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# The Book of Daniel - Number One-Hundred and Thirty-Eight

Kitaabka Daanyeel - Boqol iyo Siddeed iyo Soddonaad

Unveiling Daniel 11: A Prophetic Journey through History

Furfuridda Daanyeel 11: Socdaal Nebiyadeed oo Taariikhda Dhex Mara

Author

Jeff Pippenger

Published

March 15, 2024

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Verse forty of Daniel chapter eleven, represents one of the most profound verses of God’s Word. The prophetic histories that are represented therein are where the wheels within the wheels of Ezekiel’s vision are brought together. With the time of the end of the Millerite movement in 1798, and also the time of the end of the movement of the third angel in 1989, the internal and external histories of God’s people of the last days are portrayed. Within the verse is the announcement of the approaching judgment which arrived with the first angel in 1798, all the way until the Sunday law of verse forty-one. The verse therefore represents the investigative judgment of God’s church beginning with the dead, through to the sealing of the one hundred and forty-four thousand, and God spewing Laodicean Adventism out of His mouth.

Aayadda afartanka ee Daanyeel cutubka kow iyo tobnaad waxay ka dhigan tahay mid ka mid ah aayadaha ugu qotada dheer ee ku jira Erayga Ilaah. Taariikhaha nebiyadeed ee halkaas lagu metelay waa meel ay isugu yimaadaan giraangiraha ku dhex jira giraangiraha ee riyadii Yexesqeel. Iyada oo la joogo wakhtiga dhammaadka ee dhaqdhaqaaqii Millerite-ka sannadkii 1798, iyo sidoo kale wakhtiga dhammaadka ee dhaqdhaqaaqii malaa’igta saddexaad sannadkii 1989, ayaa la sawiray taariikhaha gudaha iyo dibadda ee dadka Ilaah ee maalmaha ugu dambeeya. Aayadda gudaheeda waxaa ku jira ku dhawaaqidda xukunka soo dhowaanaya oo la yimid malaa’igtii kowaad sannadkii 1798, ilaa laga gaadhayo sharciga Axadda ee aayadda afartan iyo kow. Sidaas darteed aayaddu waxay metelaysaa xukunka baadhista ee kaniisadda Ilaah, oo ka bilaabmaya kuwii dhintay, ilaa la gaadhayo shaabadaynta boqol iyo afartan iyo afar kun, iyo Ilaah oo Adventism-ka La’odikiya afkiisa ka tufaya.

The history where the papacy received its deadly wound in 1798, until the deadly wound is healed in verse forty-one is represented in the history of the verse. Verse forty-one onward is set within the context of the escalating executive judgments of God, which begin in that verse. In this prophetic sense, verse forty is the end of Daniel chapter eleven, and verses one and two, of the chapter are the beginning. Chapter eleven presents the rebellion of the antichrist, and chapter ten represents the beginning of the Hiddekel River vision, and chapter twelve represents the end. Chapters ten and twelve represent the first and the last, and chapter eleven is the rebellion in the middle.

Taariikhda uu baabnimadu ku heshay dhaawaceedii dilaaga ahaa sannadkii 1798, ilaa dhaawacii dilaaga ahaa lagu bogsiiyo aayadda afartan iyo kow, ayaa lagu matalay taariikhda aayaddaas. Laga bilaabo aayadda afartan iyo kow iyo wixii ka dambeeya waxaa lagu dejiyey macnaha xukummada fulineed ee Ilaah ee sii xoogaysanaya, kuwaas oo ka bilaabma aayaddaas. Macnahan nebiyadeed, aayadda afartan waa dhammaadka cutubka kow iyo tobnaad ee Daanyeel, halka aayadaha kow iyo laba, ee cutubka xiga, ay yihiin bilowgiisa. Cutubka kow iyo tobnaad wuxuu soo bandhigayaa kacdoonka Masiixa ka geeska ah, cutubka tobnaadna wuxuu matalaa bilowga muujintii Webiga Xiddeqel, halka cutubka laba iyo tobnaad uu matalayo dhammaadkiisa. Cutubyada tobnaad iyo laba iyo tobnaad waxay matalaan kii ugu horreeyey iyo kii ugu dambeeyey, cutubka kow iyo tobnaadna waa kacdoonka dhexda ku jira.

Chapters ten and twelve are the same, for, unlike chapter eleven, they represent Daniel’s experience in relation to the vision, and chapter eleven is the vision. Chapter ten is the first letter of the Hebrew alphabet, chapter eleven is the thirteenth rebellious letter of the Hebrew alphabet, and chapter twelve is the last letter of the alphabet. The Hiddekel River vision is the “Truth.”

Cutubyada tobnaad iyo laba-iyo-tobnaad waa isku mid, waayo, si ka duwan cutubka kow iyo tobnaad, waxay matalaan waayo-aragnimada Daanyeel ee la xidhiidha aragtida, halka cutubka kow iyo tobnaad uu yahay aragtida lafteeda. Cutubka tobnaad waa xarafka ugu horreeya ee alifbeetada Cibraaniga, cutubka kow iyo tobnaadna waa xarafka saddex-iyo-tobnaad ee caasiga ah ee alifbeetada Cibraaniga, cutubka laba-iyo-tobnaadna waa xarafka ugu dambeeya ee alifbeetada. Aragtida Webiga Hiddeqel waa “Runta.”

In chapter eleven, the beginning illustrates the end, for Christ never changes. The final history represented in verse forty, is the testing time of the image of the beast. That testing time concludes with the mark of the beast, which is represented in verse forty-one. Verses one and two, must therefore address the sealing time of the one hundred and forty-four thousand, for that period of time is also the period of the formation of the image of the beast.

Cutubka kow iyo tobnaad, bilowgu wuxuu sawirayaa dhammaadka, waayo Masiixu marnaba isma beddelo. Taariikhda ugu dambaysa ee lagu matalay aayadda afartanaad waa wakhtiga imtixaanka ee sanamka bahalka. Wakhtigaas imtixaanka ahi wuxuu ku dhammaadaa astaanta bahalka, taas oo lagu matalay aayadda afartan iyo kow. Sidaas daraaddeed, aayadaha koowaad iyo labaad waa inay ka hadlaan wakhtiga shaabadaynta ee boqol iyo afartan iyo afarta kun, waayo muddadaas wakhtiga ahi sidoo kale waa muddada samaysanka sanamka bahalka.

> “The Lord has shown me clearly that the image of the beast will be formed before probation closes; for it is to be the great test for the people of God, by which their eternal destiny will be decided. . ..

> “Sayidku si cad ayuu ii tusay in suuradda bahalka la samayn doono ka hor inta xilligii nimcadu xidhmin; waayo, tani waxay noqon doontaa imtixaanka weyn ee dadka Ilaah, kaas oo aayahooda weligeed ah lagu go’aamin doono....”

> “This is the test that the people of God must have before they are sealed.” Manuscript Releases, volume 15, 15.

> “Tanu waa imtixaanka ay tahay in dadka Ilaah ay maraan ka hor intaan la shaabadayn.” Manuscript Releases, volume 15, 15.

There are always two waymarks that identify a time of the end. In the reform movement of Moses, it was Aaron’s birth followed three years later with Moses’ birth. In the reform movement to come out of Babylon and rebuild the temple it was king Darius, followed by king Cyrus. In the reform movement of Christ, it was the birth of John the Baptist, followed in six months by the birth of Christ. In the reform movement of the Millerites it was the death of the papal system in 1798, followed by the death of the pope in 1799. In the reform movement of the third angel, it was president Reagan and president Bush the first, who both represented 1989. In Daniel chapter ten, verse one, we find king Cyrus identified.

Mar walba waxaa jira laba calaamadood oo muujinaya wakhtiga dhammaadka. Dhaqdhaqaaqii dib-u-habaynta ee Muuse, waxay ahayd dhalashadii Haaruun, waxaana saddex sannadood ka dib xigtay dhalashadii Muuse. Dhaqdhaqaaqii dib-u-habaynta ee ka bixitaankii Baabuloon iyo dib-u-dhisiddii macbudka, waxay ahayd boqor Daariyos, waxaana xigtay boqor Kuros. Dhaqdhaqaaqii dib-u-habaynta ee Masiixa, waxay ahayd dhalashadii Yooxanaa Baabtiisaha, waxaana lix bilood ka dib xigtay dhalashadii Masiixa. Dhaqdhaqaaqii dib-u-habaynta ee Milleriyiinta, waxay ahayd dhimashadii nidaamka baabawnimada sannadkii 1798, waxaana xigtay dhimashadii baadariga sannadkii 1799. Dhaqdhaqaaqii dib-u-habaynta ee malaa’igta saddexaad, waxay ahaayeen madaxweyne Reagan iyo madaxweynihii koowaad ee Bush, kuwaas oo labaduba matalayay 1989. Daanyeel cutubka toban, aayadda koowaad, waxaan ka helaynaa boqor Kuros oo la aqoonsaday.

> In the third year of Cyrus king of Persia a thing was revealed unto Daniel, whose name was called Belteshazzar; and the thing was true, but the time appointed was long: and he understood the thing, and had understanding of the vision. Daniel 10:1.

> Sannaddii saddexaad oo Kuuros oo ahaa boqorkii Faaris ayaa wax loo muujiyey Daanyeel, kan magiciisa loo yiqiin Belteshasar; oo waxaasu run bay ahaayeen, laakiinse wakhtigii loo cayimay wuu dheeraa; oo isna waxaasuu gartay, oo waxgarasho buu u lahaa riyada. Daanyeel 10:1.

In the following verses of chapter ten, we see the experience of Daniel represented in advance of Gabriel delivering the vision of prophetic history in chapter eleven. Cyrus marks the time of the end, for previously Cyrus, Darius’ nephew, had been Darius’ general who slew Belshazzar, thus marking the end of the seventy years of captivity, which typified the twelve-hundred and sixty-year captivity of spiritual Israel in spiritual Babylon from 538 unto 1798.

Aayadaha xiga ee cutubka tobnaad, waxaynu ku aragnaa waayo-aragnimadii Daanyeel oo hore loo soo bandhigay ka hor intii aanu Jibriil gudbin waxyiga taariikhda nebinnimada ee cutubka kow iyo tobnaad. Kuuros wuxuu tilmaamayaa wakhtiga ugu dambaysta, maxaa yeelay markii hore Kuuros, oo ahaa ina-adeerkii Daariyos, wuxuu ahaa taliyihii ciidanka ee Daariyos kaas oo dilay Belshaasaar, sidaasna ku calaamadeeyay dhammaadkii toddobaatanka sannadood ee maxaabiisnimada, taas oo astaan u ahayd maxaabiisnimadii kun iyo laba boqol iyo lixdanka sannadood ee Israa’iilka ruuxiga ah ku jiray Baabuloonta ruuxiga ah laga bilaabo 538 ilaa 1798.

> “God’s church on earth was as verily in captivity during this long period of relentless persecution as were the children of Israel held captive in Babylon during the period of the exile.” Prophets and Kings, 714.

> “Kaniisadda Ilaah ee dhulka joogta waxay si run ah ugu jirtay maxaabiisnimo muddadan dheer ee silcinta aan joogsiga lahayn, sida carruurtii Israa’iil ay maxaabiis ugu ahaayeen Baabuloon intii lagu jiray muddadii masaafurinta.” Prophets and Kings, 714.

The end of the twelve hundred and sixty years in 1798, marked the time of the end, so the end of the seventy years marked the “time of the end” for that history. Both Darius and Cyrus are represented at the death of Belshazzar and end of the kingdom of Babylon, for as Darius’s general who accomplished the work, Cyrus was representing Darius. When George Bush the first was inaugurated on January 20, 1989, Reagan had been president for the first nineteen days of 1989.

Dhammaadka kun iyo laba boqol iyo lixdanka sannadood ee 1798 waxay calaamadisay wakhtiga dhammaadka; sidaas oo kale dhammaadka toddobaatanka sannadood wuxuu calaamadiyey “wakhtiga dhammaadka” ee taariikhdaas. Daryuus iyo Kuros labaduba waxaa lagu metelayaa dhimashadii Belshaasar iyo dhammaadkii boqortooyadii Baabuloon, waayo Kuros, isagoo ahaa jeneraalka Daryuus ee fuliyey hawshaas, wuxuu matalayay Daryuus. Markii George Bush kii koowaad la caleemo saaray Janaayo 20, 1989, Reagan wuxuu madaxweyne ahaa sagaalkii iyo tobanka maalmood ee ugu horreeyey ee 1989.

The vision of the Hiddekel began at the time of the end, in the third year of Cyrus. When Gabriel begins to unfold to Daniel the prophetic history of chapter eleven, he first references the first year of Darius, to establish clearly that the vision of prophetic history that he was about to present to Daniel begins in the last time of the end, in 1989, for all the prophets speak more of the last days than the days in which they lived.

Riyadii Hiddeqel waxay bilaabatay wakhtiga dhammaadka, sannaddii saddexaad ee Kuros. Marka Gabrii’eel bilaabo inuu Daanyeel u furo taariikhda nebiyadeed ee cutubka kow iyo tobnaad, wuxuu marka hore tixraacaa sannaddii kowaad ee Daariyos, si uu si cad u adkeeyo in riyada taariikhda nebiyadeed ee uu ku dhowaa inuu Daanyeel u soo bandhigo ay ka bilaabato wakhtiga ugu dambeeya ee dhammaadka, sannadkii 1989, waayo nebiyada oo dhammu waxay ka sii hadlaan maalmaha ugu dambeeya in ka badan maalmaha ay iyagu ku noolaayeen.

> But I will show thee that which is noted in the scripture of truth: and there is none that holdeth with me in these things, but Michael your prince. Also I in the first year of Darius the Mede, even I, stood to confirm and to strengthen him. Daniel 10:21, 11:1.

> Laakiin waxaan ku tusi doonaa waxa ku qoran kitaabka runta; mana jiro mid ila garab taagan waxyaalahan, marka laga reebo Miikaa'iil oo ah amiirkiinna. Aniguna sannaddii kowaad ee Daariyus reer Maaday, aniga qudhaydu, waxaan u istaagay inaan isaga adkeeyo oo xoogeeyo. Daanyeel 10:21, 11:1.

In the first year of Darius, which represents the time of the end in 1989, Gabriel “stood”, thus identifying that at a “time of the end”, an angel arrives. In 1798 the first angel arrived, and in 1989, the third angel arrived. It wasn’t until the message of the third angel was empowered in 2001 that the sealing of the third angel began, but the movement of the third angel arriving in 1989, is represented by Gabriel standing at the time of the end. Gabriel is going to show Daniel “that which is noted in the scripture of truth,” and the vision of the Hiddekel possesses the signature of “Truth,” which Gabriel is about to set forth.

Sannaddii kowaad ee Daariyos, taas oo u taagan wakhtiga dhammaadka ee 1989, Jibriil “wuu istaagay”, sidaas ayuu ku aqoonsiinayaa in “wakhtiga dhammaadka” malaa’ig timaaddo. Sannadkii 1798 malaa’igtii kowaad ayaa timid, sannadkii 1989-na malaa’igtii saddexaad ayaa timid. Waxay ahayd keliya markii farriintii malaa’igta saddexaad awood lagu siiyey 2001 in shaabadaynta malaa’igta saddexaad ay bilaabatay, hase ahaatee dhaqdhaqaaqa imaanshaha malaa’igta saddexaad ee 1989, waxaa matalaya Jibriil oo istaagaya wakhtiga dhammaadka. Jibriil wuxuu Daanyeel tusi doonaa “wixii ku qoran kitaabka runta ah,” oo riyadii Hiddeqelna waxay sidataa saxeexa “Runta,” kaas oo Jibriil haatan qarka u saaran yahay inuu soo bandhigo.

In verse fourteen of chapter ten Gabriel had already informed Daniel that what he was addressing in the vision of the Hiddekel was “what would happen to God’s people in the last days.”

Aayadda afar iyo tobnaad ee cutubka tobnaad, Jibriiil wuxuu mar hore Daani’eel ku wargeliyey in waxa uu kaga hadlayey riyooyinka Hiddeqel ay yihiin “waxa ku dhici doona dadka Ilaah maalmaha ugu dambeeya.”

> Now I am come to make thee understand what shall befall thy people in the latter days: for yet the vision is for many days. Daniel 10:14.

> Hadda waxaan u imid inaan ku fahamsiiyo waxa ku dhici doona dadkaaga maalmaha ugu dambeeya; waayo aragtidu weli waxay ku saabsan tahay maalmo badan. Daanyeel 10:14.

Verse two of Daniel chapter eleven represents the knowledge that was unsealed at the time of the end in 1989, and which identifies what “shall befall” God’s people “in the latter days”.

Aayadda labaad ee cutubka kow iyo tobnaad ee Daanyeel waxay ka dhigan tahay aqoontii la furay wakhtiga dhammaadka sannadkii 1989, taas oo tilmaamaysa waxa “dhici doona” dadka Ilaah “maalmaha ugu dambeeya”.

> And now will I show thee the truth. Behold, there shall stand up yet three kings in Persia; and the fourth shall be far richer than they all: and by his strength through his riches he shall stir up all against the realm of Grecia. Daniel 11:2.

> Haddaba waxaan ku tusayaa runta. Bal eeg, weli waxaa Faaris ka kici doona saddex boqor; kan afraadna aad buu uga taajirsanaan doonaa iyaga oo dhan; xooggiisana maalkiisa ka dhasha ayuu ku kicin doonaa kulligood boqortooyada Giriigga ka gees ah. Daniel 11:2.

Cyrus prefigures the second king since 1989. He is the king of the Medo-Persian Empire, which represents the kingdom of Bible prophecy in the last days that is made up of two horns, represented by the Medes and the Persians. After the second king of the kingdom of the two-horned earth beast at the time of the end in 1989, there would yet be three kings (Clinton, Bush the last, Obama), and then there would be a king that was far richer than they all were. The three kings that followed Bush the first, got wealthy after their presidencies, and only because they had become president. Trump, the fourth that was far richer, and was the wealthiest president ever, did not make his money because he had been president, but primarily through his work in real estate investments, well before he ran for president.

Kuuros wuxuu sii sawiraa boqorka labaad tan iyo 1989. Isagu waa boqorka Boqortooyadii Maado iyo Faaris, taas oo matalaysa boqortooyada waxsii-sheegidda Kitaabka Quduuska ah ee maalmaha ugu dambeeya oo ka kooban laba gees, kuwaas oo ay matalayaan Maadiyiinta iyo Faarisiyiintu. Boqorka labaad ee boqortooyada bahalka dhulka ee labada gees leh wakhtiga dhammaadka ee 1989 ka dib, weli waxaa jiri lahaa saddex boqor (Clinton, Bush kii ugu dambeeyey, Obama), dabadeedna waxaa jiri lahaa boqor iyaga oo dhan aad uga taajirsan. Saddexdii boqor ee ka dambeeyey Bush kii koowaad waxay taajireen ka dib madaxweynenimadooda, taasina waxay ahayd oo keliya sababta oo ah waxay noqdeen madaxweyne. Trump, kii afraad ee aad uga taajirsanaa, oo ahaa madaxweynihii ugu taajirsanaa abid, ma uusan samayn hantidiisa sababta oo ah madaxweyne buu noqday, balse ugu horrayn wuxuu ku kasbaday shaqadiisii maalgashiga hantida ma-guurtada ah, muddo dheer ka hor intuusan isu soo sharrixin madaxweyne.

Formerly the richest president in American history, relatively speaking, was the first president of the United States. Prior to Donald Trump, George Washington was the richest president in American history, and he made his money as did Donald Trump, through real estate investments. Both Washington and Trump came to the presidency from non-traditional political backgrounds. Washington was primarily a military leader before becoming president, and Trump was a businessman and television personality, who like unto Washington was without any prior political experience.

Markii hore, madaxweynihii ugu taajirsanaa taariikhda Maraykanka, marka si isu-dheellitiran loo eego, wuxuu ahaa madaxweynihii ugu horreeyey ee Maraykanka. Ka hor Donald Trump, George Washington ayaa ahaa madaxweynihii ugu taajirsanaa taariikhda Maraykanka, wuxuuna hantidiisa ku kasbaday, sida Donald Trump oo kale, maalgelinno dhul iyo hanti ma-guurto ah. Labadaba Washington iyo Trump waxay xilka madaxtinnimada uga yimaadeen asal siyaasadeed oo aan caadi ahayn. Washington wuxuu ugu horrayn ahaa hoggaamiye ciidan ka hor intuusan madaxweyne noqon, halka Trump uu ahaa ganacsade iyo shakhsiyad telefishan, kaas oo sida Washington oo kale aan lahayn wax waayo-aragnimo siyaasadeed ah oo hore.

Both presidents were known for their strong personalities and leadership styles, although they manifested these traits quite differently. Washington was known for his stoic, calm, and confident leadership and unifying presence during the Revolutionary War and the early years of the Republic, while Trump is known for his assertive approach to leadership and governance. Both Washington and Trump were figures of significant controversy, albeit for very different reasons. Washington, while widely revered, faced criticism during his time for various issues, including his views on slavery. Trump’s presidency was marked by numerous controversies, including his use of “mean tweets” on social media, his America-first policy decisions, and his own self-awareness.

Labada madaxweyneba waxa lagu yiqiin shakhsiyadooda adag iyo hababka hoggaamineed ee ay lahaayeen, in kastoo ay astaamahaa si aad u kala duwan u muujiyeen. Washington waxa lagu yiqiin hoggaan deggan, adkaysi leh, oo kalsooni ku dheehan tahay, iyo joogitaankiisii mideyneed intii lagu jiray Dagaalkii Kacaanka iyo sannadihii hore ee Jamhuuriyadda, halka Trump lagu yiqiin habkiisa ad-adag ee hoggaaminta iyo maamulidda. Washington iyo Trump labaduba waxay ahaayeen shakhsiyaad muran weyn dhaliyey, inkastoo ay sababuhu aad u kala duwanaayeen. Washington, in kasta oo si ballaadhan loo qaddarin jiray, haddana wakhtigiisii waxa lagu dhaliili jiray arrimo kala duwan, oo ay ka mid yihiin aragtidiisii ku saabsan addoonsiga. Madaxtinnimada Trump waxa lagu calaamadeeyey muranno badan, oo ay ka mid yihiin isticmaalka uu warbaahinta bulshada ku samayn jiray “tweedhyo xanaaq leh,” go’aamadiisii siyaasadeed ee America-first, iyo wacyigiisa naftiisa.

The richest and sixth president was to stir up the globalist dragon powers. When we lay the history of verse two of chapter eleven, upon the history of the period of 1776, 1789, and 1798, we find further information addressing the last president of the earth beast, for Jesus illustrates the end with the beginning. The first two periods represented by 1776, and 1789, provide two witnesses that the final president, will be the eighth president, who was of the seven. Trump was the sixth president after Reagan, and as the eighth president, he will be “of the seven”. The final, and eighth president will rule when the United States forms the image “to and of” the beast.

Madaxweynihii ugu taajirsanaa oo lixaad ahaa wuxuu kicin lahaa awoodaha masduulaagga caalamiyeynta. Markaan taariikhda aayadda labaad ee cutubka kow iyo tobnaad dul saarno taariikhda xilliga 1776, 1789, iyo 1798, waxaynu helaynaa xog dheeraad ah oo ka hadlaysa madaxweynihii ugu dambeeyey ee bahalka dhulka, waayo Ciise wuxuu dhammaadka ku muujinayaa bilowga. Labada xilli ee hore ee ay matalaan 1776 iyo 1789 waxay bixiyaan laba markhaati oo caddeynaya in madaxweynaha ugu dambeeya uu noqon doono madaxweynihii siddeedaad, kii ka mid ahaa toddobada. Trump wuxuu ahaa madaxweynihii lixaad ka dib Reagan, oo isagoo ah madaxweynihii siddeedaad, wuxuu noqon doonaa “kii ka mid ahaa toddobada”. Madaxweynihii ugu dambeeyey oo ah kan siddeedaad ayaa talin doona marka Maraykanku sameeyo ekaanta bahalka “u ah oo ka dhigan” bahalka.

The president who rules when the image of the beast is formed by the United States, must be the eighth, that is of the seven, as witnessed to by Peyton Randolph, and John Hancock. The papacy is the eighth head that was of the seven, and it received a prophetic deadly wound. To be an image of the papacy, the eighth president that is of the seven, must also have a prophetic identification of being prophetically “wounded” or “killed”.

Madaxweynihii xukuma marka sawirka bahalka ay sameeyaan Maraykanku, waa inuu noqdaa kii siddeedaad, kaas oo ka mid ah toddobada, sida ay markhaati uga yihiin Peyton Randolph iyo John Hancock. Baabtiisnimada papacy-gu waa madaxa siddeedaad ee ka mid ahaa toddobada, oo waxay heshay nabar dhimasho ah oo nebiyaysan. Si uu u noqdo sawirka papacy-ga, madaxweynihii siddeedaad ee ka mid ah toddobada waa inuu sidoo kale lahaadaa aqoonsi nebiyaysan oo ah in nebiyannimo ahaan “la dhaawacay” ama “la dilay.”

The papacy received its deadly wound from a dragon power (France), a dragon power who the papacy had been struggling against since the time when Paul identified that, the mystery of iniquity (the man of sin), did already work at that time. The dragon of paganism was restraining the papacy from taking the throne, which it did in 538.

Baabtiisnimadu waxay heshay boogteedii dhimashada lahayd oo ka timid quwad masduulaag ah (Faransiiska), quwad masduulaag ah oo baabtiisnimadu ay la halgamaysay tan iyo wakhtigii Bawlos sheegay in sirta xumaantu (ninkii dembiga) ay markaasba shaqaynaysay. Masduulaaggii heellanimada wuxuu ka hor joogsanayay baabtiisnimada inay carshiga la wareegto, taasoo ay samaysay sannadkii 538.

From the beginning of the papacy unto its final demise it struggles against dragon powers. An image of the papacy requires that the image struggles with a dragon power. In Revelation seventeen the papacy, who is the eighth head, that is of the seven heads, is ultimately burned with fire and her flesh is eaten by the ten kings. In both deaths (1798 and the last days), the papal beast is killed by a dragon power. In order for the United States to form an image of the beast, the eighth president would also need to be killed by a dragon power that it was at war with, and the sixth king after the time of the end in 1989, is the king that stirred up all the dragon powers.

Laga bilaabo bilowgii baabtiisnimada Roomaanka ilaa baabba’eeda ugu dambaysa, waxay la halgantaa quwadaha masduulaagga. Sawirka baabtiisnimada Roomaanka wuxuu u baahan yahay in sawirku la halgamo quwad masduulaag ah. Muujintii toddoba iyo tobnaad, baabtiisnimada Roomaanka, oo ah madaxa siddeedaad, kaas oo ka mid ah toddobada madax, ugu dambayntii dab baa lagu gubaa, tobankii boqorna jidhkeeda way cunaan. Labada dhimashoba (1798 iyo maalmaha ugu dambeeya), bahalkii baabtiisnimada Roomaanka waxaa dila quwad masduulaag ah. Si Maraykanku u sameeyo sawirka bahalka, madaxweynihii siddeedaadna sidoo kale wuxuu u baahan lahaa in lagu dilo quwad masduulaag ah oo uu dagaal kula jiray, boqorkii lixaadna ka dib wakhtiga dhammaadka ee 1989, waa boqorkii kiciyey dhammaan quwadihii masduulaagga.

Ronald Reagan was an apostate Protestant, but George Bush the first, was a classic globalist. One of his famous quotes is where he lied by saying, on August 18, 1988, “And I’m the one who will not raise taxes. My opponent now says he’ll raise them as a last resort, or a third resort. But when a politician talks like that, you know that’s one resort he’ll be checking into. My opponent won’t rule out raising taxes. But I will. And the Congress will push me to raise taxes and I’ll say no. And they’ll push, and I’ll say no, and they’ll push again, and all I can say to them is: read my lips: no new taxes.”

Ronald Reagan wuxuu ahaa Borotestaant riddoobay, laakiin George Bush kii koowaad wuxuu ahaa caalamiye caadi ahaan loo yaqaan. Mid ka mid ah hadalladiisii caanka ahaa waa meeshii uu ku been sheegay isagoo leh, 18-kii Agoosto, 1988, “Aniguna waxaan ahay kan aan kordhin doonin cashuuraha. Ninkayga iga soo horjeeda hadda wuxuu leeyahay wuu kordhin doonaa iyaga sidii ikhtiyaarka ugu dambeeya, ama ikhtiyaarka saddexaad. Laakiin marka siyaasi sidaas u hadlo, waad ogtahay in taasu tahay hal ikhtiyaar oo uu geli doono. Ninkayga iga soo horjeeda ma diidayo inuu kordhiyo cashuuraha. Laakiin anigu waan diidayaa. Kongareeskuna wuxuu igu cadaadin doonaa inaan kordhiyo cashuuraha, anna waxaan odhan doonaa maya. Wayna igu sii cadaadin doonaan, anna waxaan odhan doonaa maya, haddana way sii cadaadin doonaan mar kale, waxa keliya ee aan ku odhan karaana waa: bushimahayga akhriya: cashuuro cusub ma jiri doonaan.”

Other than that public lie, which is an attribute of a representative of the dragon power, his most famous quote was at a joint session of Congress on September 11, 1990, where he said, “Now, we can see a new world coming into view. A world in which there is the very real prospect of a new world order. In the words of Winston Churchill, a ‘world order’ in which ‘the principles of justice and fair play … protect the weak against the strong …’ A world where the United Nations, freed from cold war stalemate, is poised to fulfill the historic vision of its founders.” Bush the senior was a globalist, even if he identified as a Republican.

Marka laga reebo beentaas cad ee dadweynaha hortiisa laga sheegay, taas oo ah sifad ka mid ah wakiilka xoogga masduulaagga, oraahdiisii ugu caansanayd waxay ahayd tii uu ka jeediyey fadhi wadajir ah oo Congress-ka ah 11 Sebtembar, 1990, halkaas oo uu ku yidhi, “Hadda, waxa aynu arki karnaa adduun cusub oo soo muuqanaya. Adduun ay ka jirto rajada aadka u dhabta ah ee nidaam cusub oo caalami ah. Sida uu Winston Churchill u dhigay, ‘nidaam caalami ah’ kaas oo ‘mabaadi’da caddaaladda iyo ciyaar daacad ahi … ay kuwa itaalka daran ka ilaaliyaan kuwa xooggan …’ Adduun ay Qaramada Midoobay, iyada oo ka xorowday ismariwaagii dagaalkii qaboobaa, diyaar u tahay inay rumoobiso aragtidii taariikhiga ahayd ee aasaasayaasheedu lahaayeen.” Bush-kii weynaa wuxuu ahaa caalamiye, xataa haddii uu isu aqoonsan jiray Jamhuuri.

Bill Clinton was the first president to hold his inauguration ceremony at the Lincoln Memorial, which means he turned his back to Lincoln and faced the obelisk of Washington’s monument, an obelisk that is internally filled with symbols of Freemasonry. Both the obelisk and the symbols of Freemasonry he chose to face as he falsely swore his allegiance to the Constitution, represented not only that he had turned his back upon the anti-slavery symbol of the Lincoln Memorial, but Clintons’ chosen historic positioning, agrees with his acceptance speech, where he praised a professor whom he had studied under in the Jesuit University that he had attended.

Bill Clinton wuxuu ahaa madaxweynihii ugu horreeyey ee xafladdiisa caleema-saarka ku qabsada Lincoln Memorial, taas oo ka dhigan in uu dhabarka u jeediyey Lincoln oo uu wajahday obelisk-ka taallada Washington, obelisk gudaha ahaan ka buuxa astaamaha Freemasonry. Labadaba obelisk-kaas iyo astaamaha Freemasonry ee uu doortay inuu wajaho markii uu si been ah ugu dhaartay daacadnimadiisa Dastuurka, waxay metelayeen oo keliya ma aha inuu dhabarka u jeediyey astaantii ka soo horjeedday addoonsiga ee Lincoln Memorial, balse meelayntii taariikhiga ahayd ee uu Clinton doortay waxay waafaqsan tahay khudbaddiisii aqbalaadda, halkaas oo uu ku ammaanay borofisar uu wax ka soo bartay Jaamacaddii Jesuit-ka ahayd ee uu dhigan jiray.

That professor, Carroll Quigley, wrote the book: Tragedy and Hope: A History of the World in Our Time, which was published in 1966, and is correctly and widely understood to represent “the Bible for globalist ideas”. As the Koran is to Islam, and as Morals and Dogma of the Ancient and Accepted Scottish Rite of Freemasonry, written by Albert Pike, and published in 1871, is considered the most comprehensive exposition of the esoteric teachings of Freemasonry; or as The Book of Mormon is to the Latter Day Saints, Quigley’s book is the Bible of globalist philosophy. Most would have known if Clinton praised Mohammed of the Koran, or if he praised Joseph Smith of The Book of Mormon, and some would have known who Albert Pike was, but few knew that Clinton’s praise of Quigley was consistent with his own globalist agenda, and his rejection of the principles represented by Abraham Lincoln.

Borofaysarkaas, Carroll Quigley, wuxuu qoray buugga: Tragedy and Hope: A History of the World in Our Time, kaas oo la daabacay 1966, waxaana si sax ah oo baahsan loo fahmaa inuu matalo “Baybalka fikradaha caalamiyeynta”. Sida Qur’aanku ugu yahay Islaamka, iyo sida Morals and Dogma of the Ancient and Accepted Scottish Rite of Freemasonry, oo uu qoray Albert Pike, laguna daabacay 1871, loogu tixgeliyo inuu yahay sharraxaadda ugu dhammaystiran ee waxbarista dahsoon ee Freemasonry; ama sida The Book of Mormon ugu yahay quduusiinta Maalmaha Dambe, buugga Quigley waa Baybalka falsafadda caalamiyeynta. Inta badan dadku way ogaan lahaayeen haddii Clinton ammaani lahaa Maxamedka Qur’aanka, ama haddii uu ammaani lahaa Joseph Smith ee The Book of Mormon, qaarna way ogaan lahaayeen cidda Albert Pike ahaa, hase yeeshee wax yar ayaa ogaa in ammaanta Clinton ee Quigley ay waafaqsanayd ajandihiisa caalamiyeyneed, iyo diidistiisa mabaadi’da uu matalayey Abraham Lincoln.

In the speech, Clinton said: “As a teenager, I heard John Kennedy’s summons to citizenship. And then, as a student at Georgetown, I heard that call clarified by a professor named Carroll Quigley, who said to us that America was the greatest nation in history because our people have always believed in two things: that tomorrow can be better than today and that every one of us has a personal moral responsibility to make it so.” Carroll Quigley’s idea on how to “make America great again”, was for the United States to surrender its national sovereignty to the United Nations. Clinton was a Democrat, globalist, representative of the dragon.

Khudbadda, Clinton wuxuu yidhi: “Anigoo dhallinyaro ah, waxaan maqlay baaqii John Kennedy ee muwaadinnimada. Dabadeedna, anigoo arday ka ah Georgetown, waxaan maqlay baaqaas oo uu sii caddeeyey borofaysar la odhan jiray Carroll Quigley, kaas oo nagu yidhi Maraykanku waa ummaddii ugu weynayd taariikhda, maxaa yeelay dadkeenna had iyo goor waxay rumaysnaayeen laba arrimood: in berri ka sii wanaagsanaan karto maanta iyo in mid kasta oo inaga mid ahi leeyahay masuuliyad akhlaaqeed oo shakhsi ah si uu taas u xaqiijiyo.” Fikradda Carroll Quigley ee ku saabsan sida “Maraykanka mar kale looga dhigi karo mid weyn”, waxay ahayd in Maraykanku u gacan geliyo Qaramada Midoobay madaxbannaanidiisa qaran. Clinton wuxuu ahaa Dimuqraadi, caalamiye, wakiilka masduulaagga.

“Like father, like son”, George Bush the last, was a globalist, and just as was his father, a globalist who professed to be Republican. The apple does not fall far from the tree. The Bible raises the rhetorical question, “Can two walk together, except they be agreed?” One simply needs to track the many enterprises that Bush the last, accomplished together with Bill and Hillary Clinton to see who Bush the last agreed with.

“Sida aabbe, sida wiil,” George Bush kii dambe wuxuu ahaa caalamiye, oo sidaas oo kalena aabbihii wuxuu ahaa caalamiye isku sheegaya Jamhuuri. Tufaaxu geedka meel fog kagama dhaco. Kitaabku wuxuu soo jeedinayaa su’aasha maahmaahda ah, “Laba ma wada socon karaan haddaanay isku raacsanayn?” Qofku wuxuu u baahan yahay oo keliya inuu daba galo hawlihii badnaa ee Bush kii dambe la wada fuliyey Bill iyo Hillary Clinton si loo arko cidda Bush kii dambe la isku raacsanaa.

Barack Hussein Obama made a statement about fundamentally transforming the United States during a campaign rally shortly before he was elected as President. On October 30, 2008, in Columbia, Missouri, Obama said: “We are five days away from fundamentally transforming the United States of America.” The statement was part of Obama’s broader message of “hope and change”, which was a central theme of his 2008 presidential campaign, emphasizing his commitment to significant policy reforms and a different direction for the country. The direction he turned the country was into the dragon policies of globalism, anti-white, pro-abortion, anti-carbon fuels, anti-America pro-globalism, Diversity, Equity, Inclusion, the false history of Critical Race Theory, and on and on. Obama was not simply a community organizer; he was and still is a representative of the dragon power’s globalist agenda.

Barack Hussein Obama wuxuu sameeyey hadal ku saabsan in si aasaasi ah loo beddelo Maraykanka intii lagu jiray isu-soo-bax olole wax yar ka hor intii aan loo dooran Madaxweynaha. Oktoobar 30, 2008, magaalada Columbia, Missouri, Obama wuxuu yidhi: “Waxa inaga xiga shan maalmood oo keliya in si aasaasi ah loo beddelo Maraykanka.” Hadalkani wuxuu qayb ka ahaa farriintii ballaarnayd ee Obama ee “rajo iyo isbeddel,” taas oo ahayd mawduuc dhexe oo ololihiisii madaxtinnimada ee 2008, iyadoo adkaynaysa go’aankiisa ku aaddan dib-u-habaynno siyaasadeed oo waaweyn iyo jiho ka duwan tan dalka. Jihadii uu dalka u leexiyey waxay ahayd siyaasadaha masduulaagga ee caalamiyeynta, ka-soo-horjeedka caddaanka, taageeridda ilmo-soo-rididda, ka-soo-horjeedka shidaallada kaarboonka, ka-soo-horjeedka Maraykanka iyo taageeridda caalamiyeynta, Kala-duwanaansho, Sinaan, Ka-mid-noqosho, taariikhda been-abuurka ah ee Aragtida Qowmiyadda ee Xasaasiga ah, iyo waxyaalo kale oo badan oo aan dhammaanayn. Obama si fudud uma uu ahayn abaabule bulsho; wuxuu ahaa welina yahay wakiil ka tirsan ajandaha caalamiyeysan ee awoodda masduulaagga.

Trump however, unlike a typical modern politician, kept more promises than all the other seven presidents in the period beginning in 1989, combined. He was committed to making America great again, and in so attempting, he stirred up the globalist powers that be, not only in the United States, but in the entire world.

Si kastaba ha ahaatee, Trump, si ka duwan siyaasi casri ah oo caadi ah, wuxuu oofiyey ballanqaadyo ka badan intii ay toddobadii madaxweyne ee kale, muddadii ka bilaabantay 1989, marka la isu geeyo, oofiyeen. Wuxuu ka go’nayd inuu Maraykanka mar kale weyn ka dhigo, isaga oo arrintaas ku dadaalayaana, wuxuu kiciyey quwadaha caalamiyeysan ee talada haya, ma aha oo keliya gudaha Maraykanka, balse dunida oo dhan.

Joe Biden has no evidence whatsoever that he is anything other than another globalist.

Joe Biden ma hayo wax caddayn ah haba yaraatee oo muujinaysa inuu yahay wax kale aan ka ahayn caalamiye kale.

The beast of Catholicism waged a long-drawn-out war with the dragon powers, and the president that is reigning when the United States forms an image of the papacy, will, of prophetic necessity, be in a struggle with the dragon powers. None of the living presidents, other than Donald Trump, would wage war with the dragon powers, for the Democrats are openly globalist (dragons), and George Bush the last, was, as his father was (a professed Republican, that is actually a globalist dragon), for Jesus always illustrates the last with the first.

Bahalkii Kaatooliggu wuxuu la galay dagaal daba dheeraaday quwadaha masduulaagga, madaxweynahana talada haya marka Maraykanku sameeyo sanamkii baabbanimada, waxaa khasab ku noqon doona, sida waajibka waxsii sheegiddu yahay, inuu halgan kula jiro quwadaha masduulaagga. Midna madaxweynayaasha nool, Donald Trump mooyaane, dagaal lama geli lahaa quwadaha masduulaagga; waayo Dimuqraadiyiintu si cad bay u yihiin caalamiyiin (masduulaagyo), George Bush kii u dambeeyeyna wuxuu ahaa, sidii aabbihii ahaa (Jamhuuri ku andacooda, hase ahaatee dhab ahaan ah masduulaag caalami ah), maxaa yeelay Ciise mar walba kan ugu dambeeya wuxuu ku muujiyey kan ugu horreeya.

We will continue this study in the next article.

Waxaan daraasaddan ku sii wadi doonnaa maqaalka xiga.

> “A great crisis awaits the people of God. A crisis awaits the world. The most momentous struggle of all the ages is just before us. Events which for more than forty years we have upon the authority of the prophetic word declared to be impending are now taking place before our eyes. Already the question of an amendment to the Constitution restricting liberty of conscience has been urged upon the legislators of the nation. The question of enforcing Sunday observance has become one of national interest and importance. We well know what the result of this movement will be. But are we ready for the issue? Have we faithfully discharged the duty which God has committed to us of giving the people warning of the danger before them?

> Dhibaato weyn ayaa sugaysa dadka Ilaah. Dhibaato ayaa sugaysa dunida. Halgankii ugu miisaanka badnaa ee qarniyada oo dhan ayaa imminka ina horyaalla. Dhacdooyinkii aan in ka badan afartan sannadood ku dhawaaqaynay, annagoo ku salaynayna awoodda erayga nebinnimada, inay soo fool leeyihiin, ayaa hadda indhahayaga hortooda ka dhacaya. Mar horeba arrinta wax-ka-beddel lagu sameeyo Dastuurka oo xaddidaya xorriyadda damiirka ayaa lagu hor keenay sharci-dejiyeyaasha qaranka. Arrinta ku khasbidda dhawrista Axadda ayaa noqotay mid qaran ahaan dan iyo muhiimad leh. Si wanaagsan ayaynu u naqaan waxa natiijada dhaqdhaqaaqan noqon doonto. Laakiin ma u diyaar baannu u nahay arrintan? Ma si daacad ah ayaannu u gudannay waajibka Ilaah nagu aaminay oo ah inaan dadka uga digno khatarta hortooda taal?

> “There are many, even of those engaged in this movement for Sunday enforcement, who are blinded to the results which will follow this action. They do not see that they are striking directly against religious liberty. There are many who have never understood the claims of the Bible Sabbath and the false foundation upon which the Sunday institution rests. Any movement in favor of religious legislation is really an act of concession to the papacy, which for so many ages has steadily warred against liberty of conscience. Sunday observance owes its existence as a so-called Christian institution to ‘the mystery of iniquity;’ and its enforcement will be a virtual recognition of the principles which are the very cornerstone of Romanism. When our nation shall so abjure the principles of its government as to enact a Sunday law, Protestantism will in this act join hands with popery; it will be nothing else than giving life to the tyranny which has long been eagerly watching its opportunity to spring again into active despotism.

> “Waxaa jira kuwo badan, xataa kuwa ku hawlan dhaqdhaqaaqan lagu dhaqan-gelinayo Axadda, oo ka indho la’ cawaaqibta ka dhalan doonta tallaabadan. Ma arkaan in ay si toos ah ugu dhacayaan xorriyadda diinta. Waxaa jira kuwo badan oo aan weligood fahmin sheegashooyinka Sabtida Kitaabka Quduuska ah iyo aasaaska beenta ah ee ay ku taagan tahay hay’adda Axadda. Dhaqdhaqaaq kasta oo u hiillinaya sharci-dejin diineed, runtii waa fal tanaasul u ah baabbanimada, taas oo qarniyo badan si joogto ah dagaal ugu haysay xorriyadda damiirka. Ilaalinta Axaddu jiritaankeeda, iyada oo loogu yeedho hay’ad Masiixi ah, waxay ku leedahay ‘qarsoodiga xumaanta;’ dhaqan-gelinteeduna waxay noqon doontaa aqoonsi dhab ah oo la siinayo mabaadi’da ah tiirka aasaaska u ah Roomaaniyadda. Marka quruumaddeennu sidaas uga noqoto mabaadi’da dawladnimadeeda oo ay dejiso sharci Axadeed, Protestantiism-ku ficilkan wuxuu gacmaha la qabsan doonaa baabbanimada; mana noqon doonto wax kale oo aan ahayn in nolol la siiyo kali-talisnimadii muddada dheer si hamuun leh u sugaysay fursaddeeda ay mar kale ugu boodo kaligii-talisnimo firfircoon.”

> “The National Reform movement, exercising the power of religious legislation, will, when fully developed, manifest the same intolerance and oppression that have prevailed in past ages. Human councils then assumed the prerogatives of Deity, crushing under their despotic power liberty of conscience; and imprisonment, exile, and death followed for those who opposed their dictates. If popery or its principles shall again be legislated into power, the fires of persecution will be rekindled against those who will not sacrifice conscience and the truth in deference to popular errors. This evil is on the point of realization.

> “Dhaqdhaqaaqa Dib-u-habaynta Qaran, iyadoo adeegsanaysa awoodda sharci-dejinta diimeed, marka ay si buuxda u hanaqaaddo, waxay muujin doontaa isla dulqaad-la’aantii iyo dulmigii ka jiray qarniyadii hore. Golayaasha aadanuhu markaas waxay isu qaaten xuquuqihii Ilaahnimada, iyagoo ku tumanaya xorriyadda damiirka awooddooda kelitaliska ah; xabsi, musaafurin, iyo dhimasho ayaana ku xigtay kuwii ka hor yimid amarradooda. Haddii baabtiisnimada Roomaanka ama mabaadi’deeda mar kale sharci lagu siiyo awood, dabkii silcintu wuxuu mar kale ka holci doonaa kuwa aan u hurayn damiirka iyo runta si ay ugu tanaasulaan khaladaadka caanka ah. Sharkani wuxuu qarka u saaran yahay inuu rumoobo.”

> “When God has given us light showing the dangers before us, how can we stand clear in His sight if we neglect to put forth every effort in our power to bring it before the people? Can we be content to leave them to meet this momentous issue unwarned?” Testimonies, volume 5, 711, 712.

> “Markii Ilaah na siiyey iftiin ina tusaya khataraha ina hor yaal, sidee baynu hortiisa daahir ugu istaagi karnaa haddii aynu dayacno inaan sameyno dadaal kasta oo awooddeenna ku jira si aynu taas dadka hortooda u dhigno? Ma ku qanacsanaan karnaa inaan uga tagno iyaga inay la kulmaan arrintan weyn iyagoo aan loo digin?” Testimonies, volume 5, 711, 712.

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