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# The Book of Daniel - Number One-Hundred and Thirty-Eight

Kitabu cha Danieli - Nambari Mia Moja Thelathini na Nane

Unveiling Daniel 11: A Prophetic Journey through History

Kufunua Danieli 11: Safari ya kinabii kupitia historia

Author

Jeff Pippenger

Published

March 15, 2024

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Verse forty of Daniel chapter eleven, represents one of the most profound verses of God’s Word. The prophetic histories that are represented therein are where the wheels within the wheels of Ezekiel’s vision are brought together. With the time of the end of the Millerite movement in 1798, and also the time of the end of the movement of the third angel in 1989, the internal and external histories of God’s people of the last days are portrayed. Within the verse is the announcement of the approaching judgment which arrived with the first angel in 1798, all the way until the Sunday law of verse forty-one. The verse therefore represents the investigative judgment of God’s church beginning with the dead, through to the sealing of the one hundred and forty-four thousand, and God spewing Laodicean Adventism out of His mouth.

Mstari wa arobaini wa sura ya kumi na moja ya Danieli, unawakilisha mojawapo ya mistari ya kina zaidi ya Neno la Mungu. Historia za kinabii zinazoonyeshwa humo ndimo ambamo magurudumu ndani ya magurudumu ya maono ya Ezekieli hukusanywa pamoja. Pamoja na wakati wa mwisho wa harakati ya Wamileriti mwaka 1798, na vilevile wakati wa mwisho wa harakati ya malaika wa tatu mwaka 1989, historia za ndani na za nje za watu wa Mungu wa siku za mwisho zinaonyeshwa. Ndani ya mstari huu kuna tangazo la hukumu inayokaribia lililofika pamoja na malaika wa kwanza mwaka 1798, hadi kufikia sheria ya Jumapili ya mstari wa arobaini na moja. Kwa hiyo mstari huu unawakilisha hukumu ya uchunguzi ya kanisa la Mungu, ikianza na waliokufa, hadi kwenye kutiwa muhuri kwa elfu mia na arobaini na nne, na Mungu akitapika Uadventista wa Laodikia kutoka kinywani Mwake.

The history where the papacy received its deadly wound in 1798, until the deadly wound is healed in verse forty-one is represented in the history of the verse. Verse forty-one onward is set within the context of the escalating executive judgments of God, which begin in that verse. In this prophetic sense, verse forty is the end of Daniel chapter eleven, and verses one and two, of the chapter are the beginning. Chapter eleven presents the rebellion of the antichrist, and chapter ten represents the beginning of the Hiddekel River vision, and chapter twelve represents the end. Chapters ten and twelve represent the first and the last, and chapter eleven is the rebellion in the middle.

Historia inayoanzia wakati upapa ulipopata jeraha lake la mauti mnamo 1798, hadi pale jeraha hilo la mauti linapoponywa katika aya ya arobaini na moja, imeakisiwa katika historia ya aya hiyo. Kuanzia aya ya arobaini na moja na kuendelea kumewekwa katika muktadha wa hukumu za kiutendaji za Mungu zinazoongezeka, ambazo zinaanza katika aya hiyo. Kwa maana ya kinabii, aya ya arobaini ndiyo mwisho wa sura ya kumi na moja ya Danieli, na aya ya kwanza na ya pili za sura hiyo ndizo mwanzo. Sura ya kumi na moja inaonyesha uasi wa Mpinga-Kristo, na sura ya kumi inawakilisha mwanzo wa maono ya Mto Hiddekel, na sura ya kumi na mbili inawakilisha mwisho. Sura ya kumi na sura ya kumi na mbili zinawakilisha mwanzo na mwisho, na sura ya kumi na moja ndiyo uasi ulioko katikati.

Chapters ten and twelve are the same, for, unlike chapter eleven, they represent Daniel’s experience in relation to the vision, and chapter eleven is the vision. Chapter ten is the first letter of the Hebrew alphabet, chapter eleven is the thirteenth rebellious letter of the Hebrew alphabet, and chapter twelve is the last letter of the alphabet. The Hiddekel River vision is the “Truth.”

Sura ya kumi na sura ya kumi na mbili ni sawa, kwa kuwa, tofauti na sura ya kumi na moja, zinawakilisha uzoefu wa Danieli kuhusiana na maono, na sura ya kumi na moja ndiyo maono. Sura ya kumi ni herufi ya kwanza ya alfabeti ya Kiebrania, sura ya kumi na moja ni herufi ya kumi na tatu ya uasi ya alfabeti ya Kiebrania, na sura ya kumi na mbili ni herufi ya mwisho ya alfabeti. Maono ya Mto Hiddekel ndiyo "Kweli."

In chapter eleven, the beginning illustrates the end, for Christ never changes. The final history represented in verse forty, is the testing time of the image of the beast. That testing time concludes with the mark of the beast, which is represented in verse forty-one. Verses one and two, must therefore address the sealing time of the one hundred and forty-four thousand, for that period of time is also the period of the formation of the image of the beast.

Katika sura ya kumi na moja, mwanzo unaonyesha mwisho, kwa kuwa Kristo habadiliki kamwe. Historia ya mwisho iliyowakilishwa katika aya ya arobaini ni wakati wa kujaribiwa kwa picha ya mnyama. Wakati huo wa kujaribiwa unahitimishwa na alama ya mnyama, ambayo imewakilishwa katika aya ya arobaini na moja. Kwa hiyo, aya ya kwanza na ya pili lazima zizungumzie wakati wa kutiwa muhuri kwa wale mia na arobaini na nne elfu, maana kipindi hicho pia ndicho kipindi cha kuundwa kwa picha ya mnyama.

> “The Lord has shown me clearly that the image of the beast will be formed before probation closes; for it is to be the great test for the people of God, by which their eternal destiny will be decided. . ..

> Bwana amenionyesha kwa uwazi kwamba sanamu ya mnyama itaundwa kabla mlango wa rehema haujafungwa; kwa maana itakuwa jaribu kuu kwa watu wa Mungu, ambalo kwa njia yake hatima yao ya milele itaamuliwa. . ..

> “This is the test that the people of God must have before they are sealed.” Manuscript Releases, volume 15, 15.

> "Hili ndilo jaribio ambalo watu wa Mungu lazima wawe nalo kabla hawajatiwa muhuri." Matoleo ya Miswada, juzuu ya 15, 15.

There are always two waymarks that identify a time of the end. In the reform movement of Moses, it was Aaron’s birth followed three years later with Moses’ birth. In the reform movement to come out of Babylon and rebuild the temple it was king Darius, followed by king Cyrus. In the reform movement of Christ, it was the birth of John the Baptist, followed in six months by the birth of Christ. In the reform movement of the Millerites it was the death of the papal system in 1798, followed by the death of the pope in 1799. In the reform movement of the third angel, it was president Reagan and president Bush the first, who both represented 1989. In Daniel chapter ten, verse one, we find king Cyrus identified.

Daima kuna alama mbili za njia zinazotambulisha wakati wa mwisho. Katika harakati ya mageuzi ya Musa, ilikuwa ni kuzaliwa kwa Haruni ikifuatiwa miaka mitatu baadaye na kuzaliwa kwa Musa. Katika harakati ya mageuzi ya kutoka Babeli na kujenga upya hekalu, ilikuwa ni Mfalme Dario, akifuatiwa na Mfalme Koreshi. Katika harakati ya mageuzi ya Kristo, ilikuwa ni kuzaliwa kwa Yohana Mbatizaji, ikifuatiwa baada ya miezi sita na kuzaliwa kwa Kristo. Katika harakati ya mageuzi ya Wamilleraiti ilikuwa ni kifo cha mfumo wa upapa mwaka 1798, kikafuatiwa na kifo cha papa mwaka 1799. Katika harakati ya mageuzi ya malaika wa tatu, ilikuwa ni Rais Reagan na Rais Bush wa kwanza, ambao wote wawili waliwakilisha mwaka 1989. Katika Danieli sura ya kumi, mstari wa kwanza, tunamkuta Mfalme Koreshi ametajwa.

> In the third year of Cyrus king of Persia a thing was revealed unto Daniel, whose name was called Belteshazzar; and the thing was true, but the time appointed was long: and he understood the thing, and had understanding of the vision. Daniel 10:1.

> Katika mwaka wa tatu wa Cyrus, mfalme wa Uajemi, jambo lilifunuliwa kwa Daniel, ambaye aliitwa Belteshazzar; na jambo hilo lilikuwa la kweli, lakini wakati uliowekwa ulikuwa mrefu; naye akalielewa jambo hilo, na alikuwa na ufahamu wa maono hayo. Daniel 10:1.

In the following verses of chapter ten, we see the experience of Daniel represented in advance of Gabriel delivering the vision of prophetic history in chapter eleven. Cyrus marks the time of the end, for previously Cyrus, Darius’ nephew, had been Darius’ general who slew Belshazzar, thus marking the end of the seventy years of captivity, which typified the twelve-hundred and sixty-year captivity of spiritual Israel in spiritual Babylon from 538 unto 1798.

Katika mistari inayofuata ya sura ya kumi, tunaona uzoefu wa Danieli ukiwakilishwa kabla ya Gabrieli kutoa maono ya historia ya kinabii katika sura ya kumi na moja. Koreshi anaashiria wakati wa mwisho, kwa maana hapo awali Koreshi, mpwa wa Dario, alikuwa jemadari wa Dario aliyemuua Belshaza, hivyo akaashiria mwisho wa miaka sabini ya utekwa, ambayo ilikuwa mfano wa utekwa wa miaka elfu moja mia mbili na sitini wa Israeli wa kiroho katika Babeli ya kiroho kuanzia mwaka 538 hadi 1798.

> “God’s church on earth was as verily in captivity during this long period of relentless persecution as were the children of Israel held captive in Babylon during the period of the exile.” Prophets and Kings, 714.

> "Kanisa la Mungu duniani lilikuwa kwa hakika katika utumwa katika kipindi hiki kirefu cha mateso yasiyokoma kama vile wana wa Israeli walivyoshikiliwa mateka huko Babeli wakati wa uhamisho." Manabii na Wafalme, 714.

The end of the twelve hundred and sixty years in 1798, marked the time of the end, so the end of the seventy years marked the “time of the end” for that history. Both Darius and Cyrus are represented at the death of Belshazzar and end of the kingdom of Babylon, for as Darius’s general who accomplished the work, Cyrus was representing Darius. When George Bush the first was inaugurated on January 20, 1989, Reagan had been president for the first nineteen days of 1989.

Mwisho wa miaka elfu moja mia mbili na sitini mnamo mwaka 1798 uliashiria wakati wa mwisho; hivyo, mwisho wa miaka sabini uliashiria "wakati wa mwisho" kwa historia hiyo. Wote wawili, Darius na Cyrus, wanawakilishwa wakati wa kifo cha Belshazzar na mwisho wa ufalme wa Babylon, kwa kuwa, akiwa jenerali wa Darius aliyetekeleza kazi hiyo, Cyrus alimwakilisha Darius. George Bush wa kwanza alipoapishwa tarehe 20 Januari 1989, Reagan alikuwa rais kwa siku kumi na tisa za kwanza za 1989.

The vision of the Hiddekel began at the time of the end, in the third year of Cyrus. When Gabriel begins to unfold to Daniel the prophetic history of chapter eleven, he first references the first year of Darius, to establish clearly that the vision of prophetic history that he was about to present to Daniel begins in the last time of the end, in 1989, for all the prophets speak more of the last days than the days in which they lived.

Maono ya Hidekeli yalianza wakati wa mwisho, katika mwaka wa tatu wa Koreshi. Gabrieli anapoanza kumfunulia Danieli historia ya kinabii ya sura ya kumi na moja, kwanza anarejelea mwaka wa kwanza wa Dario, ili kuthibitisha waziwazi kwamba maono ya historia ya kinabii ambayo alikuwa karibu kumwasilisha kwa Danieli huanza katika kipindi cha mwisho cha wakati wa mwisho, mwaka 1989, kwa kuwa manabii wote husema zaidi juu ya siku za mwisho kuliko zile walizoishi.

> But I will show thee that which is noted in the scripture of truth: and there is none that holdeth with me in these things, but Michael your prince. Also I in the first year of Darius the Mede, even I, stood to confirm and to strengthen him. Daniel 10:21, 11:1.

> Lakini nitakuonyesha yaliyoandikwa katika kitabu cha kweli; wala hakuna yeyote aliye upande wangu katika mambo haya, ila Mikaeli, mkuu wenu. Tena mimi, katika mwaka wa kwanza wa Dario, Mmedi, nikasimama kumthibitisha na kumtia nguvu. Danieli 10:21, 11:1.

In the first year of Darius, which represents the time of the end in 1989, Gabriel “stood”, thus identifying that at a “time of the end”, an angel arrives. In 1798 the first angel arrived, and in 1989, the third angel arrived. It wasn’t until the message of the third angel was empowered in 2001 that the sealing of the third angel began, but the movement of the third angel arriving in 1989, is represented by Gabriel standing at the time of the end. Gabriel is going to show Daniel “that which is noted in the scripture of truth,” and the vision of the Hiddekel possesses the signature of “Truth,” which Gabriel is about to set forth.

Katika mwaka wa kwanza wa Darius, ambao unawakilisha wakati wa mwisho mnamo 1989, Gabriel "alisimama", hivyo kutambulisha kwamba katika "wakati wa mwisho", malaika mmoja anawasili. Mnamo 1798 malaika wa kwanza aliwasili, na mnamo 1989, malaika wa tatu aliwasili. Haikuwa hadi ujumbe wa malaika wa tatu ulipopewa nguvu mnamo 2001 ndipo kutiwa muhuri kwa malaika wa tatu kulipoanza, lakini harakati ya malaika wa tatu aliyewasili mnamo 1989, inawakilishwa na kusimama kwa Gabriel wakati wa mwisho. Gabriel ataonyesha Daniel "kile kilichoandikwa katika maandiko ya kweli," na maono ya Hiddekel yanabeba alama ya "Kweli," ambayo Gabriel yuko karibu kuyaweka wazi.

In verse fourteen of chapter ten Gabriel had already informed Daniel that what he was addressing in the vision of the Hiddekel was “what would happen to God’s people in the last days.”

Katika aya ya kumi na nne ya sura ya kumi, Gabrieli alikuwa tayari amemwarifu Danieli kwamba kile alichokuwa akikizungumzia katika maono ya mto Hidekeli kilikuwa 'yatakayowatokea watu wa Mungu katika siku za mwisho.'

> Now I am come to make thee understand what shall befall thy people in the latter days: for yet the vision is for many days. Daniel 10:14.

> Sasa nimekuja kukufahamisha yale yatakayowapata watu wako katika siku za mwisho; kwa maana maono hayo bado ni ya siku nyingi. Danieli 10:14.

Verse two of Daniel chapter eleven represents the knowledge that was unsealed at the time of the end in 1989, and which identifies what “shall befall” God’s people “in the latter days”.

Aya ya pili ya sura ya kumi na moja ya Danieli inaashiria maarifa ambayo yaliondolewa muhuri wakati wa mwisho mwaka 1989, na ambayo yanabainisha kile "kitakachowapata" watu wa Mungu "katika siku za mwisho".

> And now will I show thee the truth. Behold, there shall stand up yet three kings in Persia; and the fourth shall be far richer than they all: and by his strength through his riches he shall stir up all against the realm of Grecia. Daniel 11:2.

> Na sasa nitakuonyesha ukweli. Tazama, bado watainuka wafalme watatu katika Uajemi; na wa nne atakuwa tajiri sana kuliko wao wote; naye kwa nguvu zake na utajiri wake atawachochea wote dhidi ya ufalme wa Uyunani. Danieli 11:2.

Cyrus prefigures the second king since 1989. He is the king of the Medo-Persian Empire, which represents the kingdom of Bible prophecy in the last days that is made up of two horns, represented by the Medes and the Persians. After the second king of the kingdom of the two-horned earth beast at the time of the end in 1989, there would yet be three kings (Clinton, Bush the last, Obama), and then there would be a king that was far richer than they all were. The three kings that followed Bush the first, got wealthy after their presidencies, and only because they had become president. Trump, the fourth that was far richer, and was the wealthiest president ever, did not make his money because he had been president, but primarily through his work in real estate investments, well before he ran for president.

Cyrus anamtangulia kwa mfano mfalme wa pili tangu 1989. Yeye ni mfalme wa Dola la Umedi na Uajemi, ambalo linawakilisha ufalme wa unabii wa Biblia katika siku za mwisho, ulio na pembe mbili, zinazoakilishwa na Wamedi na Waajemi. Baada ya mfalme wa pili wa ufalme wa mnyama wa nchi mwenye pembe mbili katika wakati wa mwisho mnamo 1989, wangekuwapo bado wafalme watatu (Clinton, Bush wa mwisho, Obama), kisha kungekuwapo mfalme aliyekuwa tajiri sana kuliko wote wao. Wafalme hao watatu waliomfuata Bush wa kwanza walitajirika baada ya vipindi vyao vya urais, na ni kwa sababu tu walikuwa wamekuwa marais. Trump, wa nne ambaye alikuwa tajiri sana kuliko wote, na alikuwa rais tajiri zaidi kuwahi kuwapo, hakupata pesa zake kwa sababu alikuwa rais, bali kimsingi kupitia kazi yake katika uwekezaji wa mali isiyohamishika, kabla sana ya kugombea urais.

Formerly the richest president in American history, relatively speaking, was the first president of the United States. Prior to Donald Trump, George Washington was the richest president in American history, and he made his money as did Donald Trump, through real estate investments. Both Washington and Trump came to the presidency from non-traditional political backgrounds. Washington was primarily a military leader before becoming president, and Trump was a businessman and television personality, who like unto Washington was without any prior political experience.

Hapo awali, kwa kulinganisha, rais tajiri zaidi katika historia ya Marekani alikuwa rais wa kwanza wa Marekani. Kabla ya Donald Trump, George Washington alikuwa rais tajiri zaidi katika historia ya Marekani, na alipata mali yake kama alivyoipata Donald Trump, kupitia uwekezaji wa mali isiyohamishika. Wote wawili, Washington na Trump, walikuja kuingia madarakani kama marais kutoka katika historia za kisiasa zisizo za jadi. Washington hasa alikuwa kiongozi wa kijeshi kabla ya kuwa rais, na Trump alikuwa mfanyabiashara na mtu mashuhuri wa televisheni, ambaye, kama ilivyokuwa kwa Washington, hakuwa na uzoefu wowote wa awali wa kisiasa.

Both presidents were known for their strong personalities and leadership styles, although they manifested these traits quite differently. Washington was known for his stoic, calm, and confident leadership and unifying presence during the Revolutionary War and the early years of the Republic, while Trump is known for his assertive approach to leadership and governance. Both Washington and Trump were figures of significant controversy, albeit for very different reasons. Washington, while widely revered, faced criticism during his time for various issues, including his views on slavery. Trump’s presidency was marked by numerous controversies, including his use of “mean tweets” on social media, his America-first policy decisions, and his own self-awareness.

Marais wote wawili walijulikana kwa haiba zao thabiti na mitindo yao ya uongozi, ijapokuwa walionesha sifa hizi kwa njia tofauti kabisa. Washington alijulikana kwa uongozi wake wa kustahimili, utulivu na kujiamini, na kwa uwepo uliounganisha wakati wa Vita vya Mapinduzi na katika miaka ya awali ya Jamhuri, ilhali Trump anajulikana kwa mtazamo wake thabiti katika uongozi na utawala. Washington na Trump wote walikuwa wahusika wa utata mkubwa, ingawa kwa sababu tofauti sana. Washington, ingawa aliheshimiwa sana, alikabiliwa na ukosoaji wakati wake kuhusu masuala mbalimbali, ikiwemo mitazamo yake kuhusu utumwa. Urais wa Trump uliandamwa na utata mwingi, ikiwa ni pamoja na matumizi yake ya “tweeti kali” kwenye mitandao ya kijamii, maamuzi yake ya sera ya “America First,” na utambuzi wake binafsi.

The richest and sixth president was to stir up the globalist dragon powers. When we lay the history of verse two of chapter eleven, upon the history of the period of 1776, 1789, and 1798, we find further information addressing the last president of the earth beast, for Jesus illustrates the end with the beginning. The first two periods represented by 1776, and 1789, provide two witnesses that the final president, will be the eighth president, who was of the seven. Trump was the sixth president after Reagan, and as the eighth president, he will be “of the seven”. The final, and eighth president will rule when the United States forms the image “to and of” the beast.

Rais tajiri zaidi na wa sita alipaswa kuchochea nguvu za joka za wanautandawazi. Tunapoilinganisha historia ya aya ya pili ya sura ya kumi na moja na historia ya kipindi cha 1776, 1789, na 1798, tunapata taarifa zaidi zinazomhusu rais wa mwisho wa mnyama wa nchi, kwa maana Yesu huonyesha mwisho kwa mwanzo. Vipindi viwili vya kwanza vinavyowakilishwa na 1776 na 1789 vinatoa mashahidi wawili kwamba rais wa mwisho atakuwa rais wa nane, aliye wa wale saba. Trump alikuwa rais wa sita baada ya Reagan, na kama rais wa nane, atakuwa "wa wale saba". Rais wa mwisho, na wa nane, atatawala wakati Marekani itakapounda sanamu "kwa na ya" mnyama.

The president who rules when the image of the beast is formed by the United States, must be the eighth, that is of the seven, as witnessed to by Peyton Randolph, and John Hancock. The papacy is the eighth head that was of the seven, and it received a prophetic deadly wound. To be an image of the papacy, the eighth president that is of the seven, must also have a prophetic identification of being prophetically “wounded” or “killed”.

Rais aliye madarakani wakati sura ya mnyama inaundwa na Marekani, lazima awe wa nane, naye ni wa wale saba, kama inavyoshuhudiwa na Peyton Randolph na John Hancock. Upapa ni kichwa cha nane kilichokuwa cha wale saba, nacho kilipokea jeraha la mauti la kinabii. Ili kuwa sura ya Upapa, rais wa nane aliye wa wale saba, pia lazima awe na utambulisho wa kinabii wa kuwa “amejeruhiwa” au “ameuawa” kwa namna ya kinabii.

The papacy received its deadly wound from a dragon power (France), a dragon power who the papacy had been struggling against since the time when Paul identified that, the mystery of iniquity (the man of sin), did already work at that time. The dragon of paganism was restraining the papacy from taking the throne, which it did in 538.

Upapa ulipata jeraha lake la mauti kutoka kwa nguvu ya joka (Ufaransa), nguvu ya joka ambayo upapa ulikuwa ukipambana nayo tangu wakati Paulo alipotambua kwamba siri ya uasi (mtu wa dhambi) tayari ilikuwa ikifanya kazi wakati huo. Joka la upagani lilikuwa likizuia upapa kuchukua kiti cha enzi; upapa ulikitwaa mwaka 538.

From the beginning of the papacy unto its final demise it struggles against dragon powers. An image of the papacy requires that the image struggles with a dragon power. In Revelation seventeen the papacy, who is the eighth head, that is of the seven heads, is ultimately burned with fire and her flesh is eaten by the ten kings. In both deaths (1798 and the last days), the papal beast is killed by a dragon power. In order for the United States to form an image of the beast, the eighth president would also need to be killed by a dragon power that it was at war with, and the sixth king after the time of the end in 1989, is the king that stirred up all the dragon powers.

Tangu mwanzo wa upapa hadi maangamizi yake ya mwisho, umekuwa ukipambana na nguvu za joka. Picha ya upapa inahitaji kwamba picha hiyo ipambane na nguvu ya joka. Katika Ufunuo kumi na saba, upapa, ambaye ni kichwa cha nane, naye ni miongoni mwa vile vichwa saba, hatimaye anateketezwa kwa moto, na nyama yake inaliwa na wale wafalme kumi. Katika vifo vyote viwili (1798 na siku za mwisho), mnyama wa kipapa anauawa na nguvu ya joka. Ili Marekani iunde picha ya mnyama, rais wa nane pia angehitajika kuuawa na nguvu ya joka ambayo Marekani ilikuwa ikipigana nayo, na mfalme wa sita baada ya wakati wa mwisho mnamo 1989, ndiye mfalme aliyezichochea nguvu zote za joka.

Ronald Reagan was an apostate Protestant, but George Bush the first, was a classic globalist. One of his famous quotes is where he lied by saying, on August 18, 1988, “And I’m the one who will not raise taxes. My opponent now says he’ll raise them as a last resort, or a third resort. But when a politician talks like that, you know that’s one resort he’ll be checking into. My opponent won’t rule out raising taxes. But I will. And the Congress will push me to raise taxes and I’ll say no. And they’ll push, and I’ll say no, and they’ll push again, and all I can say to them is: read my lips: no new taxes.”

Ronald Reagan alikuwa Mprotestanti murtadi, lakini George Bush wa kwanza alikuwa mfuasi halisi wa uglobali. Mojawapo ya nukuu zake maarufu ni pale alipodanganya kwa kusema, mnamo tarehe 18 Agosti 1988, "Na mimi ndiye ambaye sitapandisha kodi. Mpinzani wangu sasa anasema atapandisha kodi kama hatua ya mwisho, au hatua ya tatu. Lakini mwanasiasa anapoongea hivyo, unajua hilo ndilo mojawapo ya maeneo ya mapumziko atakakojisajili. Mpinzani wangu hataondoa uwezekano wa kupandisha kodi. Lakini mimi nitaondoa. Na Bunge litanisukuma nipandishe kodi na nitasema hapana. Nao watasukuma, nami nitasema hapana, na watasukuma tena, na yote ninayoweza kuwaambia ni: someni midomo yangu: hakuna kodi mpya."

Other than that public lie, which is an attribute of a representative of the dragon power, his most famous quote was at a joint session of Congress on September 11, 1990, where he said, “Now, we can see a new world coming into view. A world in which there is the very real prospect of a new world order. In the words of Winston Churchill, a ‘world order’ in which ‘the principles of justice and fair play … protect the weak against the strong …’ A world where the United Nations, freed from cold war stalemate, is poised to fulfill the historic vision of its founders.” Bush the senior was a globalist, even if he identified as a Republican.

Mbali na uongo huo wa hadharani, ambao ni sifa ya mwakilishi wa nguvu ya joka, kauli yake maarufu zaidi ilikuwa katika kikao cha pamoja cha Congress mnamo Septemba 11, 1990, ambapo alisema, "Sasa, tunaweza kuona dunia mpya ikija kuonekana. Dunia ambayo kuna uwezekano halisi kabisa wa utaratibu mpya wa dunia. Kwa maneno ya Winston Churchill, 'utaratibu wa dunia' ambao 'kanuni za haki na uchezaji wa haki ... zinalinda wanyonge dhidi ya wenye nguvu ...' Dunia ambamo Umoja wa Mataifa, ukiwa umekombolewa kutoka mkwamo wa Vita Baridi, uko tayari kutimiza maono ya kihistoria ya waanzilishi wake." Bush mzee alikuwa mfuasi wa utandawazi, hata kama alijitambulisha kama Mrepublican.

Bill Clinton was the first president to hold his inauguration ceremony at the Lincoln Memorial, which means he turned his back to Lincoln and faced the obelisk of Washington’s monument, an obelisk that is internally filled with symbols of Freemasonry. Both the obelisk and the symbols of Freemasonry he chose to face as he falsely swore his allegiance to the Constitution, represented not only that he had turned his back upon the anti-slavery symbol of the Lincoln Memorial, but Clintons’ chosen historic positioning, agrees with his acceptance speech, where he praised a professor whom he had studied under in the Jesuit University that he had attended.

Bill Clinton alikuwa rais wa kwanza kufanya sherehe yake ya kuapishwa katika Ukumbusho wa Lincoln, jambo linalomaanisha kwamba alimgeuzia mgongo Lincoln na akaelekeza uso wake kwenye obeliski wa Mnara wa Washington, obeliski ambao kwa ndani umejaa alama za Uwanamasoni. Alipokuwa akiapa kwa uongo utiifu kwa Katiba, alielekeza uso wake kwenye obeliski huo na alama za Uwanamasoni; hilo liliwakilisha si tu kwamba alikuwa amegeuzia mgongo ishara ya kupinga utumwa ya Ukumbusho wa Lincoln, bali pia kwamba mwelekeo wa kihistoria aliouchagua Clinton unaendana na hotuba yake ya kukubali, ambapo alimsifu profesa ambaye alikuwa amesoma chini yake katika Chuo Kikuu cha Wajesuiti alichohudhuria.

That professor, Carroll Quigley, wrote the book: Tragedy and Hope: A History of the World in Our Time, which was published in 1966, and is correctly and widely understood to represent “the Bible for globalist ideas”. As the Koran is to Islam, and as Morals and Dogma of the Ancient and Accepted Scottish Rite of Freemasonry, written by Albert Pike, and published in 1871, is considered the most comprehensive exposition of the esoteric teachings of Freemasonry; or as The Book of Mormon is to the Latter Day Saints, Quigley’s book is the Bible of globalist philosophy. Most would have known if Clinton praised Mohammed of the Koran, or if he praised Joseph Smith of The Book of Mormon, and some would have known who Albert Pike was, but few knew that Clinton’s praise of Quigley was consistent with his own globalist agenda, and his rejection of the principles represented by Abraham Lincoln.

Huyo profesa, Carroll Quigley, aliandika kitabu: Tragedy and Hope: A History of the World in Our Time, ambacho kilichapishwa mwaka 1966, na kinaeleweka kwa usahihi na kwa upana kuwa kinawakilisha "Biblia ya mawazo ya utandawazi". Kama vile Kurani ilivyo kwa Uislamu, na kama Morals and Dogma of the Ancient and Accepted Scottish Rite of Freemasonry, kilichoandikwa na Albert Pike, na kuchapishwa mwaka 1871, kinavyochukuliwa kuwa ufafanuzi mpana zaidi wa mafundisho ya kifumbo ya Freemasonry; au kama The Book of Mormon ilivyo kwa Watakatifu wa Siku za Mwisho, basi kitabu cha Quigley ndicho Biblia ya falsafa ya utandawazi. Wengi wangejua kama Clinton angemsifu Mohammed wa Kurani, au kama angemsifu Joseph Smith wa The Book of Mormon, na baadhi wangejua Albert Pike alikuwa nani, lakini wachache walijua kwamba sifa za Clinton kwa Quigley zilikuwa sambamba na ajenda yake ya utandawazi, na kukataa kwake kanuni alizowakilisha Abraham Lincoln.

In the speech, Clinton said: “As a teenager, I heard John Kennedy’s summons to citizenship. And then, as a student at Georgetown, I heard that call clarified by a professor named Carroll Quigley, who said to us that America was the greatest nation in history because our people have always believed in two things: that tomorrow can be better than today and that every one of us has a personal moral responsibility to make it so.” Carroll Quigley’s idea on how to “make America great again”, was for the United States to surrender its national sovereignty to the United Nations. Clinton was a Democrat, globalist, representative of the dragon.

Katika hotuba hiyo, Clinton alisema: "Nikiwa kijana, nilisikia mwito wa uraia kutoka kwa John Kennedy. Kisha, nikiwa mwanafunzi huko Georgetown, nilisikia mwito huo ukifafanuliwa na profesa aitwaye Carroll Quigley, ambaye alituambia kwamba Amerika ilikuwa taifa kubwa zaidi katika historia kwa sababu watu wetu daima wameamini mambo mawili: kwamba kesho inaweza kuwa bora kuliko leo na kwamba kila mmoja wetu ana wajibu wa kimaadili binafsi wa kulifanya liwe hivyo." Wazo la Carroll Quigley kuhusu jinsi ya "kuifanya Amerika kuwa kubwa tena", lilikuwa kwamba Marekani isalimishe mamlaka yake ya kitaifa kwa Umoja wa Mataifa. Clinton alikuwa Mdemokrati, mfuasi wa utandawazi, mwakilishi wa joka.

“Like father, like son”, George Bush the last, was a globalist, and just as was his father, a globalist who professed to be Republican. The apple does not fall far from the tree. The Bible raises the rhetorical question, “Can two walk together, except they be agreed?” One simply needs to track the many enterprises that Bush the last, accomplished together with Bill and Hillary Clinton to see who Bush the last agreed with.

"Kama baba, ndivyo mwana," George Bush wa mwisho alikuwa mfuasi wa utandawazi, na vivyo hivyo alivyo baba yake, mfuasi wa utandawazi aliyedai kuwa wa chama cha Republican. Tufaha halianguki mbali na mti. Biblia inauliza swali la balagha, "Je, wawili wanaweza kutembea pamoja, isipokuwa wamekubaliana?" Mtu anachohitaji tu ni kufuatilia miradi mingi ambayo Bush wa mwisho alitekeleza pamoja na Bill na Hillary Clinton ili kuona Bush wa mwisho alikubaliana na nani.

Barack Hussein Obama made a statement about fundamentally transforming the United States during a campaign rally shortly before he was elected as President. On October 30, 2008, in Columbia, Missouri, Obama said: “We are five days away from fundamentally transforming the United States of America.” The statement was part of Obama’s broader message of “hope and change”, which was a central theme of his 2008 presidential campaign, emphasizing his commitment to significant policy reforms and a different direction for the country. The direction he turned the country was into the dragon policies of globalism, anti-white, pro-abortion, anti-carbon fuels, anti-America pro-globalism, Diversity, Equity, Inclusion, the false history of Critical Race Theory, and on and on. Obama was not simply a community organizer; he was and still is a representative of the dragon power’s globalist agenda.

Barack Hussein Obama alitoa kauli kuhusu kuibadilisha Marekani kimsingi wakati wa mkutano wa kampeni muda mfupi kabla ya kuchaguliwa kuwa Rais. Tarehe 30 Oktoba 2008, huko Columbia, Missouri, Obama alisema: "Tupo siku tano tu kuanzia sasa kabla ya kuibadilisha Marekani kimsingi." Kauli hiyo ilikuwa sehemu ya ujumbe mpana wa Obama wa "tumaini na mabadiliko", ambao ulikuwa mada kuu ya kampeni yake ya urais ya 2008, ukisisitiza dhamira yake ya mageuzi makubwa ya sera na mwelekeo tofauti kwa nchi. Mwelekeo aliouipeleka nchi ulikuwa katika sera za joka za utandawazi, za kupinga wazungu, za kuunga mkono utoaji mimba, za kupinga nishati za kaboni, za kupinga Marekani na kuunga mkono utandawazi, Utofauti, Usawa, Ushirikishwaji, historia ya uongo ya Nadharia Muhimu ya Rangi, na kadhalika. Obama hakuwa tu mratibu wa jamii; alikuwa na bado ni mwakilishi wa ajenda ya utandawazi ya nguvu za joka.

Trump however, unlike a typical modern politician, kept more promises than all the other seven presidents in the period beginning in 1989, combined. He was committed to making America great again, and in so attempting, he stirred up the globalist powers that be, not only in the United States, but in the entire world.

Trump, hata hivyo, tofauti na mwanasiasa wa kisasa wa kawaida, alitimiza ahadi nyingi zaidi kuliko marais wengine saba wote kwa pamoja katika kipindi kilichoanza mwaka 1989. Alijitolea kuifanya Marekani iwe kubwa tena, na katika jitihada hizo aliwachochea wakuu wa utandawazi walioko madarakani, si tu nchini Marekani, bali pia kote duniani.

Joe Biden has no evidence whatsoever that he is anything other than another globalist.

Joe Biden hana ushahidi wowote ule kwamba yeye ni chochote kingine isipokuwa mfuasi mwingine wa utandawazi.

The beast of Catholicism waged a long-drawn-out war with the dragon powers, and the president that is reigning when the United States forms an image of the papacy, will, of prophetic necessity, be in a struggle with the dragon powers. None of the living presidents, other than Donald Trump, would wage war with the dragon powers, for the Democrats are openly globalist (dragons), and George Bush the last, was, as his father was (a professed Republican, that is actually a globalist dragon), for Jesus always illustrates the last with the first.

Mnyama wa Ukatoliki alipigana vita vya muda mrefu na nguvu za joka, na rais atakayetawala wakati Marekani inapotengeneza mfano wa Upapa atakuwa, kwa ulazima wa kinabii, katika mapambano na nguvu za joka. Hakuna kati ya marais walio hai, isipokuwa Donald Trump, ambaye angepiga vita dhidi ya nguvu za joka, maana Wademokrasia ni wafuasi wa utandawazi waziwazi (majoka), na George Bush wa mwisho alikuwa, kama alivyokuwa baba yake (anayedai kuwa Mrepublikan, ambaye kwa kweli ni joka wa utandawazi), kwa maana Yesu daima huonyesha wa mwisho kwa mfano wa wa kwanza.

We will continue this study in the next article.

Tutaendelea na utafiti huu katika makala ijayo.

> “A great crisis awaits the people of God. A crisis awaits the world. The most momentous struggle of all the ages is just before us. Events which for more than forty years we have upon the authority of the prophetic word declared to be impending are now taking place before our eyes. Already the question of an amendment to the Constitution restricting liberty of conscience has been urged upon the legislators of the nation. The question of enforcing Sunday observance has become one of national interest and importance. We well know what the result of this movement will be. But are we ready for the issue? Have we faithfully discharged the duty which God has committed to us of giving the people warning of the danger before them?

> Mgogoro mkubwa unawasubiri watu wa Mungu. Mgogoro unangojea ulimwengu. Mapambano yenye uzito mkubwa kuliko yote ya zama zote yako karibu kutukabili. Matukio ambayo kwa zaidi ya miaka arobaini tumetangaza, kwa mamlaka ya neno la kinabii, kuwa yanakaribia kutokea, sasa yanatokea mbele ya macho yetu. Tayari suala la marekebisho ya Katiba yanayoweka mipaka kwa uhuru wa dhamiri limefikishwa kwa watunga sheria wa taifa na limekuwa likishinikizwa. Suala la kulazimisha utunzaji wa Jumapili limekuwa suala la kitaifa na la umuhimu mkubwa. Tunajua vyema matokeo ya harakati hii yatakuwaje. Lakini je, tuko tayari kwa hilo? Je, tumetimiza kwa uaminifu wajibu ambao Mungu ametukabidhi wa kuwapa watu onyo kuhusu hatari iliyo mbele yao?

> “There are many, even of those engaged in this movement for Sunday enforcement, who are blinded to the results which will follow this action. They do not see that they are striking directly against religious liberty. There are many who have never understood the claims of the Bible Sabbath and the false foundation upon which the Sunday institution rests. Any movement in favor of religious legislation is really an act of concession to the papacy, which for so many ages has steadily warred against liberty of conscience. Sunday observance owes its existence as a so-called Christian institution to ‘the mystery of iniquity;’ and its enforcement will be a virtual recognition of the principles which are the very cornerstone of Romanism. When our nation shall so abjure the principles of its government as to enact a Sunday law, Protestantism will in this act join hands with popery; it will be nothing else than giving life to the tyranny which has long been eagerly watching its opportunity to spring again into active despotism.

> Kuna wengi, hata miongoni mwa wale waliojihusisha katika harakati hii ya kulazimisha uadhimisho wa Jumapili, ambao wamepofushwa wasione matokeo yatakayofuata hatua hii. Hawaoni kwamba wanaenda kinyume moja kwa moja na uhuru wa dini. Kuna wengi ambao hawajawahi kuelewa madai ya Sabato ya Biblia na msingi wa uongo ambao taasisi ya Jumapili imejengwa juu yake. Harakati yoyote inayounga mkono utungaji wa sheria za kidini kwa kweli ni tendo la kutoa mwanya kwa upapa, ambao kwa zama nyingi umepiga vita kwa uthabiti dhidi ya uhuru wa dhamiri. Uadhimisho wa Jumapili unadaiwa kuwepo kwake kama taasisi iitwayo ya Kikristo kwa ‘siri ya uasi’; na kulazimishwa kwake kutakuwa ni kutambua kwa vitendo kanuni ambazo ndizo jiwe kuu la msingi la Ukatoliki wa Kirumi. Wakati taifa letu litakapoyakataa kwa kiasi hicho kanuni za utawala wake hata kutunga sheria ya Jumapili, Uprotestanti katika tendo hili utaungana na upapa; na hili halitakuwa jingine ila kuupa uhai ule udhalimu ambao kwa muda mrefu umekuwa ukitazamia kwa hamu nafasi ya kurudi tena katika utawala wa kiimla unaotenda kazi.

> “The National Reform movement, exercising the power of religious legislation, will, when fully developed, manifest the same intolerance and oppression that have prevailed in past ages. Human councils then assumed the prerogatives of Deity, crushing under their despotic power liberty of conscience; and imprisonment, exile, and death followed for those who opposed their dictates. If popery or its principles shall again be legislated into power, the fires of persecution will be rekindled against those who will not sacrifice conscience and the truth in deference to popular errors. This evil is on the point of realization.

> Harakati ya Mageuzi ya Kitaifa, ikitumia mamlaka ya kutunga sheria za kidini, itakapokamilika kikamilifu, itadhihirisha ukosefu uleule wa uvumilivu na uonevu uliotawala katika enzi zilizopita. Mabaraza ya kibinadamu wakati huo yalijivika mamlaka ya Mungu, yakikandamiza uhuru wa dhamiri chini ya nguvu zao za kimabavu; na kifungo, uhamisho, na kifo vikawafika wale waliopinga maagizo yao. Ikiwa Upapa au misingi yake itatiwa tena madarakani kwa njia ya sheria, moto wa mateso utawashwa upya dhidi ya wale ambao hawatakubali kutoa kafara dhamiri na ukweli kwa kuyaheshimu makosa yanayokubalika na wengi. Uovu huu uko karibu kutimia.

> “When God has given us light showing the dangers before us, how can we stand clear in His sight if we neglect to put forth every effort in our power to bring it before the people? Can we be content to leave them to meet this momentous issue unwarned?” Testimonies, volume 5, 711, 712.

> “Wakati Mungu ametupa nuru inayoonyesha hatari zilizo mbele yetu, tutawezaje kusimama bila lawama machoni Pake ikiwa tunapuuzia kufanya kila juhudi tuwezazo kuileta mbele ya watu? Je, tunaweza kuridhika kuwaacha wakabiliane na suala hili la umuhimu mkubwa bila kuonywa?” Ushuhuda, juzuu ya 5, 711, 712.

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