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# The Book of Daniel - Number One-Hundred and Thirty-Eight

Kitab Daniel - Nomer Satus Telung Puluh Wolu

Unveiling Daniel 11: A Prophetic Journey through History

Mbabar Daniel 11: Lelampahan Nubuatan Lumantar Sajarah

Author

Jeff Pippenger

Published

March 15, 2024

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Verse forty of Daniel chapter eleven, represents one of the most profound verses of God’s Word. The prophetic histories that are represented therein are where the wheels within the wheels of Ezekiel’s vision are brought together. With the time of the end of the Millerite movement in 1798, and also the time of the end of the movement of the third angel in 1989, the internal and external histories of God’s people of the last days are portrayed. Within the verse is the announcement of the approaching judgment which arrived with the first angel in 1798, all the way until the Sunday law of verse forty-one. The verse therefore represents the investigative judgment of God’s church beginning with the dead, through to the sealing of the one hundred and forty-four thousand, and God spewing Laodicean Adventism out of His mouth.

Ayat kaping patang puluh saking Daniel pasal sewelas nggambaraken salah satunggaling ayat Sabdaning Allah ingkang paling jero tegesipun. Sajarah-sajarah kenabian ingkang kawewakakên wonten ing ngriku punika papan ing pundi rodha-rodha wonten ing salebeting rodha-rodha saking wahyuipun Yehezkiel dipunsatunggalakên. Kanthi wekdal wekasanipun gerakan Millerit ing taun 1798, lan ugi wekdal wekasanipun gerakan malaekat kaping tiga ing taun 1989, sajarah internal lan eksternal umat Allah ing dinten-dinten pungkasan dipungambaraken. Wonten ing salebeting ayat punika wonten pangumuman bab pangadilan ingkang sampun nyedhak, ingkang dumugi bebarengan kaliyan malaekat kapisan ing taun 1798, ngantos dumugi dhateng undhang-undhang Minggu ing ayat kaping patang puluh siji. Mila, ayat punika makili pangadilan panyelidikan tumrap pasamuwanipun Allah wiwit saking para tiyang pejah, ngantos dumugi panyegelan satunggal atus patang puluh sekawan ewu, lan Allah muntahakên Adventisme Laodikia medal saking cangkemipun.

The history where the papacy received its deadly wound in 1798, until the deadly wound is healed in verse forty-one is represented in the history of the verse. Verse forty-one onward is set within the context of the escalating executive judgments of God, which begin in that verse. In this prophetic sense, verse forty is the end of Daniel chapter eleven, and verses one and two, of the chapter are the beginning. Chapter eleven presents the rebellion of the antichrist, and chapter ten represents the beginning of the Hiddekel River vision, and chapter twelve represents the end. Chapters ten and twelve represent the first and the last, and chapter eleven is the rebellion in the middle.

Sajarah nalika kapausan nampa tatu pati ing taun 1798, nganti tatu pati mau waras ing ayat patang puluh siji, kawewakili ana ing sajarahing ayat kasebut. Wiwit ayat patang puluh siji lan salajengipun dipasang ing sajroning konteks pangadilan eksekutif Allah kang saya ngrembaka, kang wiwit ing ayat kasebut. Ing pangertosan kenabian punika, ayat patang puluh iku pungkasaning Daniel pasal sewelas, lan ayat siji lan loro saka pasal kalih welas iku wiwitanipun. Pasal sewelas nampilaken pambrontakan antikristus, lan pasal sepuluh nggambaraken wiwitaning wahyu Kali Hiddekel, dene pasal kalih welas nggambaraken pungkasanipun. Pasal sepuluh lan kalih welas makili kang kapisan lan kang pungkasan, lan pasal sewelas punika pambrontakan ing satengahipun.

Chapters ten and twelve are the same, for, unlike chapter eleven, they represent Daniel’s experience in relation to the vision, and chapter eleven is the vision. Chapter ten is the first letter of the Hebrew alphabet, chapter eleven is the thirteenth rebellious letter of the Hebrew alphabet, and chapter twelve is the last letter of the alphabet. The Hiddekel River vision is the “Truth.”

Bab sepuluh lan rolas iku padha, amarga, ora kaya bab sewelas, kalorone iku nggambarake pengalamané Daniel gegayutan karo wahyu, déné bab sewelas iku wahyuné. Bab sepuluh iku aksara kapisan ing abjad Ibrani, bab sewelas iku aksara kaping telulas sing mbrontak ing abjad Ibrani, lan bab rolas iku aksara pungkasan ing abjad mau. Wahyu Kali Hiddekel iku “Bebener.”

In chapter eleven, the beginning illustrates the end, for Christ never changes. The final history represented in verse forty, is the testing time of the image of the beast. That testing time concludes with the mark of the beast, which is represented in verse forty-one. Verses one and two, must therefore address the sealing time of the one hundred and forty-four thousand, for that period of time is also the period of the formation of the image of the beast.

Ing bab kaping sewelas, wiwitan nggambarake pungkasan, amarga Kristus ora nate owah. Sajarah pungkasan kang dipralambangaké ing ayat patang puluh iku yaiku mangsa panggodhahan tumrap reca kéwan mau. Mangsa panggodhahan iku dipungkasi déning tandha saka kéwan, kang dipralambangaké ing ayat patang puluh siji. Mulané, ayat siji lan loro kudu ngrembug mangsa panyegelané wong satus patang puluh papat ewu, amarga jangka wektu iku uga dadi jangka wektu pambentukané reca kéwan mau.

> “The Lord has shown me clearly that the image of the beast will be formed before probation closes; for it is to be the great test for the people of God, by which their eternal destiny will be decided. . ..

> “Gusti sampun nedahaken dhateng kula kanthi cetha bilih reca kéwan punika badhé kabentuk sadèrèngipun mangsa sih-rahmat kaestu katutup; awit punika badhé dados ujian ageng tumrap umatipun Allah, lumantar punika nasib langgengipun badhé dipuntetepaken....”

> “This is the test that the people of God must have before they are sealed.” Manuscript Releases, volume 15, 15.

> “Iki minangka pangadilan sing kudu dialami dening umat Allah sadurunge padha kasêgel.” Manuscript Releases, volume 15, 15.

There are always two waymarks that identify a time of the end. In the reform movement of Moses, it was Aaron’s birth followed three years later with Moses’ birth. In the reform movement to come out of Babylon and rebuild the temple it was king Darius, followed by king Cyrus. In the reform movement of Christ, it was the birth of John the Baptist, followed in six months by the birth of Christ. In the reform movement of the Millerites it was the death of the papal system in 1798, followed by the death of the pope in 1799. In the reform movement of the third angel, it was president Reagan and president Bush the first, who both represented 1989. In Daniel chapter ten, verse one, we find king Cyrus identified.

Tansah ana loro tenger dalan sing nandhani sawijining wekasaning jaman. Ing gerakan reformasi Musa, iku laire Harun, banjur telung taun sawisé laire Musa. Ing gerakan reformasi kanggo metu saka Babil lan mbangun maneh Padaleman Suci, iku raja Darius, banjur raja Kores. Ing gerakan reformasi Kristus, iku laire Yokanan Pambaptis, banjur nem sasi sawisé iku laire Kristus. Ing gerakan reformasi para Millerit, iku pati sistem kapausan ing taun 1798, banjur pati paus ing taun 1799. Ing gerakan reformasi malaékat katelu, iku présidhèn Reagan lan présidhèn Bush kapisan, sing loro-loroné makili taun 1989. Ing Daniel pasal sepuluh, ayat siji, kita nemokake raja Kores diidentifikasi.

> In the third year of Cyrus king of Persia a thing was revealed unto Daniel, whose name was called Belteshazzar; and the thing was true, but the time appointed was long: and he understood the thing, and had understanding of the vision. Daniel 10:1.

> Ing taun katelu pamaréntahané Koresy, raja ing Persia, ana sawijining prakara kapratelakaké marang Daniel, kang aran Beltesyazar; lan prakara iku satemené, nanging wektu kang katetepaké iku dawa; lan dhèwèké mangertèni prakara iku, sarta nduwèni pangerten bab wahyu iku. Daniel 10:1.

In the following verses of chapter ten, we see the experience of Daniel represented in advance of Gabriel delivering the vision of prophetic history in chapter eleven. Cyrus marks the time of the end, for previously Cyrus, Darius’ nephew, had been Darius’ general who slew Belshazzar, thus marking the end of the seventy years of captivity, which typified the twelve-hundred and sixty-year captivity of spiritual Israel in spiritual Babylon from 538 unto 1798.

Ing ayat-ayat sabanjuré ing bab kaping sepuluh, kita nyumurupi pangalamané Daniel kang dipratandhakaké luwih dhisik sadurungé Gabriel ngaturaké wahyu sajarah kenabian ing bab kaping sewelas. Kores nandhani wektu pungkasan, awit sadurungé iku Kores, keponakané Darius, wus dadi panglimané Darius kang matèni Belsyazar, mangkono iku nandhani pungkasané pitung puluh taun panawanan, kang dadi pralambang tumrap panawanan rohani Israèl rohani sajroning Babil rohani lawasé sèwu rong atus suwidakan taun wiwit taun 538 nganti 1798.

> “God’s church on earth was as verily in captivity during this long period of relentless persecution as were the children of Israel held captive in Babylon during the period of the exile.” Prophets and Kings, 714.

> “Pasamuwaning Allah ing bumi sajatiné ana ing panyandran sajrone mangsa dawa panganiaya sing ora kendhat iki, padha temenan karo bani Israèl kang katahan dadi tawanan ing Babul sajrone mangsa pangasingan.” Prophets and Kings, 714.

The end of the twelve hundred and sixty years in 1798, marked the time of the end, so the end of the seventy years marked the “time of the end” for that history. Both Darius and Cyrus are represented at the death of Belshazzar and end of the kingdom of Babylon, for as Darius’s general who accomplished the work, Cyrus was representing Darius. When George Bush the first was inaugurated on January 20, 1989, Reagan had been president for the first nineteen days of 1989.

Pungkasaning sewu rong atus sawidak taun ing taun 1798 nandhani wektu wekasan, mula pungkasaning pitung puluh taun uga nandhani “wektu wekasan” tumrap sajarah iku. Loro-loroné, Darius lan Kores, digambarake ana ing wektu patiné Belsyazar lan pungkasaning karajan Babil, awit minangka panglima perangé Darius sing ngrampungaké pakaryan iku, Kores makili Darius. Nalika George Bush sing kapisan dilantik ing tanggal 20 Januari 1989, Reagan wis dadi présidhèn sajrone sangalas dina pisanan ing taun 1989.

The vision of the Hiddekel began at the time of the end, in the third year of Cyrus. When Gabriel begins to unfold to Daniel the prophetic history of chapter eleven, he first references the first year of Darius, to establish clearly that the vision of prophetic history that he was about to present to Daniel begins in the last time of the end, in 1989, for all the prophets speak more of the last days than the days in which they lived.

Wahyu ing Hiddekel diwiwiti ing wektu wekasan, ing taun katelu pamaréntahan Koresy. Nalika Gabriel wiwit mbabar marang Daniel sajarah kenabian ing pasal sewelas, dhèwèké luwih dhisik nyebut taun kapisané Darius, supaya kanthi cetha netepaké yèn wahyu ngenani sajarah kenabian kang arep dipratélakaké marang Daniel iku diwiwiti ing wektu pungkasaning wekasan, yaiku ing taun 1989, awit kabèh para nabi luwih akèh ngandika bab dina-dina pungkasan katimbang dina-dina nalika padha urip.

> But I will show thee that which is noted in the scripture of truth: and there is none that holdeth with me in these things, but Michael your prince. Also I in the first year of Darius the Mede, even I, stood to confirm and to strengthen him. Daniel 10:21, 11:1.

> Nanging aku bakal nuduhaké marang kowé apa kang kacathet ana ing Kitab Kayektèn; lan ora ana siji waé sing nyekel bebarengan karo aku ing prakara-prakara iki, kajaba Mikhaèl, pangéranmu. Uga aku, ing taun kapisané Darius, wong Média iku, ya aku, ngadeg kanggo netepaké lan nguwataké dhèwèké. Daniel 10:21, 11:1.

In the first year of Darius, which represents the time of the end in 1989, Gabriel “stood”, thus identifying that at a “time of the end”, an angel arrives. In 1798 the first angel arrived, and in 1989, the third angel arrived. It wasn’t until the message of the third angel was empowered in 2001 that the sealing of the third angel began, but the movement of the third angel arriving in 1989, is represented by Gabriel standing at the time of the end. Gabriel is going to show Daniel “that which is noted in the scripture of truth,” and the vision of the Hiddekel possesses the signature of “Truth,” which Gabriel is about to set forth.

Ing taun kapisan Darius, kang makili wektu wekasan ing taun 1989, Gabriel “ngadeg”, kanthi mangkono ngenali manawa ing sawijining “wektu wekasan”, ana malaékat kang rawuh. Ing taun 1798 malaékat kang kapisan rawuh, lan ing taun 1989, malaékat kang katelu rawuh. Panyegelan malaékat kang katelu durung diwiwiti nganti pawarta malaékat kang katelu diparingi kakuwatan ing taun 2001, nanging gerakan rawuhipun malaékat kang katelu ing taun 1989 dipratélakaké déning Gabriel kang ngadeg ing wektu wekasan. Gabriel arep nuduhaké marang Daniel “prakara kang kacathet ana ing Kitab Suci kayektèn,” lan sesanti Hiddekel ngemu tetenger “Kayektèn,” kang bakal diwedharaké déning Gabriel.

In verse fourteen of chapter ten Gabriel had already informed Daniel that what he was addressing in the vision of the Hiddekel was “what would happen to God’s people in the last days.”

Ing ayat patbelas saka pasal sepuluh, Gabriel wus ngandhani Daniel yèn apa kang lagi diandharaké ing wahyu ana ing Hiddekel iku yaiku “apa kang bakal kadadéan marang umaté Allah ing dina-dina wekasan.”

> Now I am come to make thee understand what shall befall thy people in the latter days: for yet the vision is for many days. Daniel 10:14.

> Saiki aku teka supaya kowé mangerti apa sing bakal katindakake marang bangsamu ing dina-dina pungkasan; awit wahyu iku isih tumrap akèh dina. Daniel 10:14.

Verse two of Daniel chapter eleven represents the knowledge that was unsealed at the time of the end in 1989, and which identifies what “shall befall” God’s people “in the latter days”.

Ayat kapindho saka Daniel bab sewelas nglambangaké kawruh sing dibukak segelé ing wektu wekasan ing taun 1989, lan kang nuduhaké apa sing “bakal tumiba” marang umaté Allah “ing dina-dina wekasan”.

> And now will I show thee the truth. Behold, there shall stand up yet three kings in Persia; and the fourth shall be far richer than they all: and by his strength through his riches he shall stir up all against the realm of Grecia. Daniel 11:2.

> Lan saiki aku bakal nuduhaké marang kowé kayektèn. Lah bakal ana telung raja maneh kang jumeneng ing tanah Persia; lan kang kaping pat bakal luwih sugih banget tinimbang wong-wong mau kabèh; lan marga saka kakuwatané lumantar kasugihané, dhèwèké bakal nggerakaké kabèh wong nglawan karajan Yunani. Daniel 11:2.

Cyrus prefigures the second king since 1989. He is the king of the Medo-Persian Empire, which represents the kingdom of Bible prophecy in the last days that is made up of two horns, represented by the Medes and the Persians. After the second king of the kingdom of the two-horned earth beast at the time of the end in 1989, there would yet be three kings (Clinton, Bush the last, Obama), and then there would be a king that was far richer than they all were. The three kings that followed Bush the first, got wealthy after their presidencies, and only because they had become president. Trump, the fourth that was far richer, and was the wealthiest president ever, did not make his money because he had been president, but primarily through his work in real estate investments, well before he ran for president.

Kores nggambarake sadurunge raja kapindho wiwit taun 1989. Dhèwèké iku rajaing Kakaisaran Medo-Persia, kang makili karajan ramalan Kitab Suci ing dina-dina wekasan kang dumadi saka rong sungu, kang diwakili déning wong Madai lan wong Persia. Sawisé raja kapindho saka karajan kéwan bumi mawa rong sungu ing wektu wekasan ing taun 1989, isih bakal ana telung raja (Clinton, Bush sing pungkasan, Obama), banjur bakal ana sawijining raja kang adoh luwih sugih tinimbang kabèh mau. Telung raja kang ndhèrèk sawisé Bush sing kapisan, dadi sugih sawisé kalungguhan présidhènanipun, lan mung amarga wus dadi présidhèn. Trump, raja kapapat kang adoh luwih sugih, lan présidhèn paling sugih sajroning sajarah, ora nglumpukaké kasugihané amarga wis dadi présidhèn, nanging utamané lumantar pakaryané ing investasi real estate, adoh sadurungé dhèwèké maju nyalon dadi présidhèn.

Formerly the richest president in American history, relatively speaking, was the first president of the United States. Prior to Donald Trump, George Washington was the richest president in American history, and he made his money as did Donald Trump, through real estate investments. Both Washington and Trump came to the presidency from non-traditional political backgrounds. Washington was primarily a military leader before becoming president, and Trump was a businessman and television personality, who like unto Washington was without any prior political experience.

Miturut ukuran relatif, présidhèn paling sugih ing sajarah Amérika biyèn yaiku présidhèn kapisaning Amérika Sarékat. Sadurungé Donald Trump, George Washington yaiku présidhèn paling sugih ing sajarah Amérika, lan piyambakipun nglumpukaké kasugihanipun, kados déné Donald Trump, lumantar investasi properti. Loro-loroné, Washington lan Trump, mlebet ing kaprésidhènan saking latar wingking pulitik ingkang boten lumrah. Washington ingkang utaminipun dados pamimpin militèr sadèrèngipun dados présidhèn, déné Trump punika satunggaling pengusaha lan kapribaden télévisi, ingkang kados déné Washington, tanpa pengalaman pulitik sadèrèngipun.

Both presidents were known for their strong personalities and leadership styles, although they manifested these traits quite differently. Washington was known for his stoic, calm, and confident leadership and unifying presence during the Revolutionary War and the early years of the Republic, while Trump is known for his assertive approach to leadership and governance. Both Washington and Trump were figures of significant controversy, albeit for very different reasons. Washington, while widely revered, faced criticism during his time for various issues, including his views on slavery. Trump’s presidency was marked by numerous controversies, including his use of “mean tweets” on social media, his America-first policy decisions, and his own self-awareness.

Kaloro présidhèn mau kawentar amarga kapribadené kang kuwat lan gaya kapemimpinané, sanadyan sipat-sipat mau katuduhaké kanthi cara kang béda banget. Washington misuwur amarga kapemimpinané kang stoik, tenang, lan kebak kapercayan, uga amarga anané minangka tokoh panyawiji sajroning Perang Révolusi lan ing taun-taun wiwitan Républik, déné Trump misuwur amarga cara kepemimpinan lan pamaréntahané kang tegas lan asertif. Washington lan Trump padha-padha dadi tokoh kang nuwuhaké kontroversi gedhé, senadyan amarga alesan kang béda banget. Washington, sanadyan diajeni kanthi jembar, nalika jamane tetep ngadhepi kritik tumrap manéka prakara, kalebu panemuné babagan perbudakan. Masa kaprésidhèné Trump ditandhani déning akèh kontroversi, kalebu panganggoné “tweet kasar” ing médhia sosial, kaputusan-kaputusan kawicaksanané kang ndhisikaké Amerika, lan kasadarané marang dhiriné dhéwé.

The richest and sixth president was to stir up the globalist dragon powers. When we lay the history of verse two of chapter eleven, upon the history of the period of 1776, 1789, and 1798, we find further information addressing the last president of the earth beast, for Jesus illustrates the end with the beginning. The first two periods represented by 1776, and 1789, provide two witnesses that the final president, will be the eighth president, who was of the seven. Trump was the sixth president after Reagan, and as the eighth president, he will be “of the seven”. The final, and eighth president will rule when the United States forms the image “to and of” the beast.

Présidhèn kaping nem, sing paling sugih, bakal nggegana kakuwatan naga globalis. Nalika kita nempataké sajarahing ayat loro saka pasal sewelas ing sandhuwuré sajarahing mangsa 1776, 1789, lan 1798, kita nemokaké katrangan luwih lanjut kang nyemak présidhèn pungkasan saka kéwan bumi, amarga Gusti Yésus nggambaraké wekasan kanthi wiwitan. Rong mangsa kapisan kang diwakili déning 1776 lan 1789, maringi loro seksi yèn présidhèn pungkasan iku bakal dadi présidhèn kaping wolu, kang asalé saka pitu. Trump iku présidhèn kaping nem sawisé Reagan, lan minangka présidhèn kaping wolu, dhèwèké bakal dadi “saka pitu”. Présidhèn pungkasan, lan kaping wolu, bakal mrentah nalika Amérika Sarékat mbentuk gambar “marang lan saka” kéwan iku.

The president who rules when the image of the beast is formed by the United States, must be the eighth, that is of the seven, as witnessed to by Peyton Randolph, and John Hancock. The papacy is the eighth head that was of the seven, and it received a prophetic deadly wound. To be an image of the papacy, the eighth president that is of the seven, must also have a prophetic identification of being prophetically “wounded” or “killed”.

Présidhèn kang mrentah nalika gambaring kéwan mau kawangun déning Amérikah Sarékat, mesthi dadi kang kaping wolu, yaiku asalé saka pitu mau, kaya dene kasaksènaké déning Peyton Randolph lan John Hancock. Kapapaan iku sirah kaping wolu kang asalé saka pitu mau, lan nampani tatu pati sing sipaté nabi. Supaya dadi gambar saka kapapaan, présidhèn kaping wolu kang asalé saka pitu mau uga kudu nduwèni pratandha kenabian, yaiku kanthi sipat nabi “katatu” utawa “dipatèni”.

The papacy received its deadly wound from a dragon power (France), a dragon power who the papacy had been struggling against since the time when Paul identified that, the mystery of iniquity (the man of sin), did already work at that time. The dragon of paganism was restraining the papacy from taking the throne, which it did in 538.

Kapapausan nampi patiné tatu saka sawijining kakuwatan naga (Prancis), yaiku kakuwatan naga kang wis dilawan déning kapapausan wiwit jaman nalika Paulus netepaké manawa ing wektu iku uga “rahasyané piala” (“wong duraka”) wis wiwit makarya. Naga paganisme lagi nyegah kapapausan supaya ora ngasta dhampar, kang pungkasane ditindakake ing taun 538.

From the beginning of the papacy unto its final demise it struggles against dragon powers. An image of the papacy requires that the image struggles with a dragon power. In Revelation seventeen the papacy, who is the eighth head, that is of the seven heads, is ultimately burned with fire and her flesh is eaten by the ten kings. In both deaths (1798 and the last days), the papal beast is killed by a dragon power. In order for the United States to form an image of the beast, the eighth president would also need to be killed by a dragon power that it was at war with, and the sixth king after the time of the end in 1989, is the king that stirred up all the dragon powers.

Wiwit wiwitané kapausan nganti tumekaning karusakané kang pungkasan, kapausan iku gumul nglawan kakuwasan-kakuwasan naga. Sawijining gambar saka kapausan nuntut supaya gambar iku uga gumul nglawan sawijining kakuwasan naga. Ing Wahyu pitulas, kapausan, yaiku sirah kaping wolu, kang asalé saka pitu sirah, ing pungkasané diobong nganggo geni lan dagingé dipangan déning para ratu sepuluh. Ing kaloroné pati iku (1798 lan dina-dina pungkasan), kéwan papal dipatèni déning sawijining kakuwasan naga. Supaya Amérika Sarékat bisa mbentuk gambar saka kéwan iku, présidhèn kaping wolu uga kudu dipatèni déning sawijining kakuwasan naga kang lagi diprangangi, lan ratu kaping enem sawisé wektu pungkasan ing taun 1989, yaiku ratu kang ngojok-ojoki kabèh kakuwasan naga.

Ronald Reagan was an apostate Protestant, but George Bush the first, was a classic globalist. One of his famous quotes is where he lied by saying, on August 18, 1988, “And I’m the one who will not raise taxes. My opponent now says he’ll raise them as a last resort, or a third resort. But when a politician talks like that, you know that’s one resort he’ll be checking into. My opponent won’t rule out raising taxes. But I will. And the Congress will push me to raise taxes and I’ll say no. And they’ll push, and I’ll say no, and they’ll push again, and all I can say to them is: read my lips: no new taxes.”

Ronald Reagan iku sawijining Protestan murtad, nanging George Bush sing kapisan, iku sawijining globalis klasik. Salah siji saka pethikané kang misuwur yaiku nalika dhèwèké goroh kanthi ngandika, ing tanggal 18 Agustus 1988, “Lan aku iki wong sing ora bakal ngunggahaké pajeg. Saiki lawanku kandha yèn dhèwèké bakal ngunggahaké pajeg minangka upaya pungkasan, utawa upaya katelu. Nanging manawa sawijining pulitikus guneman kaya mangkono, kowé ngerti yèn kuwi upaya sing bakal dileboni déning dhèwèké. Lawanku ora gelem nyirnakaké kamungkinan ngunggahaké pajeg. Nanging aku bakal. Lan Kongres bakal meksa aku supaya ngunggahaké pajeg lan aku bakal kandha ora. Lan wong-wong kuwi bakal meksa, lan aku bakal kandha ora, lan wong-wong kuwi bakal meksa manèh, lan sakabèhé sing bisa dakwedharaké marang wong-wong kuwi yaiku: rungokna tembungku: ora ana pajeg anyar.”

Other than that public lie, which is an attribute of a representative of the dragon power, his most famous quote was at a joint session of Congress on September 11, 1990, where he said, “Now, we can see a new world coming into view. A world in which there is the very real prospect of a new world order. In the words of Winston Churchill, a ‘world order’ in which ‘the principles of justice and fair play … protect the weak against the strong …’ A world where the United Nations, freed from cold war stalemate, is poised to fulfill the historic vision of its founders.” Bush the senior was a globalist, even if he identified as a Republican.

Kajaba goroh umum iku, kang dadi sawijining sipat saka wakiling kakuwasan naga, pethikané kang paling misuwur diucapaké ana ing sawijining sidang gabungan Kongres tanggal 11 September 1990, nalika dhèwèké ngandika, “Saiki, kita bisa ndeleng sawijining donya anyar wiwit katon cetha. Sawijining donya kang ing jeroné ana prospek kang temen nyata tumrap sawijining tatanan donya anyar. Miturut pangandikané Winston Churchill, sawijining ‘tatanan donya’ kang ing jeroné ‘asas-asas kaadilan lan dol-tinuku kang adil … nglindhungi wong kang ringkih saka wong kang kuwat …’ Sawijining donya ing ngendi Perserikatan Bangsa-Bangsa, sawisé kabebasaké saka mandheg-buntu perang adhem, wis siyaga kanggo netepi sesanti sajarah para pangedegé.” Bush sepuh iku sawijining globalis, sanadyan dhèwèké ngakoni dhiriné minangka wong Republik.

Bill Clinton was the first president to hold his inauguration ceremony at the Lincoln Memorial, which means he turned his back to Lincoln and faced the obelisk of Washington’s monument, an obelisk that is internally filled with symbols of Freemasonry. Both the obelisk and the symbols of Freemasonry he chose to face as he falsely swore his allegiance to the Constitution, represented not only that he had turned his back upon the anti-slavery symbol of the Lincoln Memorial, but Clintons’ chosen historic positioning, agrees with his acceptance speech, where he praised a professor whom he had studied under in the Jesuit University that he had attended.

Bill Clinton iku presidhèn kapisan sing nganakaké upacara pelantikané ing Lincoln Memorial, kang ateges yèn dhèwèké mbalikaké gegeré marang Lincoln lan ngadhep marang obelisk Monumèn Washington, sawijining obelisk kang ing jeroné kapenuhan simbol-simbol Freemasonry. Obelisk mau lan uga simbol-simbol Freemasonry kang dipilihé kanggo diadhepi nalika dhèwèké kanthi palsu ngucap sumpah kasetyané marang Konstitusi, makili ora mung yèn dhèwèké wis mbalikaké gegeré marang simbol anti-perbudakan saka Lincoln Memorial, nanging uga yèn pamilih posisi sajarah déning Clinton iku cocog karo pidato panrimané, nalika dhèwèké muji sawijining profesor kang tau dadi guru sinauané ing Universitas Jesuit kang tau dirawuhi.

That professor, Carroll Quigley, wrote the book: Tragedy and Hope: A History of the World in Our Time, which was published in 1966, and is correctly and widely understood to represent “the Bible for globalist ideas”. As the Koran is to Islam, and as Morals and Dogma of the Ancient and Accepted Scottish Rite of Freemasonry, written by Albert Pike, and published in 1871, is considered the most comprehensive exposition of the esoteric teachings of Freemasonry; or as The Book of Mormon is to the Latter Day Saints, Quigley’s book is the Bible of globalist philosophy. Most would have known if Clinton praised Mohammed of the Koran, or if he praised Joseph Smith of The Book of Mormon, and some would have known who Albert Pike was, but few knew that Clinton’s praise of Quigley was consistent with his own globalist agenda, and his rejection of the principles represented by Abraham Lincoln.

Profesor punika, Carroll Quigley, nyerat buku kanthi irah-irahan: *Tragedy and Hope: A History of the World in Our Time*, ingkang kapacak ing taun 1966, lan kanthi leres sarta kanthi wiyar dipunmangertosi minangka “Bibel tumrap gagasan-gagasan globalis”. Kados déné Al-Qur’an tumrap Islam, lan kados déné *Morals and Dogma of the Ancient and Accepted Scottish Rite of Freemasonry*, ingkang dipunserat déning Albert Pike lan kapacak ing taun 1871, dipunanggep minangka paparan ingkang paling jangkep ngenani piwulang-piwulang esoterik Freemasonry; utawi kados déné *The Book of Mormon* tumrap para Latter Day Saints, bukuipun Quigley punika dados Bibel filsafat globalis. Akèh tiyang mesthi badhé mangertos menawi Clinton muji Muhammad saking Al-Qur’an, utawi menawi piyambakipun muji Joseph Smith saking *The Book of Mormon*, lan sawatawis mesthi mangertos sinten Albert Pike punika, nanging namung sakedhik ingkang mangertos bilih pujian Clinton dhateng Quigley punika selaras kaliyan agenda globalisipun piyambak, lan kaliyan panolakanipun dhateng prinsip-prinsip ingkang dipunlambangaken déning Abraham Lincoln.

In the speech, Clinton said: “As a teenager, I heard John Kennedy’s summons to citizenship. And then, as a student at Georgetown, I heard that call clarified by a professor named Carroll Quigley, who said to us that America was the greatest nation in history because our people have always believed in two things: that tomorrow can be better than today and that every one of us has a personal moral responsibility to make it so.” Carroll Quigley’s idea on how to “make America great again”, was for the United States to surrender its national sovereignty to the United Nations. Clinton was a Democrat, globalist, representative of the dragon.

Ing pidhato kasebut, Clinton ngandika: “Nalika isih dadi nom-noman, aku krungu panggilan John Kennedy marang kawarganagaraan. Banjur, nalika dadi mahasiswa ing Georgetown, aku krungu panggilan mau dipratelakake kanthi luwih cetha déning sawijining profesor aran Carroll Quigley, sing ngandika marang aku kabèh yèn Amerika iku bangsa kang paling agung sajroning sajarah amarga rakyat kita tansah pracaya marang rong prakara: yèn sesuk bisa luwih becik tinimbang dina iki lan yèn saben wong ing antarané kita nduwèni tanggung jawab moral pribadi kanggo ndadèkaké mangkono.” Gagasané Carroll Quigley bab carané “nggawé Amerika dadi agung manèh”, yaiku supaya Amerika Sarékat nyerahaké kadhaulatan nasionalé marang Perserikatan Bangsa-Bangsa. Clinton iku wong Demokrat, globalis, wakilé naga.

“Like father, like son”, George Bush the last, was a globalist, and just as was his father, a globalist who professed to be Republican. The apple does not fall far from the tree. The Bible raises the rhetorical question, “Can two walk together, except they be agreed?” One simply needs to track the many enterprises that Bush the last, accomplished together with Bill and Hillary Clinton to see who Bush the last agreed with.

“Kaya bapak, kaya anak,” George Bush sing pungkasan iku sawijining globalis, lan kaya dene bapake, sawijining globalis sing ngakoni awake Republik. Woh apel ora tiba adoh saka wité. Kitab Suci ngandharaké pitakon retoris, “Apa ana wong loro bisa lumaku bebarengan, kajaba manawa padha sarujuk?” Wong mung prelu nlusuri akèh upaya sing ditindakaké Bush sing pungkasan bebarengan karo Bill lan Hillary Clinton kanggo weruh karo sapa Bush sing pungkasan iku sarujuk.

Barack Hussein Obama made a statement about fundamentally transforming the United States during a campaign rally shortly before he was elected as President. On October 30, 2008, in Columbia, Missouri, Obama said: “We are five days away from fundamentally transforming the United States of America.” The statement was part of Obama’s broader message of “hope and change”, which was a central theme of his 2008 presidential campaign, emphasizing his commitment to significant policy reforms and a different direction for the country. The direction he turned the country was into the dragon policies of globalism, anti-white, pro-abortion, anti-carbon fuels, anti-America pro-globalism, Diversity, Equity, Inclusion, the false history of Critical Race Theory, and on and on. Obama was not simply a community organizer; he was and still is a representative of the dragon power’s globalist agenda.

Barack Hussein Obama naté ngaturaké sawijining pratelan ngenani ngowahi Amerika Sarékat kanthi dhasar sajroning sawijining rapat umum kampanye sakedhépé dhèwèké kapilih dadi Présidhèn. Ing tanggal 30 Oktober 2008, ing Columbia, Missouri, Obama ngendika: “Kita kari limang dina manèh sadurungé ngowahi Amerika Sarékat kanthi dhasar.” Pratelan iku dadi bagéan saka pesen Obama kang luwih amba bab “pangajab lan owah-owahan”, kang dadi téma pokok kampanye kaprésidhèné ing taun 2008, kanthi negesaké prasetyané marang reformasi kawicaksanan kang wigati lan arah kang béda tumrap nagara iku. Arah kang dituju nalika ngowahi nagara iku yaiku menyang kawicaksanan naga saka globalisme, anti-kulit putih, pro-aborsi, anti-bahan bakar karbon, anti-Amerika pro-globalisme, Diversity, Equity, Inclusion, sajarah palsu saka Critical Race Theory, lan sapanunggalané manèh. Obama dudu mung sawijining pangatur komunitas; dhèwèké iku, lan isih tetep dadi, sawijining wakil saka agenda globalis kakuwatan naga.

Trump however, unlike a typical modern politician, kept more promises than all the other seven presidents in the period beginning in 1989, combined. He was committed to making America great again, and in so attempting, he stirred up the globalist powers that be, not only in the United States, but in the entire world.

Nanging Trump, béda karo politisi modhèren lumrahé, netepi janji luwih akèh tinimbang kabèh pitu présidhèn liyané sajrone mangsa sing diwiwiti ing taun 1989, yen digabung. Panjenengané setya marang tekad kanggo ndadèkaké Amerika agung manèh, lan sajroning upaya mangkono, panjenengané nggegèraké kakuwatan-kakuwatan globalis sing lagi kuwasa, ora mung ing Amérika Sarékat, nanging uga ing saindenging jagad.

Joe Biden has no evidence whatsoever that he is anything other than another globalist.

Joe Biden ora nduwèni bukti apa waé sing nduduhaké yèn dhèwèké iku apa-apa liyané kejaba mung globalis liyané.

The beast of Catholicism waged a long-drawn-out war with the dragon powers, and the president that is reigning when the United States forms an image of the papacy, will, of prophetic necessity, be in a struggle with the dragon powers. None of the living presidents, other than Donald Trump, would wage war with the dragon powers, for the Democrats are openly globalist (dragons), and George Bush the last, was, as his father was (a professed Republican, that is actually a globalist dragon), for Jesus always illustrates the last with the first.

Kéwan saka Katolikisme nindakaké perang kang dawa lan nganti suwe karo kakuwasan naga, lan présidhèn kang lagi mrentah nalika Amérika Sarékat mbentuk gambar saka kapausan, kanthi kabutuhan profètis, bakal ana ing sajroning pasulayan karo kakuwasan naga. Ora ana siji waé saka para présidhèn kang isih urip, kajaba Donald Trump, kang bakal nindakaké perang karo kakuwasan naga; amarga para Demokrat kanthi terang-terangan iku globalis (naga), lan George Bush sing pungkasan, iya mangkono kaya bapaké (wong kang ngakoni dadi Republikan, nanging satemené iku naga globalis), awit Gusti Yésus tansah nggambaraké kang pungkasan kanthi kang wiwitan.

We will continue this study in the next article.

Kita badhé nglajengaken pasinaon punika wonten ing artikel salajengipun.

> “A great crisis awaits the people of God. A crisis awaits the world. The most momentous struggle of all the ages is just before us. Events which for more than forty years we have upon the authority of the prophetic word declared to be impending are now taking place before our eyes. Already the question of an amendment to the Constitution restricting liberty of conscience has been urged upon the legislators of the nation. The question of enforcing Sunday observance has become one of national interest and importance. We well know what the result of this movement will be. But are we ready for the issue? Have we faithfully discharged the duty which God has committed to us of giving the people warning of the danger before them?

> “Krisis gedhé ngentèni umaté Gusti Allah. Krisis uga ngentèni donya. Pergumulan sing paling wigati sajroning sakèhé jaman wis ana ing ngarepé kita. Prastawa-prastawa sing luwih saka patang puluh taun wis kita wartakaké, adhedhasar panguwasa pangandika kenabian, bakal kelakon, saiki lagi dumadi ana ing ngarepé mripat kita. Pitakon bab sawijining amendemen marang Konstitusi kang matesi kamardikaning nurani wis kasurungaké marang para anggota législatif bangsa iki. Pitakon bab ngetrapaké pangreksaning dina Minggu wis dadi prakara kang narik kawigatèn nasional lan wigatiné gedhé. Kita ngerti kanthi cetha apa kang bakal dadi asil saka gerakan iki. Nanging apa kita wis siyap ngadhepi prakara iki? Apa kita wis kanthi setya nindakaké kuwajiban kang wis dipasrahaké Gusti Allah marang kita, yaiku maringi pepènget marang wong akèh bab bebaya sing ana ing ngarepé wong-wong mau?”

> “There are many, even of those engaged in this movement for Sunday enforcement, who are blinded to the results which will follow this action. They do not see that they are striking directly against religious liberty. There are many who have never understood the claims of the Bible Sabbath and the false foundation upon which the Sunday institution rests. Any movement in favor of religious legislation is really an act of concession to the papacy, which for so many ages has steadily warred against liberty of conscience. Sunday observance owes its existence as a so-called Christian institution to ‘the mystery of iniquity;’ and its enforcement will be a virtual recognition of the principles which are the very cornerstone of Romanism. When our nation shall so abjure the principles of its government as to enact a Sunday law, Protestantism will in this act join hands with popery; it will be nothing else than giving life to the tyranny which has long been eagerly watching its opportunity to spring again into active despotism.

> “Ana akèh wong, malah kalebu wong-wong sing melu ing gerakan kanggo ngetrapaké pangreksan dina Minggu iki, sing kabut marang akibat-akibat kang bakal ndherek tumindak iki. Wong-wong mau ora weruh yèn wong-wong kuwi lagi nyerang kanthi langsung marang kamardikan agama. Ana akèh wong sing durung tau mangertèni tuntutan Sabat miturut Kitab Suci lan dhasar palsu kang dadi sandaraning pranatan dina Minggu. Saben gerakan kang ndhukung undhang-undhang agama satemené iku sawijining tindak pasrah marang kepausan, kang wis suwi banget kanthi tetep perang nglawan kamardikaning nurani. Pangreksan dina Minggu nduwèni asal-usulé minangka pranatan kang sinebut Kristen saka ‘rahasyaning duraka;’ lan pangreksané iku bakal dadi pangakon nyata marang prinsip-prinsip kang dadi watu pojoké Romanisme. Nalika bangsa kita nganti nyélaki prinsip-prinsip pamaréntahané dhéwé nganti netepaké sawijining undhang-undhang dina Minggu, Protestanisme sajroning tumindak iki bakal gandhèng tangan karo kapausan; iku ora liya kajaba maringi urip marang tirani kang wis suwé kanthi banget ngentèni wektu kanggo mbalèni manèh mlebu ing despotisme kang aktif.”

> “The National Reform movement, exercising the power of religious legislation, will, when fully developed, manifest the same intolerance and oppression that have prevailed in past ages. Human councils then assumed the prerogatives of Deity, crushing under their despotic power liberty of conscience; and imprisonment, exile, and death followed for those who opposed their dictates. If popery or its principles shall again be legislated into power, the fires of persecution will be rekindled against those who will not sacrifice conscience and the truth in deference to popular errors. This evil is on the point of realization.

> “Gerakan Reformasi Nasional, nalika ngleksanakaké kakuwatan pranatan agama, manawa wus ngrembaka kanthi sampurna, bakal nduduhaké intoleransi lan panindhesan kang padha kaya sing tau mrentah ing jaman-jaman biyèn. Ing wektu iku, dewan-dewan manungsa ngrebut hak-hak istimewa kagunganing Kaallahan, ngremuk kabébasaning nurani ana ing sangisoré kakuwatané kang despotis; lan pakunjaran, pambuwangan, lan pati banjur tumiba marang wong-wong kang nglawan pepakoné. Manawa kepausan utawa prinsip-prinsipé pisan manèh diparingi kakuwatan lumantar undhang-undhang, geni panganiaya bakal murub manèh nglawan wong-wong kang ora gelem ngurbanaké nurani lan kayektèn minangka pangabekti marang kasalahan-kasalahan kang dipracaya wong akèh. Piala iki wis ana ing ambang kaleksanan.”

> “When God has given us light showing the dangers before us, how can we stand clear in His sight if we neglect to put forth every effort in our power to bring it before the people? Can we be content to leave them to meet this momentous issue unwarned?” Testimonies, volume 5, 711, 712.

> “Nalika Gusti Allah wis maringi pepadhang marang kita kang nuduhake bebaya-bebaya ana ing ngarepan kita, kepriye kita bisa tetep tanpa cacad ana ing ngarsanipun manawa kita nglirwakake kanggo ngupayakake kanthi satemen-temene sakehing daya kang ana ing kakuwatan kita supaya nggawa pepadhang iku ana ing ngarepe rakyat? Apa kita bisa rumangsa marem yen ninggalake wong-wong mau ngadhepi prakara kang banget wigati iki tanpa pepeling?” Testimonies, volume 5, 711, 712.

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