influencers on the Internet.

Waɗannan hotunan fuskoki sun nuna Napoleon a cikin matsayi da muhallai dabam-dabam, tun daga hotunan hukuma na ƙasa har zuwa al’amuran da suka fi kasancewa marasa tsauri. Ba wai sun yi aiki a matsayin abubuwan tunawa na kashin kai ga Napoleon kansa kaɗai ba, amma kuma sun kasance kayan aiki na yaɗa surarsa da tasirinsa a cikin gida da kuma a matakin ƙasa da ƙasa. Putin ma ya aikata daidai wannan aiki domin kansa, tare da tarin hotunansa a muhallai da ke gogayya da na kowane irin masu tasiri na zamani a Intanet.

At the beginning of the French Revolution the king, his family and staff were overthrown and executed. At the beginning of the Russian Revolution the Czar, his family and staff were overthrown and executed. The revolution that began in France culminated in Russia. The French Revolution is the subject of the prophecy of chapter eleven of Revelation, and therefore the French Revolution is subject to the rules of prophetic interpretation. Jesus always illustrates the end of a thing with the beginning of a thing, so the Russian Revolution is the end of the French Revolution.

A farkon Juyin Juya Halin Faransa an hambarar da sarki, da iyalinsa da ma’aikatansa, aka kuma kashe su. A farkon Juyin Juya Halin Rasha an hambarar da Tsar, da iyalinsa da ma’aikatansa, aka kuma kashe su. Juyin juya halin da ya fara a Faransa ya kai ga cika a Rasha. Juyin Juya Halin Faransa shi ne batun annabcin sura ta goma sha ɗaya na Ru’ya ta Yohanna, sabili da haka Juyin Juya Halin Faransa yana ƙarƙashin ƙa’idojin fassarar annabci. Yesu kullum yana bayyana ƙarshen wani abu ta wurin farkon wani abu, saboda haka Juyin Juya Halin Rasha shi ne ƙarshen Juyin Juya Halin Faransa.

Vladimir Putin represents the last leader of a nation established in a revolution brought about with the atheism of Egypt. The first leader of Russia was Vladimir Lenin. The name “Vladimir” is of Slavic origin and is composed of two elements: “vlad” and “mir.” “Vlad” is derived from the Slavic root “vladeti,” which means “to rule” or to wield power. “Mir” means “world”. The first Vladimir (Lenin) typifies the last Vladimir (Putin), who is also typified by the first leader of the revolution of atheism (Napoleon).

Vladimir Putin yana wakiltar shugaban ƙarshe na wata al’umma da aka kafa a cikin juyin juya hali da aka kawo ta wurin rashin yarda da Allah na Masar. Shugaban farko na Rasha shi ne Vladimir Lenin. Sunan “Vladimir” na asalin Slavic ne, kuma ya ƙunshi sassa biyu: “vlad” da “mir.” “Vlad” ya samo asali ne daga tushen kalmar Slavic “vladeti,” wadda ke nufin “mulki” ko riƙe iko. “Mir” na nufin “duniya”. Vladimir na farko (Lenin) yana zama alamar Vladimir na ƙarshe (Putin), wanda kuma shugaban farko na juyin juya halin rashin yarda da Allah (Napoleon) yake zama alamar sa.

After Napoleon’s defeat in the War of the Sixth Coalition and the Treaty of Fontainebleau in April 1814, he abdicated the throne of France and was exiled to the Mediterranean island of Elba. He was granted sovereignty over the island and allowed to retain the title of Emperor, albeit in a much-reduced capacity. Napoleon spent around ten months on Elba, during which he made plans to return to power in France. Following his escape from Elba and his brief return to power in France during the Hundred Days, Napoleon was decisively defeated at the Battle of Waterloo in June 1815. After this defeat the Allied powers, particularly Great Britain, were determined to prevent Napoleon from causing any further trouble. Consequently, he was exiled again, this time to the remote island of Saint Helena in the South Atlantic. Napoleon spent the remainder of his life in exile on Saint Helena until his death in 1821.

Bayan shan kashin Napoleon a Yaƙin Ƙawancen Na Shida da kuma Yarjejeniyar Fontainebleau a watan Afrilu 1814, ya sauka daga gadon sarautar Faransa, aka kuma tura shi gudun hijira zuwa tsibirin Elba da ke Tekun Bahar Rum. An ba shi ikon mallaka a kan tsibirin, kuma aka ba shi izinin riƙe muƙamin Sarkin Daula, ko da yake a cikin ƙarfin iko da aka rage ƙwarai. Napoleon ya shafe kusan watanni goma a Elba, inda ya yi shirye-shiryen komawa mulki a Faransa. Bayan tserewarsa daga Elba da kuma ɗan gajeren komawarsa kan mulki a Faransa a lokacin Kwanaki Dari, an yi wa Napoleon mummunan kashi a Yaƙin Waterloo a watan Yuni 1815. Bayan wannan shan kashi, ƙasashen kawance, musamman Birtaniya, suka ƙuduri aniyar hana Napoleon haifar da wata fitina kuma. Saboda haka, aka sake tura shi gudun hijira, amma a wannan karon zuwa tsibirin Saint Helena mai nisa a Kudancin Tekun Atlantika. Napoleon ya shafe ragowar rayuwarsa a gudun hijira a Saint Helena har zuwa mutuwarsa a 1821.

Putin is a representative of the old guard KGB. The KGB was the main security agency and intelligence agency of the Soviet Union from 1954 until its dissolution in 1991. It was responsible for internal security, counterintelligence, and intelligence gathering, both domestically and internationally. The KGB was known for its extensive network of spies, surveillance operations, and its role in maintaining the Communist regime’s control over the population. Vladimir Putin was a member of the KGB (Committee for State Security), the main security and intelligence agency of the Soviet Union.

Putin wakili ne na tsohon rukunin KGB. KGB ita ce babbar hukumar tsaro da kuma hukumar leƙen asiri ta Tarayyar Soviet daga shekarar 1954 har zuwa rushewarta a 1991. Ita ce ke da alhakin tsaron cikin gida, yaƙi da leƙen asiri, da tattara bayanan sirri, a cikin ƙasa da kuma a matakin ƙasa da ƙasa. An san KGB saboda faffadan hanyar sadarwarta ta ’yan leƙen asiri, ayyukan sa ido, da rawar da ta taka wajen tabbatar da ci gaba da ikon gwamnatin Kwaminisanci a kan jama’a. Vladimir Putin ya kasance mamba ne na KGB (Kwamitin Tsaron Ƙasa), wato babbar hukumar tsaro da leƙen asiri ta Tarayyar Soviet.

Putin joined the KGB in 1975 after graduating from Leningrad State University. Putin worked for the KGB until the collapse of the Soviet Union in 1991, after which he entered politics and eventually became the President of Russia in 2000. His background in the KGB has had a significant influence on his approach to governance and foreign policy. Napoleon’s first exile on the Island of Elba, represents the history of 1991 until the year 2000, when the philosophy of the KGB returned. When Putin is eventually defeated, as represented in verses thirteen to fifteen, that second defeat (the first being 1989), is typified by Waterloo and Napoleon’s second exile, where he died.

Putin ya shiga KGB a shekara ta 1975 bayan ya kammala karatu a Jami’ar Jihar Leningrad. Putin ya yi aiki a KGB har zuwa rushewar Tarayyar Soviet a shekara ta 1991, bayan haka ya shiga harkokin siyasa, daga bisani kuma ya zama Shugaban Rasha a shekara ta 2000. Asalinsa na KGB ya yi babban tasiri a kan yadda yake tafiyar da mulki da manufofin harkokin waje. Gudun hijira na farko na Napoleon a Tsibirin Elba yana wakiltar tarihin daga 1991 har zuwa shekara ta 2000, lokacin da falsafar KGB ta dawo. Sa’ad da aka ci Putin a ƙarshe, kamar yadda aka wakilta a ayoyi na goma sha uku zuwa goma sha biyar, wannan shan kashi na biyu (na farko kuwa shi ne na 1989), ana misalta shi da Waterloo da gudun hijira na biyu na Napoleon, inda ya mutu.

Napoleon delivered the deadly wound to the papacy in 1798 and 1799. In 1799 the French Revolution ended in France, but by 1917 it had reached Russia in the Bolshevik Revolution. In 1917 the miracle of Fatima took place in Portugal, and the three children who supposedly communicated with Mary and Joseph were given three secret messages. The three messages were secret in the sense they were only to be read by the pope, the king of the north. The messages directed the pope to call a special meeting with the leaders of the Catholic Church and hold a special ceremony in order to dedicate Russia, which had just become communist Russia the year before, to the virgin Mary.

Napoleon ya yi wa papanci mummunar raunin da ya kai ga mutuwa a cikin 1798 da 1799. A cikin 1799 Juyin Juya Halin Faransa ya ƙare a Faransa, amma zuwa 1917 ya kai Rasha a cikin Juyin Juya Halin Bolshevik. A cikin 1917 mu’ujizar Fatima ta faru a Portugal, kuma yara ukun da ake zaton sun yi hulɗa da Maryamu da Yusufu aka ba su saƙonni uku na sirri. Saƙonnin ukun sun kasance na sirri a ma’anar cewa sai ga shugaban cocin Roma kaɗai za a karanta su, sarkin arewa. Saƙonnin sun umarci shugaban cocin Roma ya kira wani taro na musamman tare da shugabannin Cocin Katolika kuma ya gudanar da wata ibada ta musamman domin miƙa Rasha, wadda a shekarar da ta gabata ta zama Rasha mai kwaminisanci, ga Budurwa Maryamu.

The messages contained a warning that if the pope refused to follow through on the command to dedicate Russia to Mary, the world would suffer another world war (the first world war was to end the month after the miracle). The messages of Fatima became a structure for conservative Catholic prophetic interpretation. It identified a struggle within the Catholic church between conservative Catholicism, represented by pope John Paul II and the first Vatican council, and Liberal Catholicism represented by the current “woke-pope” and the second Vatican council.

Saƙonnin sun ƙunshi gargaɗi cewa idan fafaroma ya ƙi cika umurnin keɓe Rasha ga Maryamu, duniya za ta sha wata yaƙin duniya kuma (yaƙin duniya na farko zai ƙare a wata mai zuwa bayan mu’ujizar). Saƙonnin Fatima suka zama wani tsari na fassarar annabci ta Katolika mai ra’ayin mazan jiya. Ya bayyana gwagwarmaya a cikin cocin Katolika tsakanin Katolika mai ra’ayin mazan jiya, wadda fafaroma John Paul II da majalisar Vatican ta farko suke wakilta, da Katolika mai sassaucin ra’ayi wadda “fafaroma mai ‘woke’” na yanzu da majalisar Vatican ta biyu suke wakilta.

In the messages of Fatima the “good pope”, was the “white pope”, and the “bad pope”, was the “black pope”. The good pope, Pope John Paul II, was the conservative pope who identified the Virgin of Fatima as his guiding idol, and the bad pope is the woke-pope, who also rejects any messages from the so-called virgin Mary. When you visit the shrine in Fatima, Portugal as you enter the premises the entrance is set between two giant statues of a black pope on one side and a white pope on the other side, thus representing the internal struggle identified in the Fatima prophecies.

A cikin saƙonnin Fátima, “paparoma nagari” shi ne “farin paparoma”, kuma “paparoma mugu” shi ne “baƙin paparoma”. Paparoma nagari, Paparoma Yohanna Bulus na II, shi ne paparoma mai ra’ayin mazan jiya wanda ya ɗauki Budurwar Fátima a matsayin gunkinsa mai shiryarwa, kuma paparoma mugu shi ne paparoman da ya rungumi akidar “woke”, wanda shi ma yake ƙin duk wani saƙo daga wadda ake kira Budurwa Maryamu. Sa’ad da ka ziyarci wurin ibada a Fátima, Portugal, yayin da kake shiga harabar, an kafa ƙofar shiga tsakanin manyan-mutum-mutumi biyu masu girma ƙwarai, na baƙin paparoma a gefe ɗaya da na farin paparoma a ɗaya gefen, ta haka suna wakiltar gwagwarmayar cikin gida da aka nuna a annabce-annabcen Fátima.

The other element of the three secret messages of Fatima was its emphasis on the warfare of Catholicism (the king of the north), and atheism (the king of the south). Without recognizing that the warfare of Catholicism and atheistic Russia is a subject of the satanic prophecy, which directs a large percentage of Catholicism, it is difficult, if not impossible to understand the support which the Catholic church provided to Nazi Germany during World War Two.

Sauran ɓangaren saƙonni uku na sirri na Fatima shi ne girmamawarsa ga yaƙin da ke tsakanin Katolika (sarkin arewa), da rashin yarda da Allah (sarkin kudu). Ba tare da gane cewa yaƙin Katolika da Rasha mai rashin yarda da Allah batu ne na annabcin Shaidan ba, wanda ke jagorantar babban kaso na Katolika, yana da wuya, in ba ma ba zai yiwu ba, a fahimci goyon bayan da cocin Katolika ta bai wa Jamus ta Nazi a lokacin Yaƙin Duniya na Biyu.

The Battle of Leningrad, which lasted from September 8, 1941 to January 27, 1944 during World War Two, was one of the longest and most brutal sieges in history. The Battle of Stalingrad, which occurred from August 23, 1942 to February 2, 1943, is often regarded as the bloodiest and most significant battle of World War Two. It resulted in immense casualties on both sides, with estimates of over 2 million total casualties, including deaths, wounded, and captured soldiers. The Battle of Stalingrad also marked a turning point in the war, as it resulted in a decisive Soviet victory over the German Army and led to the eventual defeat of Nazi Germany.

Yaƙin Leningrad, wanda ya ɗauki lokaci daga 8 ga Satumba, 1941 zuwa 27 ga Janairu, 1944 a lokacin Yaƙin Duniya na Biyu, ya kasance ɗaya daga cikin kewaye mafi tsawo kuma mafi muni a tarihin yaƙe-yaƙe. Yaƙin Stalingrad, wanda ya faru daga 23 ga Agusta, 1942 zuwa 2 ga Fabrairu, 1943, ana yawan ɗaukarsa a matsayin yaƙi mafi zubar da jini kuma mafi muhimmanci na Yaƙin Duniya na Biyu. Ya jawo asarar rayuka da raunuka masu yawa ƙwarai a ɓangarorin biyu, inda ƙididdiga ke nuna fiye da mutum miliyan 2 na jimillar hasarori, ciki har da mace-mace, raunana, da sojojin da aka kama. Yaƙin Stalingrad ya kuma nuna wani muhimmin juyin al’amari a yaƙin, domin ya haifar da gagarumar nasarar Tarayyar Soviet a kan Rundunar Jamus, kuma ya kai ga shan kashin ƙarshe na Nazi Jamus.

Without recognizing that Nazi Germany’s warfare against Russia, particularly in the two battles just cited, it is difficult to understand the role of Germany as the secret ally of the Catholic Church. Without the understanding of the premises of a spiritual war between Catholicism that was motivated by the satanic prophecy of Mary of Fatima, against the atheism of Russia, and thereafter the Communist Soviet Union, the logic for Catholicism secretly hiding and then transporting Nazi war criminals around the globe post-World War Two is missed. The Nazi’s were Catholicism’s proxy army in their struggle against Russia.

Ba tare da gane cewa yaƙin da Jamus ta Nazi ta yi da Rasha, musamman a cikin yaƙe-yaƙe biyu da aka ambata yanzu haka ba, yana da wuya a fahimci rawar da Jamus ta taka a matsayin abokiyar ɓoye ta Cocin Katolika. Ba tare da fahimtar ginshiƙan yaƙin ruhaniya tsakanin Katolika—wanda annabcin shaidan na Maryamu ta Fatima ya motsa—da rashin yarda da Allah na Rasha, sannan daga baya na Tarayyar Soviet ta Kwaminisanci ba, ba za a fahimci dalilin da ya sa Katolika ta ɓoye a asirce sannan kuma ta kai masu laifukan yaƙi na Nazi zuwa sassa daban-daban na duniya bayan Yaƙin Duniya na Biyu ba. ‘Yan Nazi su ne rundunar wakilai ta Katolika a gwagwarmayarsu da Rasha.

It is in this prophetic logic that Putin, the head of atheistic Russia, is involved in a war in the Ukraine, whose leaders are openly known to be Nazi’s. The ground troops of Fatima’s war against atheism from World War Two and onward is fascism, and Nazism. Of course, even though this reality of the leaders of the Ukrainian government is well-documented, the modern manifestation of Hitler’s Reich Ministry of Public Enlightenment and Propaganda (the mainstream media), has covered these facts as best they could.

A cikin wannan tsarin hikimar annabci ne Putin, shugaban Rasha mai rashin yarda da Allah, yake da hannu a yaƙi a Ukraine, wadda shugabanninta a bayyane aka san su da kasancewa ’yan Nazi. Rundunonin ƙasa na yaƙin Fatima da ake yi wa rashin yarda da Allah tun daga Yaƙin Duniya na Biyu har zuwa gaba su ne fashisanci da Nazanci. Hakika, ko da yake wannan gaskiya game da shugabannin gwamnatin Ukraine an tattara hujjojinta sosai, bayyanar zamani ta Ma’aikatar Reich ta Hitler mai kula da Wayar da Kan Jama’a da Farfaganda (kafofin watsa labarai na al’ada), ta ɓoye waɗannan gaskiya gwargwadon iyawarta.

The name “Ukraine” is derived from the Slavic word “ukraina,” which means “borderland” or “the edge.” The term historically referred to the border regions of the Kievan Rus’, the medieval state that preceded modern-day Ukraine, and is situated on the crossroads between Eastern Europe and Eurasia. Throughout history, it has served as a meeting point between various cultures, civilizations, and empires, including the Byzantine Empire, the Ottoman Empire, the Russian Empire, and others. Its strategic location made it a frontier region that experienced significant cultural, political, and military interactions. During the medieval period, Ukraine was the border region of the Kievan Rus’, which was a powerful state that encompassed parts of modern-day Ukraine, Russia, and Belarus. As the Kievan Rus’ expanded and contracted over time, its borders often shifted, and Ukraine remained on the periphery of the state.

Sunan “Ukraine” ya samo asali ne daga kalmar Slavik “ukraina,” wadda ke nufin “ƙasar iyaka” ko “gefe.” A tarihi, kalmar tana nufin yankunan iyaka na Kievan Rus’, wato daular zamanin tsakiyar da ta gabaci Ukraine ta yau, kuma tana a mahadar hanyoyi tsakanin Gabashin Turai da Eurasia. A cikin dukan tarihi, ta kasance wurin haɗuwa tsakanin al’adu, wayewoyi, da dauloli iri-iri, ciki har da Daular Byzantine, Daular Ottoman, Daular Rasha, da sauransu. Matsayinta na muhimmiyar mahada ya mai da ita yankin kan iyaka da ya fuskanci muhimman mu’amaloli na al’adu, siyasa, da soja. A zamanin tsakiyar tarihi, Ukraine ita ce yankin iyaka na Kievan Rus’, wadda ta kasance daula mai ƙarfi da ta ƙunshi sassa na Ukraine ta yau, Rasha, da Belarus. Yayin da Kievan Rus’ ta riƙa faɗaɗa da kuma ja da baya a tsawon lokaci, iyakokinta suna yawan sauyawa, kuma Ukraine ta ci gaba da kasancewa a gefen daular.

After the collapse of the Soviet Union in 1989, as represented in verse ten, verses eleven and twelve identify a battle where the king of the south retaliates and prevails over the king of the north. That battle was fought at Raphia, which was the borderline of the domains of the king of the south and the king of the north.

Bayan rugujewar Tarayyar Soviet a 1989, kamar yadda aka wakilta a aya ta goma, ayoyi na goma sha ɗaya da goma sha biyu sun bayyana yaƙi inda sarkin kudu ya mayar da martani kuma ya yi nasara a kan sarkin arewa. An yi wannan yaƙi a Raphia, wadda ita ce iyakar yankunan mulkin sarkin kudu da sarkin arewa.

The Battle of Raphia, which took place in 217 BC, comes from the name of the town near which the battle occurred. Raphia was a town located in the coastal region of ancient Palestine, near the border between the Ptolemaic Kingdom of Egypt and the Seleucid Empire. At the time of the battle the border between the Ptolemaic Kingdom of Egypt, ruled by King Ptolemy IV Philopator, and the Seleucid Empire, ruled by King Antiochus III, was located in the vicinity of Raphia. The battle was fought near this border region as both sides sought to assert control over strategic territories in the Levant.

Yaƙin Raphia, wanda ya faru a shekara ta 217 kafin haihuwar Almasihu, ya samo sunansa ne daga sunan garin da yaƙin ya auku kusa da shi. Raphia gari ne da yake a yankin gabar teku na tsohuwar Falasdinu, kusa da iyaka tsakanin Masarautar Ptolemaic ta Masar da Daular Seleucid. A lokacin yaƙin, iyakar da ke tsakanin Masarautar Ptolemaic ta Masar, wadda Sarki Ptolemy IV Philopator yake mulki, da Daular Seleucid, wadda Sarki Antiochus III yake mulki, tana a yankin da ke kusa da Raphia. An yi yaƙin ne kusa da wannan yankin iyaka, domin kowane ɓangare yana neman tabbatar da iko a kan muhimman yankuna na dabarun yaƙi a Levant.

The ancient town of Raphia, is located near the modern city of Rafah. Rafah is a city situated in the southern Gaza Strip, which is part of the Palestinian territories. After Ptolemy’s victory at Raphia in 217 BC, he initiated persecutions against the Jews in Jerusalem, and also in Egypt. The victory was short-lived and he met his Waterloo, so to speak, in the next three verses. In verse thirteen, the previously defeated king of the north returns and by verse fifteen he overwhelms the king of the south.

Tsohon garin Raphia yana kusa da birnin Rafah na zamani. Rafah birni ne da yake a kudancin Zirin Gaza, wanda yana daga cikin yankunan Falasdinawa. Bayan nasarar Ptolemy a Raphia a shekara ta 217 K.H., ya fara tsananta wa Yahudawa a Urushalima, haka kuma a Masar. Nasarar ta kasance ta ɗan lokaci kaɗan, kuma ya gamu da mummunar shan kashi, a faɗar magana, a cikin ayoyi uku na gaba. A aya ta goma sha uku, sarkin arewa wanda a baya aka ci ya dawo, kuma zuwa aya ta goma sha biyar ya rinjayi sarkin kudu gaba ɗaya.

The victory of Putin in the Ukraine will be used by Putin, a former KGB officer who specialized in propaganda, to most likely expose the Nazi roots of the Ukrainian leadership, and also expose those in the Western World who supported the regime for economic greed, and no doubt also expose the hidden black-sites and bio-labs employed by the globalists, which have been funded by the taxpayers of the United States.

Za a yi amfani da nasarar Putin a Yukren, ta hannun Putin, tsohon jami’in KGB wanda ya ƙware a farfaganda, mafi kusanci don fallasa asalin Naziyanci na shugabancin Yukren, kuma ya kuma fallasa waɗanda suke a Yammacin Duniya waɗanda suka goyi bayan wannan mulki saboda kwaɗayin tattalin arziki, kuma babu shakka ya kuma fallasa ɓoyayyun wuraren sirri da dakunan gwaje-gwajen halittu da ’yan duniya-ɗaya suka yi amfani da su, waɗanda masu biyan haraji na Amurka suka ɗauki nauyin kuɗinsu.

Those revelations will destroy the current talking points of the world globalists, and also of the Democratic talking heads in the United States. That victory for Putin will provide the mandate for the eighth President, that is of the seven, to take his role as the prophetic despot that arrives into history just before verse sixteen; and verse sixteen is the soon coming Sunday law.

Wahayin nan za su rushe hujjojin da masu kishin dunkulewar duniya na yanzu suke ta yadawa, haka kuma na bakin masu magana na jam’iyyar Democratic a Amurka. Wannan nasara ta Putin za ta ba wa Shugaban ƙasa na takwas, wanda yake daga cikin bakwai ɗin, izinin ɗaukar matsayinsa a matsayin azzalumin annabci wanda ya shigo cikin tarihin duniya kafin aya ta sha shida; kuma aya ta sha shida ita ce dokar Lahadi mai zuwa nan ba da daɗewa ba.

In verse thirteen, the king of the north regroups his army, and in verse fourteen, pagan Rome is introduced into history for the first time, though it is not yet the king of the north. It is there identified as the symbol which “establishes the vision”, and as the power who exalts himself and then falls. After the victory of Putin in the war in the Ukraine, the papacy will begin to lift itself up into world politics, just in advance of the Sunday law in verse sixteen.

A aya ta goma sha uku, sarkin arewa ya sake tattara rundunarsa, kuma a aya ta goma sha huɗu, an fara gabatar da Roma ta arna cikin tarihi a karo na farko, ko da yake har yanzu ba ita ce sarkin arewa ba. A nan an bayyana ta a matsayin alamar da “ta tabbatar da wahayi”, kuma a matsayin ikon da ya ɗaukaka kansa sa’an nan kuma ya faɗi. Bayan nasarar Putin a yaƙin Ukraine, papanci zai fara ɗaga kansa cikin siyasar duniya, da ɗan gaba kaɗan kafin dokar Lahadi a aya ta goma sha shida.

The French Revolution, and its connection with the Russian Revolution; Napoleon and Putin; the miracle of Fatima, and its three secrets; the secret alliance between the Vatican and Hitler, the secret alliance between the Vatican and Reagan, are all prophetic “wheels” that intersect in the history of verses eleven through fifteen, which occur during the history of September 11, 2001 until the Sunday law in the United States. It was important to provide a brief summary of these prophetic “wheels” before we take up verse ten.

Juyin Juya Halin Faransa, da dangantakarsa da Juyin Juya Halin Rasha; Napoleon da Putin; mu’ujizar Fatima, da asiranta uku; ƙawancen asiri tsakanin Vatican da Hitler, ƙawancen asiri tsakanin Vatican da Reagan, dukkansu “ƙafafun” annabci ne da suke haɗuwa a tarihin ayoyi goma sha ɗaya zuwa goma sha biyar, waɗanda suke faruwa a cikin tarihin daga 11 ga Satumba, 2001 har zuwa dokar Lahadi a cikin Amurka. Yana da muhimmanci a gabatar da taƙaitaccen bayani game da waɗannan “ƙafafun” annabci kafin mu ɗauki aya ta goma.

The following article is taken from “NBC news,” which is as “Main Stream Media,” as it gets, and the “MSM” is the modern version of Hitler’s World War Two propaganda machine. The article is of course anti-Putin, anti-Russian, and pro-Ukraine, but that is not the point. As citizens of the heavenly kingdom, God’s people should not endorse either side of a satanic work, and all warfare is a satanic work.

An ɗauko labarin da ke ƙasa daga “NBC News,” wanda yake a cikin abin da ake kira “Main Stream Media” gwargwadon yadda za a iya samu, kuma “MSM” shi ne salo na zamani na injin yaɗa farfagandar Hitler na Yaƙin Duniya na Biyu. Tabbas labarin yana gaba da Putin, gaba da Rasha, kuma yana goyon bayan Ukraine, amma wannan ba shi ne ainihin batu ba. A matsayinmu na ’yan ƙasar mulkin sama, bai kamata mutanen Allah su goyi bayan ko wane ɓangare na aikin shaidan ba, kuma kowane yaƙi aiki ne na shaidan.

The purpose of this article is to allow those who are unfamiliar with the prophetic warfare between Catholicism (the king of the north) and atheism (the king of the south), and the fact that in the warfare of those two prophetic powers, Naziism has been employed as Catholicism’s proxy army (just as the United States was used in 1989). Students of prophecy need to have enough evidence to see that the background history of World War Two, and of the Cold War, are represented in the current war in Ukraine, as it fulfills verses eleven and twelve, of chapter eleven of Daniel.

Manufar wannan makala ita ce ta bai wa waɗanda ba su saba da yaƙin annabci tsakanin Katolika (sarkin arewa) da rashin imani da Allah (sarkin kudu), da kuma gaskiyar cewa a cikin yaƙin waɗannan iko biyu na annabci, an yi amfani da Naziyanci a matsayin rundunar wakili ta Katolika (kamar yadda aka yi amfani da Amurka a shekara ta 1989), damar fahimta. Masu nazarin annabci suna bukatar su kasance da isasshen shaidar da za su ga cewa tarihin da ya kasance a baya na Yaƙin Duniya na Biyu, da kuma na Yaƙin Cacar Baka, ana wakilta su a cikin yaƙin da ke gudana yanzu a Ukraine, yayin da yake cika ayoyi na goma sha ɗaya da goma sha biyu na sura ta goma sha ɗaya ta Daniyel.

> “Historical events, showing the direct fulfillment of prophecy, were set before the people, and the prophecy was seen to be a figurative delineation of events leading down to the close of this earth’s history.” Selected Messages, book 2, 102.

> “An gabatar wa mutane abubuwan da suka faru a tarihi, suna nuna cikar annabci kai tsaye, kuma aka ga annabcin a matsayin zane mai alama na abubuwan da suke kaiwa har zuwa ƙarshen tarihin wannan duniya.” Selected Messages, littafi na 2, 102.

NBC News Article: “Ukraine’s Nazi problem is real, even if Putin’s ‘denazification’ claim isn’t”

Maqalar NBC News: “Matsalar Nazi ta Ukraine gaskiya ce, ko da yake ikirarin Putin na ‘denazification’ ba haka ba ne”

> Of the many distortions manufactured by Russian President Vladimir Putin to justify Russia’s assault on Ukraine, perhaps the most bizarre is his claim that the action was taken to “denazify” the country and its leadership. In making his case for entering his neighbor’s territory with armored tanks and fighter jets, Putin has stated that the move was undertaken “to protect people” who have been “subjected to bullying and genocide,” and that Russia “will strive for the demilitarization and denazification of Ukraine.”

> Daga cikin dimbin karkace-karkacen gaskiya da Shugaban Rasha Vladimir Putin ya ƙera domin ba da hujjar harin da Rasha ta kai wa Ukraine, watakila mafi ban mamaki shi ne ikirarinsa cewa an ɗauki wannan mataki ne domin “kawar da Naziyanci” daga ƙasar da shugabancinta. Yayin da yake gabatar da hujjarsa ta kutsa cikin yankin maƙwabciyarsa da tankokin yaƙi masu sulke da jiragen yaƙi, Putin ya bayyana cewa an aiwatar da wannan mataki ne “don kare mutane” waɗanda aka “gallaza musu tare da yi musu kisan kiyashi,” kuma cewa Rasha “za ta yi ƙoƙari domin kawar da ƙarfin soja da kuma kawar da Naziyanci daga Ukraine.”

> Putin’s destructive actions — among them the devastation of Jewish communities — make clear that he’s lying when he says his goal is to ensure anyone’s welfare.

> Ayyukan hallaka na Putin—cikinsu har da lalata al’ummomin Yahudawa—sun bayyana a sarari cewa yana ƙarya sa’ad da yake cewa manufarsa ita ce tabbatar da jin daɗin kowa.

> On its face, Putin’s smear is absurd, not least because Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelenskyy is Jewish and has said that members of his family were killed during World War II. There is also no evidence of recent mass killings or ethnic purges taking place in Ukraine. Moreover, labeling enemies Nazis is a common political ploy in Russia, especially from a leader who favors disinformation campaigns and wants to stir up feelings of national vengeance against a WWII foe to justify conquest.

> A zahiri, ɓatancin da Putin yake yaɗawa abin dariya ne ƙwarai, ba ƙaramin dalili kuwa shi ne Shugaban ƙasar Ukrain, Volodymyr Zelenskyy, Bayahude ne kuma ya ce an kashe wasu ’yan uwansa a lokacin Yaƙin Duniya na Biyu. Haka kuma, babu wata hujja da ke nuna cewa ana aiwatar da kisan gilla na baya-bayan nan ko kuma tsarkakewar ƙabila a Ukrain. Bugu da ƙari, kiran maƙiya da sunan ’yan Nazi dabara ce ta siyasa da ta zama ruwan dare a Rasha, musamman daga bakin jagoran da ke fifita kamfe-kamfen yaɗa bayanan ƙarya kuma yake son tayar da tunanin ramuwar gayya ta ƙasa a kan wani maƙiyin Yaƙin Duniya na Biyu domin ya ba da hujjar mamaye ƙasa.

> But even though Putin is engaging in propaganda, it’s also true that Ukraine has a genuine Nazi problem — both past and present. Putin’s destructive actions — among them the devastation of Jewish communities — make clear that he’s lying when he says his goal is to ensure anyone’s welfare. But important as it is to defend the yellow-and-blue flag against the Kremlin’s brutal aggression, it would be a dangerous oversight to deny Ukraine’s antisemitic history and collaboration with Hitler’s Nazis, as well as the latter-day embrace of neo-Nazi factions in some quarters.

> Amma ko da yake Putin yana yin farfaganda, gaskiya ne kuma cewa Ukraine tana da ainihin matsalar Nazi — a dā da kuma a yanzu. Ayyukan Putin masu hallakarwa — ciki har da rusa al’ummomin Yahudawa — suna bayyana sarai cewa yana ƙarya sa’ad da yake cewa manufarsa ita ce tabbatar da jin daɗin kowa. Amma ko da yake yana da muhimmanci a kare tutar rawaya da shuɗi daga mummunar ta’addancin Kremlin, zai zama sakaci mai haɗari a musanta tarihin ƙin Yahudawa na Ukraine da haɗin gwiwarta da Nazis na Hitler, da kuma rungumar ƙungiyoyin neo-Nazi a wannan zamani a wasu ɓangarori.

> Why are fleeing Ukrainians being talked about with such sympathy? They are white.

> Me ya sa ake magana game da ’yan Ukrain da suke gudu da irin wannan tausayin? Farare ne.

> On the eve of World War II, Ukraine was home to one the largest Jewish communities in Europe, with estimates as high as 2.7 million, a remarkable number considering the territory’s long record of antisemitism and pogroms. By the end, more than half would perish. When German troops took control of Kyiv in 1941, they were welcomed by “Heil Hitler” banners. Soon after, nearly 34,000 Jews — along with Roma and other “undesirables” — were rounded up and marched to fields outside the city on the pretext of resettlement only to be massacred in what became known as the “Holocaust by bullets.”

> A jajibirin Yaƙin Duniya na Biyu, Ukraine ta kasance gida ga ɗaya daga cikin mafi girman al’ummomin Yahudawa a Turai, inda hasashe ya kai har miliyan 2.7, adadi mai ban mamaki idan aka yi la’akari da dogon tarihin ƙiyayya ga Yahudawa da kuma pogroms a wannan yankin. Zuwa ƙarshe, fiye da rabinsu za su hallaka. Sa’ad da sojojin Jamus suka karɓi iko da Kyiv a shekara ta 1941, an yi musu maraba da tutoci masu ɗauke da rubutun “Heil Hitler.” Ba da daɗewa ba bayan haka, an tattara kusan Yahudawa 34,000 — tare da Romawa da sauran “waɗanda ba a so” — aka yi musu tattaki zuwa filayen da ke wajen birnin da hujjar sake tsugunar da su, sai dai a kashe su a cikin abin da ya zama sananne da suna “Holocaust by bullets.”

> The Babyn Yar ravine continued to fill up as a mass grave for two years. With as many as 100,000 murdered there, it became one of the largest single killing sites of the Holocaust outside of Auschwitz and other death camps. Researchers have noted the key role locals played in fulfilling Nazi kill orders at the site.

> Kwarin Babyn Yar ya ci gaba da cika a matsayin kabarin taro na tsawon shekaru biyu. Da aka kashe mutane har kimanin 100,000 a can, ya zama ɗaya daga cikin manyan wuraren kisan gilla guda ɗaya mafi girma na Holocaust a wajen Auschwitz da sauran sansanonin mutuwa. Masu bincike sun lura da muhimmiyar rawar da mutanen yankin suka taka wajen aiwatar da umarnin kisa na Nazi a wurin.

> Nowadays, Ukraine counts between 56,000 to 140,000 Jews, who enjoy freedoms and protections never imagined by their grandparents. That includes an updated law passed last month criminalizing antisemitic acts. Unfortunately, the law was intended to address a pronounced uptick in public displays of bigotry, including swastika-laden vandalism of synagogues and Jewish memorials, and eerie marches in Kyiv and other cities that celebrated the Waffen SS.

> A kwanakin nan, a ƙasar Ukraine ana ƙiyasta cewa Yahudawa suna tsakanin 56,000 zuwa 140,000, kuma suna more ’yanci da kariya irin waɗanda kakanninsu ba su taɓa zato ba. Wannan ya haɗa da sabunta wata doka da aka zartar a watan da ya gabata wadda ta mayar da ayyukan ƙin Yahudawa laifi. Abin baƙin ciki, an yi niyyar dokar ne domin magance wani gagarumin ƙaruwa a bayyanuwar son zuciya a fili, ciki har da ɓarna ga majami’un Yahudawa da wuraren tunawa da Yahudawa da aka yi da alamar swastika, da kuma jerin gwanon ban tsoro a Kyiv da sauran birane waɗanda suka yi murnar Waffen SS.

> In another ominous development, Ukraine has in recent years erected a glut of statues honoring Ukrainian nationalists whose legacies are tainted by their indisputable record as Nazi proxies. The Forward newspaper cataloged some of these deplorables, including Stepan Bandera, leader of the Organization of Ukrainian Nationalists (OUN), whose followers acted as local militia members for the SS and German army. “Ukraine has several dozen monuments and scores of street names glorifying this Nazi collaborator, enough to require two separate Wikipedia pages,” the Forward wrote.

> A wani ci gaba mai ban tsoro, a cikin ’yan shekarun nan Ukraine ta kafa ɗimbin mutum-mutumai na girmamawa ga ’yan kishin ƙasar Ukraine waɗanda gadonsu ya gurɓace saboda tabbataccen tarihinsu na kasancewa wakilan Nazis. Jaridar The Forward ta yi kundin wasu daga cikin waɗannan abin ƙi, har da Stepan Bandera, shugaban Ƙungiyar ’Yan Kishin Ƙasar Ukraine (OUN), wanda mabiyansa suka yi aiki a matsayin membobin rundunonin sa-kai na gida ga SS da sojojin Jamus. “Ukraine tana da ɗaruruwan mutum-mutumai da kuma tituna masu yawa da aka sa wa sunan wannan mai haɗin guiwa da Nazi, har hakan ya isa a buƙaci shafuka biyu dabam a Wikipedia,” in ji The Forward.

> Another frequent honoree is Roman Shukhevych, revered as a Ukrainian freedom fighter but also the leader of a feared Nazi auxiliary police unit that the Forward notes was “responsible for butchering thousands of Jews and … Poles.” Statues have also been raised for Yaroslav Stetsko, a one-time chair of the OUN, who wrote “I insist on the extermination of the Jews in Ukraine.”

> Wani wanda ake yawan karramawa shi ne Roman Shukhevych, wanda ake girmamawa a matsayin mayaƙin ’yancin Ukraine amma kuma jagoran wata ƙungiyar ’yan sandan taimako ta Nazi mai ban tsoro wadda Forward ta lura cewa “ita ce ke da alhakin kisan gilla ga dubban Yahudawa da kuma … Poles.” An kuma gina gumaka domin Yaroslav Stetsko, tsohon shugaba na OUN na wani lokaci, wanda ya rubuta cewa, “Na nace a kan hallaka Yahudawan Ukraine.”

> Far-right groups have also gained political currency in the past decade, none more chilling than Svoboda (formerly the Social National Party of Ukraine), whose leader claimed the country was controlled by a “Muscovite-Jewish mafia” and whose deputy used an antisemitic slur to describe Ukrainian-born Jewish actor Mila Kunis. Svoboda has sent several members to Ukraine’s Parliament, including one who called the Holocaust a “bright period” in human history, according to Foreign Policy.

> Ƙungiyoyin masu tsattsauran ra’ayin dama ma sun sami tagomashin siyasa a cikin shekaru goma da suka gabata, babu wadda ta fi tayar da hankali kamar Svoboda (wadda a dā ake kira Social National Party of Ukraine), wadda jagoranta ya yi iƙirarin cewa wata “mafiyar Muscovite-Yahudawa” ce ke iko da ƙasar, kuma mataimakinsa ya yi amfani da wata kalmar cin zarafin Yahudawa wajen kwatanta ’yar wasan kwaikwayo Bayahudiya haifaffiya a Ukraine, Mila Kunis. Svoboda ta tura mambobi da dama zuwa Majalisar Dokokin Ukraine, har da wani da ya kira Holocaust “wani zamani mai haske” a tarihin ɗan Adam, a cewar Foreign Policy.

> Just as disturbing, neo-Nazis are part of some of Ukraine’s growing ranks of volunteer battalions. They are battle-hardened after waging some of the toughest street fighting against Moscow-backed separatists in eastern Ukraine following Putin’s Crimean invasion in 2014. One is the Azov Battalion, founded by an avowed white supremacist who claimed Ukraine’s national purpose was to rid the country of Jews and other inferior races. In 2018, the U.S. Congress stipulated that its aid to Ukraine couldn’t be used “to provide arms, training or other assistance to the Azov Battalion.” Even so, Azov is now an official member of the Ukraine National Guard.

> Abin da yake daidai da tayar da hankali shi ne, ‘yan neo-Nazi suna cikin wasu daga cikin rundunonin sa-kai da suke ƙaruwa a Ukraine. Sun ƙware a fagen yaƙi bayan sun gwabza wasu daga cikin mafi tsananin faɗace-faɗacen titi da ‘yan awaren gabashin Ukraine masu samun goyon bayan Moscow suka yi, bayan mamayar Crimea da Putin ya kaddamar a 2014. Ɗaya daga cikinsu ita ce Rundunar Azov, wadda wani sanannen mai iƙirarin fifikon farar fata ya kafa, wanda ya yi iƙirarin cewa manufar ƙasa ta Ukraine ita ce kawar da Yahudawa da sauran jinsunan da yake ɗauka marasa daraja daga ƙasar. A 2018, Majalisar Dokokin Amurka ta gindaya cewa ba za a iya amfani da taimakonta ga Ukraine ba “don samar wa Rundunar Azov makamai, horo, ko wata irin taimako.” Duk da haka, a yanzu Azov memba ce a hukumance cikin Rundunar Tsaron Ƙasa ta Ukraine.

> For sure, none of this disturbing context justifies the misery that has befallen Ukrainians over the past several weeks — and it’s unlikely that Putin was motivated by any of it when he launched his invasion. Indeed, thanks to Putin, Jews living in Odessa, Kharkiv and other eastern cities are under extreme duress. While many have taken refuge in local synagogues and Jewish centers, others have fled to foreign countries, including Israel, which has urged all Jews to leave Ukraine.

> Tabbas, babu ɗaya daga cikin wannan mahallin mai tayar da hankali da zai iya ba da hujja ga baƙin cikin da ya auka wa ’yan Ukrainiya a cikin makonnin da suka gabata da dama — kuma ba mai yiwuwa ba ne cewa Putin ya sami wani ƙwarin guiwa daga wani ɓangare na wannan sa’ad da ya ƙaddamar da mamayewarsa. Hakika kuwa, saboda Putin, Yahudawan da ke zaune a Odessa, Kharkiv da sauran biranen gabas suna cikin matsananciyar ƙunci. Yayin da da yawa suka nemi mafaka a majami’un Yahudawa da cibiyoyin Yahudawa na cikin gida, wasu kuma sun tsere zuwa ƙasashen waje, har da Isra’ila, wadda ta roƙi dukan Yahudawa su bar Ukraine.

> My own grandparents themselves had to flee western Ukraine to escape persecution, and it is tragic to see this cycle continue. If the country devolves into chaos and insurgency, Jews could once again be at risk from some of their fellow citizens. Not acknowledging this threat means that little is being done to guard against it.

> Kakannina na kaina ma dole suka tsere daga yammacin Ukraine domin su kuɓuta daga tsanantawa, kuma abin takaici ne ganin wannan zagayowar ta ci gaba. Idan ƙasar ta rufta cikin rikici da tawaye, Yahudawa za su iya sake kasancewa cikin haɗari daga wajen wasu ’yan uwansu ’yan ƙasa. Rashin amincewa da wannan barazana na nufin cewa ana yin kaɗan ƙwarai ne domin a kare daga gare ta.

> But even if some elements of the country have been entangled with one of history’s most loathsome movements, standing with Ukraine is without doubt the honorable posture to take in this drama. Right now, every day that Putin ratchets up his assault against the Ukrainian people with scorched-earth zeal, it’s hard not to see who truly deserves the N-word.

> Amma ko da yake wasu ɓangarori na ƙasar sun taɓa rikicewa da ɗaya daga cikin mafi ƙazantattun ƙungiyoyin tarihi, babu shakka tsayawa tare da Ukraine shi ne matsayi na mutunci da ya dace a ɗauka a cikin wannan wasan kwaikwayo. A wannan lokaci, a kowace rana da Putin ke ƙara tsananta farmakinsa a kan al’ummar Ukraine da ƙwazon ƙone ƙasa kurmus, yana da wuya a rasa ganin wanda da gaske ya cancanci kalmar da ta fara da “N”.

> Allen Ripp, March 5, 2022 – Source

> Allen Ripp, 5 ga Maris, 2022 – Madogararsa

We will continue this study in our next article.

Za mu ci gaba da wannan nazari a talifinmu na gaba.

> “Those who cannot remember the past are condemned to repeat it.” George Santayana.

> “Waɗanda ba za su iya tuna abin da ya gabata ba an hukunta su su maimaita shi.” George Santayana.

> “All that God has in prophetic history specified to be fulfilled in the past has been, and all that is yet to come in its order will be. Daniel, God’s prophet, stands in his place. John stands in his place. In the Revelation the Lion of the tribe of Judah has opened to the students of prophecy the book of Daniel, and thus is Daniel standing in his place. He bears his testimony, that which the Lord revealed to him in vision of the great and solemn events which we must know as we stand on the very threshold of their fulfillment.

> “Duk abin da Allah ya ƙayyade a cikin tarihin annabci cewa za a cika a dā, an riga an cika shi; kuma duk abin da har yanzu zai zo, a cikin tsarinsa zai faru. Daniyel, annabin Allah, yana tsaye a matsayinsa. Yohanna yana tsaye a matsayinsa. A cikin Ru’ya ta Yohanna, Zakin ƙabilar Yahuza ya buɗe wa masu nazarin annabci littafin Daniyel, kuma ta haka ne Daniyel yake tsaye a matsayinsa. Yana ba da shaidarsa, wato abin da Ubangiji ya bayyana masa a cikin wahayi game da manyan abubuwa masu girma da ban-tsoro, waɗanda dole ne mu sani yayin da muke tsaye a kan ainihin ƙofar cikar su.”

> “In history and prophecy the Word of God portrays the long continued conflict between truth and error. That conflict is yet in progress. Those things which have been, will be repeated. Old controversies will be revived, and new theories will be continually arising. But God’s people, who in their belief and fulfillment of prophecy have acted a part in the proclamation of the first, second, and third angels’ messages, know where they stand. They have an experience that is more precious than fine gold. They are to stand firm as a rock, holding the beginning of their confidence steadfast unto the end.” Selected Messages, book 2, 109.

> “A cikin tarihi da annabci, Kalmar Allah tana bayyana dogon rikicin da ya daɗe yana gudana tsakanin gaskiya da kuskure. Wannan rikicin har yanzu yana ci gaba. Abubuwan da suka taɓa faruwa za su sāke maimaituwa. Za a tayar da tsofaffin muhawarori, kuma sababbin ka’idoji za su riƙa tasowa a kai a kai. Amma mutanen Allah, waɗanda cikin bangaskiyarsu da cikar annabci suka taka rawa a cikin shelar saƙonnin mala’iku na fari, na biyu, da na uku, sun san inda suke tsaye. Suna da irin ƙwarewar ruhaniya wadda ta fi zinariya mai kyau daraja. Su tsaya daram kamar dutse, suna riƙe da farkon tabbacin bangaskiyarsu da ƙarfi har zuwa ƙarshe.” Selected Messages, littafi na 2, 109.

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