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# The Book of Daniel - Number One-Hundred and Thirty-Eight

Doniyor kitobi — bir yuz o‘ttiz sakkizinchi

Unveiling Daniel 11: A Prophetic Journey through History

Doniyor 11 ni ochib berish: tarix bo‘ylab bashoratli sayohat

Author

Jeff Pippenger

Published

March 15, 2024

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Verse forty of Daniel chapter eleven, represents one of the most profound verses of God’s Word. The prophetic histories that are represented therein are where the wheels within the wheels of Ezekiel’s vision are brought together. With the time of the end of the Millerite movement in 1798, and also the time of the end of the movement of the third angel in 1989, the internal and external histories of God’s people of the last days are portrayed. Within the verse is the announcement of the approaching judgment which arrived with the first angel in 1798, all the way until the Sunday law of verse forty-one. The verse therefore represents the investigative judgment of God’s church beginning with the dead, through to the sealing of the one hundred and forty-four thousand, and God spewing Laodicean Adventism out of His mouth.

Doniyor kitobining o‘n birinchi bobi qirqinchi oyati Xudoning Kalomidagi eng teran oyatlardan birini ifodalaydi. Unda tasvirlangan bashoratli tarixlar Hizqiyolning vahiyidagi g‘ildiraklar ichidagi g‘ildiraklar bir joyga keltiriladigan nuqtadir. 1798 yildagi Millerchilar harakatining oxirzamon vaqti, shuningdek 1989 yildagi uchinchi farishta harakatining oxirzamon vaqti bilan, Xudoning oxirgi kunlardagi xalqining ichki va tashqi tarixlari tasvirlanadi. Oyat ichida 1798 yilda birinchi farishta bilan kelgan yaqinlashib kelayotgan hukmning e’loni, qirq birinchi oyatdagi Yakshanba qonunigacha bo‘lgan davr bilan birga mavjuddir. Shuning uchun bu oyat Xudoning jamoati ustidan, o‘liklardan boshlab, bir yuz qirq to‘rt mingning muhrlanishigacha hamda Xudoning Laodikiyachi adventizmni O‘z og‘zidan tupurib tashlashigacha davom etadigan tergov hukmini ifodalaydi.

The history where the papacy received its deadly wound in 1798, until the deadly wound is healed in verse forty-one is represented in the history of the verse. Verse forty-one onward is set within the context of the escalating executive judgments of God, which begin in that verse. In this prophetic sense, verse forty is the end of Daniel chapter eleven, and verses one and two, of the chapter are the beginning. Chapter eleven presents the rebellion of the antichrist, and chapter ten represents the beginning of the Hiddekel River vision, and chapter twelve represents the end. Chapters ten and twelve represent the first and the last, and chapter eleven is the rebellion in the middle.

1798-yilda papalik o‘zining o‘limli yarasini olgan tarixdan boshlab, qirq birinchi oyatda o‘limli yara tuzalguniga qadar bo‘lgan davr oyat tarixida tasvirlangan. Qirq birinchi oyatdan keyingi qism o‘sha oyatda boshlanadigan Xudoning tobora kuchayib boruvchi ijro hukmlari kontekstida joylashtirilgan. Bu bashoratli ma’noda, qirqinchi oyat Doniyor kitobining o‘n birinchi bobining oxiri, bobning birinchi va ikkinchi oyatlari esa boshlanishidir. O‘n birinchi bob masihga qarshi qudratning isyonini bayon etadi, o‘ninchi bob esa Hiddekel daryosi vahiysining boshlanishini, o‘n ikkinchi bob esa uning yakunini ifodalaydi. O‘ninchi va o‘n ikkinchi boblar birinchi va oxirgini ifodalaydi, o‘n birinchi bob esa o‘rtadagi isyondir.

Chapters ten and twelve are the same, for, unlike chapter eleven, they represent Daniel’s experience in relation to the vision, and chapter eleven is the vision. Chapter ten is the first letter of the Hebrew alphabet, chapter eleven is the thirteenth rebellious letter of the Hebrew alphabet, and chapter twelve is the last letter of the alphabet. The Hiddekel River vision is the “Truth.”

O‘ninchi va o‘n ikkinchi boblar bir xil, chunki o‘n birinchi bobdan farqli o‘laroq, ular Doniyorning vahiyga nisbatan tajribasini ifodalaydi, o‘n birinchi bob esa vahiyning o‘zidir. O‘ninchi bob ibroniy alifbosining birinchi harfidir, o‘n birinchi bob ibroniy alifbosining o‘n uchinchi isyonkor harfidir, va o‘n ikkinchi bob alifboning oxirgi harfidir. Xiddekel daryosi vahiysi “Haqiqat”dir.

In chapter eleven, the beginning illustrates the end, for Christ never changes. The final history represented in verse forty, is the testing time of the image of the beast. That testing time concludes with the mark of the beast, which is represented in verse forty-one. Verses one and two, must therefore address the sealing time of the one hundred and forty-four thousand, for that period of time is also the period of the formation of the image of the beast.

O‘n birinchi bobda boshlanish oxirni tasvirlaydi, chunki Masih hech qachon o‘zgarmaydi. Qirqinchi oyatda ifodalangan so‘nggi tarix — bu hayvonning suratiga oid sinov vaqtidir. O‘sha sinov vaqti qirq birinchi oyatda ifodalangan hayvonning tamg‘asi bilan yakun topadi. Shunday ekan, birinchi va ikkinchi oyatlar, albatta, bir yuz qirq to‘rt mingning muhrlanish vaqtiga taalluqli bo‘lishi kerak, chunki o‘sha davr ham hayvon surati shakllanishi davridir.

> “The Lord has shown me clearly that the image of the beast will be formed before probation closes; for it is to be the great test for the people of God, by which their eternal destiny will be decided. . ..

> “Rabbiy menga aniq ko‘rsatdiki, vahshiyning surati sinov muddati yopilishidan oldin barpo etiladi; chunki u Xudoning xalqi uchun buyuk sinov bo‘ladi va ular abadiy taqdiri shu orqali hal etiladi....”

> “This is the test that the people of God must have before they are sealed.” Manuscript Releases, volume 15, 15.

> “Bu Xudoning xalqi muhrlanishidan oldin boshdan kechirishi lozim bo‘lgan sinovdir.” Manuscript Releases, 15-jild, 15.

There are always two waymarks that identify a time of the end. In the reform movement of Moses, it was Aaron’s birth followed three years later with Moses’ birth. In the reform movement to come out of Babylon and rebuild the temple it was king Darius, followed by king Cyrus. In the reform movement of Christ, it was the birth of John the Baptist, followed in six months by the birth of Christ. In the reform movement of the Millerites it was the death of the papal system in 1798, followed by the death of the pope in 1799. In the reform movement of the third angel, it was president Reagan and president Bush the first, who both represented 1989. In Daniel chapter ten, verse one, we find king Cyrus identified.

Oxirzamonni belgilab beradigan doimo ikki yo‘l-ko‘rsatkich mavjud bo‘ladi. Musoning islohot harakatida bu Horunning tug‘ilishi bo‘lib, undan uch yil o‘tib Musoning tug‘ilishi sodir bo‘lgan. Bobildan chiqib, ma’badni qayta qurish islohot harakatida bu shoh Doro bo‘lib, undan keyin shoh Kir kelgan. Masihning islohot harakatida bu Yahyo Cho‘mdiruvchining tug‘ilishi bo‘lib, undan olti oy o‘tib Masihning tug‘ilishi sodir bo‘lgan. Millerchilar islohot harakatida bu 1798-yilda papalik tizimining o‘limi bo‘lib, undan keyin 1799-yilda papaning o‘limi kelgan. Uchinchi farishta islohot harakatida esa bu prezident Reygan va birinchi prezident Bush bo‘lib, ularning ikkalasi ham 1989-yilni ifodalagan. Doniyor kitobining o‘ninchi bobi, birinchi oyatida shoh Kir tilga olinganini ko‘ramiz.

> In the third year of Cyrus king of Persia a thing was revealed unto Daniel, whose name was called Belteshazzar; and the thing was true, but the time appointed was long: and he understood the thing, and had understanding of the vision. Daniel 10:1.

> Fors shohi Kirus hukmronligining uchinchi yilida, ismi Beltashassar deb atalgan Doniyorga bir narsa vahiy qilindi; va o‘sha narsa haqiqat edi, ammo belgilangan vaqt uzoq edi; va u o‘sha narsani anglab yetdi hamda vahiydan tushuncha oldi. Doniyor 10:1.

In the following verses of chapter ten, we see the experience of Daniel represented in advance of Gabriel delivering the vision of prophetic history in chapter eleven. Cyrus marks the time of the end, for previously Cyrus, Darius’ nephew, had been Darius’ general who slew Belshazzar, thus marking the end of the seventy years of captivity, which typified the twelve-hundred and sixty-year captivity of spiritual Israel in spiritual Babylon from 538 unto 1798.

O‘ninchi bobning quyidagi oyatlarida biz Jabroil o‘n birinchi bobda bashoratli tarix haqidagi vahiyotni bayon etishidan oldin, Doniyorning tajribasi oldindan tasvirlanganini ko‘ramiz. Kir oxirzamonni belgilaydi, chunki bundan avval Kir — Doro’nining jiyani — Doro’nining Belshazzarni o‘ldirgan lashkarboshisi bo‘lgan edi; shu tariqa yetmish yillik asirlikning oxiri belgilangan bo‘lib, bu 538 yildan 1798 yilgacha ruhiy Bobil ichida ruhiy Isroilning bir ming ikki yuz oltmish yillik asirligining timsoli edi.

> “God’s church on earth was as verily in captivity during this long period of relentless persecution as were the children of Israel held captive in Babylon during the period of the exile.” Prophets and Kings, 714.

> “Xudoning yer yuzidagi jamoati, quvg‘inning shu uzoq va shafqatsiz davri mobaynida, surgun davrida Bobil asoratida ushlab turilgan Isroil farzandlari qanchalik haqiqiy asoratda bo‘lgan bo‘lsalar, xuddi shunchalik darajada asoratda edi.” Prophets and Kings, 714.

The end of the twelve hundred and sixty years in 1798, marked the time of the end, so the end of the seventy years marked the “time of the end” for that history. Both Darius and Cyrus are represented at the death of Belshazzar and end of the kingdom of Babylon, for as Darius’s general who accomplished the work, Cyrus was representing Darius. When George Bush the first was inaugurated on January 20, 1989, Reagan had been president for the first nineteen days of 1989.

1798-yildagi ming ikki yuz oltmish yilning tugashi oxirzamonni belgilagan bo‘lsa, yetmish yilning tugashi ham o‘sha tarix uchun “oxirzamon vaqti”ni belgilagan. Belshazarning o‘limi va Bobil shohligining tugashida Doro ham, Kir ham tasvirlangan, chunki ishni amalga oshirgan Daroning sarkardasi sifatida Kir Doroni ifodalab turgan edi. Birinchi Jorj Bush 1989-yil 20-yanvarda qasamyod qilganida, Reygan 1989-yilning dastlabki o‘n to‘qqiz kuni davomida prezident bo‘lib turgan edi.

The vision of the Hiddekel began at the time of the end, in the third year of Cyrus. When Gabriel begins to unfold to Daniel the prophetic history of chapter eleven, he first references the first year of Darius, to establish clearly that the vision of prophetic history that he was about to present to Daniel begins in the last time of the end, in 1989, for all the prophets speak more of the last days than the days in which they lived.

Hiddekel haqidagi vahiy oxirzamon paytida, Kirning uchinchi yilida boshlandi. Jabroil Doniyorga o‘n birinchi bobning bashoratli tarixini bayon qila boshlaganida, u avval Doro hukmronligining birinchi yiliga ishora qiladi, toki Doniyorga taqdim etmoqchi bo‘lgan bashoratli tarix haqidagi vahiy, barcha payg‘ambarlar o‘zlari yashagan kunlardan ko‘ra ko‘proq oxirgi kunlar haqida so‘zlaganlari uchun, aynan oxirzamonning so‘nggi davrida — 1989 yilda — boshlanishini ravshan qilib belgilasin.

> But I will show thee that which is noted in the scripture of truth: and there is none that holdeth with me in these things, but Michael your prince. Also I in the first year of Darius the Mede, even I, stood to confirm and to strengthen him. Daniel 10:21, 11:1.

> Ammo men senga haqiqat yozuvida qayd etilgan narsani ko‘rsataman; bu ishlarda men bilan birga turuvchi hech kim yo‘q, sizning amiringiz Mikoildan boshqa. Yana men, Mediyalik Doro hukmronligining birinchi yilida, aynan o‘zim, uni quvvatlash va mustahkamlash uchun turdim. Doniyor 10:21, 11:1.

In the first year of Darius, which represents the time of the end in 1989, Gabriel “stood”, thus identifying that at a “time of the end”, an angel arrives. In 1798 the first angel arrived, and in 1989, the third angel arrived. It wasn’t until the message of the third angel was empowered in 2001 that the sealing of the third angel began, but the movement of the third angel arriving in 1989, is represented by Gabriel standing at the time of the end. Gabriel is going to show Daniel “that which is noted in the scripture of truth,” and the vision of the Hiddekel possesses the signature of “Truth,” which Gabriel is about to set forth.

1989-yildagi oxirzamonni ifodalovchi Doro hukmronligining birinchi yilida Jabroil “turdi”; shu tariqa bu “oxirzamon”da bir farishta kelishini ko‘rsatadi. 1798-yilda birinchi farishta keldi, 1989-yilda esa uchinchi farishta keldi. Uchinchi farishtaning muhri bosish ishi faqat uning xabari 2001-yilda quvvatlantirilgach boshlandi, biroq 1989-yilda uchinchi farishtaning kelishi harakati oxirzamonda Jabroilning turishi bilan ifodalanadi. Jabroil Doniyorga “haqiqat yozuvida qayd etilgan narsani” ko‘rsatmoqchi, va Xiddekel haqidagi vahiy Jabroil hozir bayon etmoqchi bo‘lgan “Haqiqat”ning muhriga egadir.

In verse fourteen of chapter ten Gabriel had already informed Daniel that what he was addressing in the vision of the Hiddekel was “what would happen to God’s people in the last days.”

O‘ninchi bobning o‘n to‘rtinchi oyatida Jabroil allaqachon Doniyorga Hiddekel haqidagi vahiyda bayon etayotgan narsa “oxirgi kunlarda Xudoning xalqiga nima sodir bo‘lishi” ekanini bildirgan edi.

> Now I am come to make thee understand what shall befall thy people in the latter days: for yet the vision is for many days. Daniel 10:14.

> Endi men keyingi kunlarda xalqingga nima ro‘y berishini senga anglatish uchun keldim; chunki vahiy hali ko‘p kunlar uchundir. Doniyor 10:14.

Verse two of Daniel chapter eleven represents the knowledge that was unsealed at the time of the end in 1989, and which identifies what “shall befall” God’s people “in the latter days”.

Doniyor kitobining o‘n birinchi bobidagi ikkinchi oyat 1989-yilda oxirzamon paytida muhrdan yechilgan bilimni ifodalaydi; u “oxirgi kunlarda” Xudoning xalqiga “nima yuz berishini” aniqlab beradi.

> And now will I show thee the truth. Behold, there shall stand up yet three kings in Persia; and the fourth shall be far richer than they all: and by his strength through his riches he shall stir up all against the realm of Grecia. Daniel 11:2.

> Endi esa men senga haqiqatni ko‘rsataman. Mana, Forsda hali yana uchta podshoh ko‘tariladi; to‘rtinchisi esa ularning barchasidan ancha boy bo‘ladi; va u o‘z boyligidan keladigan qudrati bilan hammani Yunoniston podsholigiga qarshi qo‘zg‘atadi. Daniel 11:2.

Cyrus prefigures the second king since 1989. He is the king of the Medo-Persian Empire, which represents the kingdom of Bible prophecy in the last days that is made up of two horns, represented by the Medes and the Persians. After the second king of the kingdom of the two-horned earth beast at the time of the end in 1989, there would yet be three kings (Clinton, Bush the last, Obama), and then there would be a king that was far richer than they all were. The three kings that followed Bush the first, got wealthy after their presidencies, and only because they had become president. Trump, the fourth that was far richer, and was the wealthiest president ever, did not make his money because he had been president, but primarily through his work in real estate investments, well before he ran for president.

Kir 1989-yildan beri ikkinchi shohning timsolidir. U Midiya-Fors imperiyasining shohidir; bu imperiya Muqaddas Kitob bashoratidagi oxirgi kunlardagi, Midiyaliklar va Forslar orqali ifodalangan ikki shoxdan tarkib topgan shohlikni anglatadi. 1989-yilda oxirat vaqtida ikki shoxli yer hayvoni shohligining ikkinchi shohidan keyin hali yana uchta shoh (Klinton, Bush oxirgisi, Obama) bo‘lishi, so‘ngra esa ularning barchasidan ancha boyroq bo‘lgan bir shoh kelishi kerak edi. Birinchi Bushdan keyin kelgan uch shoh prezidentliklaridan keyin boyib ketdilar va bu faqat prezident bo‘lganliklari sababli yuz berdi. To‘rtinchi bo‘lgan Tramp esa, ulardan ancha boyroq bo‘lib, tarixdagi eng boy prezident edi; u boyligini prezident bo‘lgani uchun emas, balki asosan ko‘chmas mulkka kiritgan investitsiyalar orqali, prezidentlikka nomzodini qo‘yishidan ancha oldin topgan edi.

Formerly the richest president in American history, relatively speaking, was the first president of the United States. Prior to Donald Trump, George Washington was the richest president in American history, and he made his money as did Donald Trump, through real estate investments. Both Washington and Trump came to the presidency from non-traditional political backgrounds. Washington was primarily a military leader before becoming president, and Trump was a businessman and television personality, who like unto Washington was without any prior political experience.

Nisbiy ma’noda, Amerika tarixidagi eng boy prezident ilgari Amerika Qo‘shma Shtatlarining birinchi prezidenti edi. Donald Trampgacha, Jorj Vashington Amerika tarixidagi eng boy prezident bo‘lgan va u ham, Donald Tramp kabi, o‘z boyligini ko‘chmas mulk sarmoyalari orqali orttirgan. Vashington ham, Tramp ham prezidentlikka noan’anaviy siyosiy tajriba zaminidan kelgan. Vashington prezident bo‘lishidan oldin asosan harbiy yetakchi edi, Tramp esa tadbirkor va televideniye arbobi bo‘lib, Vashington singari, bundan avval hech qanday siyosiy tajribaga ega emas edi.

Both presidents were known for their strong personalities and leadership styles, although they manifested these traits quite differently. Washington was known for his stoic, calm, and confident leadership and unifying presence during the Revolutionary War and the early years of the Republic, while Trump is known for his assertive approach to leadership and governance. Both Washington and Trump were figures of significant controversy, albeit for very different reasons. Washington, while widely revered, faced criticism during his time for various issues, including his views on slavery. Trump’s presidency was marked by numerous controversies, including his use of “mean tweets” on social media, his America-first policy decisions, and his own self-awareness.

Har ikkala prezident ham kuchli shaxsiyati va rahbarlik uslublari bilan tanilgan edi, garchi ular bu sifatlarni ancha turlicha namoyon etgan bo‘lsalar-da. Vashington Inqilobiy urush davrida va Respublikaning ilk yillarida o‘zining matonatli, xotirjam va ishonchli rahbarligi hamda birlashtiruvchi ishtiroki bilan tanilgan bo‘lsa, Tramp rahbarlik va boshqaruvga nisbatan qat’iy yondashuvi bilan tanilgan. Vashington ham, Tramp ham sezilarli darajadagi bahs-munozaralarga sabab bo‘lgan shaxslar edi, biroq buning sabablari nihoyatda turlicha edi. Vashington, keng e’zozlangan bo‘lishiga qaramay, o‘z davrida turli masalalar, jumladan qullik haqidagi qarashlari tufayli tanqidga uchragan. Tramp prezidentligi esa ko‘plab bahs-munozaralar bilan ajralib turdi, jumladan ijtimoiy tarmoqlardagi “mean tweets”dan foydalanishi, uning “Amerika birinchi” siyosiy qarorlari va o‘zini anglash hissi bilan.

The richest and sixth president was to stir up the globalist dragon powers. When we lay the history of verse two of chapter eleven, upon the history of the period of 1776, 1789, and 1798, we find further information addressing the last president of the earth beast, for Jesus illustrates the end with the beginning. The first two periods represented by 1776, and 1789, provide two witnesses that the final president, will be the eighth president, who was of the seven. Trump was the sixth president after Reagan, and as the eighth president, he will be “of the seven”. The final, and eighth president will rule when the United States forms the image “to and of” the beast.

Eng boy va oltinchi prezident globalist ajdaho kuchlarini qoʻzgʻatishi kerak edi. Oʻn birinchi bobning ikkinchi oyati tarixini 1776, 1789 va 1798-yillar davri tarixiga tatbiq etganimizda, yer hayvonining oxirgi prezidentiga doir qoʻshimcha ma’lumotni topamiz, chunki Iso oxirni boshlanish orqali tasvirlaydi. 1776 va 1789-yillar bilan ifodalangan dastlabki ikki davr, oxirgi prezident yettinchidan chiqqan sakkizinchi prezident boʻlishiga ikki guvohlik beradi. Tramp Reygandan keyingi oltinchi prezident edi, va sakkizinchi prezident sifatida u “yettitadan” boʻladi. Oxirgi va sakkizinchi prezident Amerika Qoʻshma Shtatlari hayvonga “ham ...ga, ham ...dan” boʻlgan suratni yaratgan paytda hukmronlik qiladi.

The president who rules when the image of the beast is formed by the United States, must be the eighth, that is of the seven, as witnessed to by Peyton Randolph, and John Hancock. The papacy is the eighth head that was of the seven, and it received a prophetic deadly wound. To be an image of the papacy, the eighth president that is of the seven, must also have a prophetic identification of being prophetically “wounded” or “killed”.

Qoʻshma Shtatlar tomonidan hayvonning surati barpo etiladigan paytda hukmronlik qiladigan prezident sakkizinchi boʻlishi kerak, yaʼni yettitadan biri boʻlishi kerak; buni Peyton Randolph va John Hancock tasdiqlaydi. Papalik yettitadan boʻlgan sakkizinchi boshdir va u bashoratli oʻlimli yara oldi. Papalikning surati boʻlishi uchun, yettitadan boʻlgan sakkizinchi prezident ham bashoratli tarzda “yaralangan” yoki “oʻldirilgan” boʻlishining bashoratli identifikatsiyasiga ega boʻlishi kerak.

The papacy received its deadly wound from a dragon power (France), a dragon power who the papacy had been struggling against since the time when Paul identified that, the mystery of iniquity (the man of sin), did already work at that time. The dragon of paganism was restraining the papacy from taking the throne, which it did in 538.

Papalik o‘zining o‘limli yarasini bir ajdarho qudratidan (Fransiyadan) oldi; bu ajdarho qudrati bilan papalik Pavlus “qonunsizlik siri” (“gunoh odami”) o‘sha davrning o‘zidayoq allaqachon ish ko‘rayotganini aniqlagan zamondan beri kurashib kelayotgan edi. Butparastlikning ajdarhosi papalikni taxtni egallashdan to‘sib turayotgan edi; papalik esa buni 538 yilda amalga oshirdi.

From the beginning of the papacy unto its final demise it struggles against dragon powers. An image of the papacy requires that the image struggles with a dragon power. In Revelation seventeen the papacy, who is the eighth head, that is of the seven heads, is ultimately burned with fire and her flesh is eaten by the ten kings. In both deaths (1798 and the last days), the papal beast is killed by a dragon power. In order for the United States to form an image of the beast, the eighth president would also need to be killed by a dragon power that it was at war with, and the sixth king after the time of the end in 1989, is the king that stirred up all the dragon powers.

Papalikning boshidan to uning yakuniy halokatigacha u ajdarho kuchlariga qarshi kurashadi. Papalikning bir surati shuni talab qiladiki, u surat ham ajdarho kuchi bilan kurashsin. Vahiy kitobining o‘n yettinchi bobida yetti boshdan bo‘lgan sakkizinchi bosh bo‘lmish papalik oxir-oqibat olov bilan kuydiriladi va uning go‘shti o‘n shoh tomonidan yeyiladi. Har ikkala o‘limda ham (1798-yilda va oxirgi kunlarda) papalik hayvoni ajdarho kuchi tomonidan o‘ldiriladi. Qo‘shma Shtatlar hayvonning bir suratini hosil qilishi uchun, sakkizinchi prezident ham u urush olib borgan ajdarho kuchi tomonidan o‘ldirilishi kerak bo‘ladi, va 1989-yildagi oxirzamon vaqtidan keyingi oltinchi shoh barcha ajdarho kuchlarini qo‘zg‘atgan shohdir.

Ronald Reagan was an apostate Protestant, but George Bush the first, was a classic globalist. One of his famous quotes is where he lied by saying, on August 18, 1988, “And I’m the one who will not raise taxes. My opponent now says he’ll raise them as a last resort, or a third resort. But when a politician talks like that, you know that’s one resort he’ll be checking into. My opponent won’t rule out raising taxes. But I will. And the Congress will push me to raise taxes and I’ll say no. And they’ll push, and I’ll say no, and they’ll push again, and all I can say to them is: read my lips: no new taxes.”

Ronald Reagan murtad protestant edi, biroq birinchi Jorj Bush klassik globalist edi. Uning mashhur iqtiboslaridan biri shuki, u 1988-yil 18-avgust kuni shunday deb yolg‘on gapirgan edi: “Va men soliqlarni oshirmaydigan odamman. Mening raqibim esa hozir ularni oxirgi chora sifatida yoki uchinchi chora sifatida oshirishini aytmoqda. Ammo siyosatchi shunday gapirganda, siz bilasizki, aynan o‘sha chora u murojaat qiladigan choradir. Mening raqibim soliqlarni oshirish ehtimolini inkor etmayapti. Ammo men etaman. Va Kongress meni soliqlarni oshirishga undaydi, men esa yo‘q deyman. Ular undaydi, men esa yo‘q deyman, yana undaydi, va men ularga ayta oladigan yagona narsa shudir: lablarimni o‘qing: yangi soliqlar bo‘lmaydi.”

Other than that public lie, which is an attribute of a representative of the dragon power, his most famous quote was at a joint session of Congress on September 11, 1990, where he said, “Now, we can see a new world coming into view. A world in which there is the very real prospect of a new world order. In the words of Winston Churchill, a ‘world order’ in which ‘the principles of justice and fair play … protect the weak against the strong …’ A world where the United Nations, freed from cold war stalemate, is poised to fulfill the historic vision of its founders.” Bush the senior was a globalist, even if he identified as a Republican.

O‘sha ommaviy yolg‘ondan tashqari, ajdar qudrati vakilining bir sifati bo‘lgan holda, uning eng mashhur iqtibosi 1990-yil 11-sentabr kuni Kongressning qo‘shma majlisida aytilgan bo‘lib, u shunday degan edi: “Endi biz yangi dunyoning ko‘z o‘ngimizda namoyon bo‘layotganini ko‘ra olamiz. Shunday bir dunyo-ki, unda yangi dunyo tartibining juda haqiqiy istiqboli mavjud. Uinston Cherchillning so‘zlari bilan aytganda, ‘dunyo tartibi’ bo‘lib, unda ‘adolat va halol o‘yin tamoyillari … zaiflarni kuchlilardan himoya qiladi …’ Sovuq urush turg‘unligidan xalos bo‘lgan Birlashgan Millatlar Tashkiloti o‘z asoschilarining tarixiy qarashini ro‘yobga chiqarishga shay turgan bir dunyo.” Katta Bush, o‘zini Respublikachi deb bilgan bo‘lsa ham, globalist edi.

Bill Clinton was the first president to hold his inauguration ceremony at the Lincoln Memorial, which means he turned his back to Lincoln and faced the obelisk of Washington’s monument, an obelisk that is internally filled with symbols of Freemasonry. Both the obelisk and the symbols of Freemasonry he chose to face as he falsely swore his allegiance to the Constitution, represented not only that he had turned his back upon the anti-slavery symbol of the Lincoln Memorial, but Clintons’ chosen historic positioning, agrees with his acceptance speech, where he praised a professor whom he had studied under in the Jesuit University that he had attended.

Bill Clinton inauguratsiya marosimini Linkoln memorialida o‘tkazgan birinchi prezident bo‘ldi; bu esa, u Linkolnga orqa o‘girib, Vashington yodgorligining obeliskiga yuzlanganini anglatadi — ichki qismi masonlik ramzlari bilan to‘ldirilgan obeliskka. U Konstitutsiyaga sadoqatini yolg‘ondan qasam ichib bildirar ekan, yuzlanishni tanlagan ham obelisk, ham masonlik ramzlari nafaqat uning Linkoln memorialining qullikka qarshi timsoliga orqa o‘girganini ifodaladi, balki Klintonlarning tarixiy jihatdan tanlangan bu joylashuvi uning qabul nutqiga hamohangdir; o‘sha nutqda u o‘zi tahsil olgan Iezuit universitetida qo‘l ostida o‘qigan bir professorni maqtagan edi.

That professor, Carroll Quigley, wrote the book: Tragedy and Hope: A History of the World in Our Time, which was published in 1966, and is correctly and widely understood to represent “the Bible for globalist ideas”. As the Koran is to Islam, and as Morals and Dogma of the Ancient and Accepted Scottish Rite of Freemasonry, written by Albert Pike, and published in 1871, is considered the most comprehensive exposition of the esoteric teachings of Freemasonry; or as The Book of Mormon is to the Latter Day Saints, Quigley’s book is the Bible of globalist philosophy. Most would have known if Clinton praised Mohammed of the Koran, or if he praised Joseph Smith of The Book of Mormon, and some would have known who Albert Pike was, but few knew that Clinton’s praise of Quigley was consistent with his own globalist agenda, and his rejection of the principles represented by Abraham Lincoln.

O‘sha professor, Kerroll Kvigli, 1966 yilda nashr etilgan Tragedy and Hope: A History of the World in Our Time nomli kitobni yozgan bo‘lib, u haqli ravishda va keng tarzda “globalistik g‘oyalar uchun Injil” sifatida tushuniladi. Qur’on Islom uchun qanday bo‘lsa, Albert Payk tomonidan yozilib, 1871 yilda nashr etilgan Morals and Dogma of the Ancient and Accepted Scottish Rite of Freemasonry asari masonlikning ezoterik ta’limotlarining eng mukammal bayoni deb qanday hisoblansa; yoki The Book of Mormon Oxirgi Kun Avliyolari uchun qanday bo‘lsa, Kviglining kitobi ham globalistik falsafaning Injilidir. Agar Klinton Qur’ondagi Muhammadni maqtaganida yoki The Book of Mormon’dagi Jozef Smitni maqtaganida, buni ko‘pchilik bilgan bo‘lardi, ayrimlar esa Albert Paykning kim ekanini bilgan bo‘lardi, biroq Klintonning Kvigliga aytgan maqtovi uning o‘z globalistik kun tartibiga hamda Ibrohim Linkoln ifoda etgan tamoyillarni rad etishiga mos kelishini ozchilik bilardi.

In the speech, Clinton said: “As a teenager, I heard John Kennedy’s summons to citizenship. And then, as a student at Georgetown, I heard that call clarified by a professor named Carroll Quigley, who said to us that America was the greatest nation in history because our people have always believed in two things: that tomorrow can be better than today and that every one of us has a personal moral responsibility to make it so.” Carroll Quigley’s idea on how to “make America great again”, was for the United States to surrender its national sovereignty to the United Nations. Clinton was a Democrat, globalist, representative of the dragon.

Nutqida Klinton shunday dedi: “O‘smirlik chog‘imda men Jon Kennedining fuqarolik burchiga da’vatini eshitdim. So‘ngra, Jorjtaun universitetida talaba bo‘lganimda, Kerroll Kvigli ismli bir professor bu da’vatga aniqlik kiritganini eshitdim; u bizga shunday degan edi: Amerika tarixdagi eng buyuk millatdir, chunki xalqimiz doimo ikki narsaga ishongan: ertangi kun bugundan yaxshiroq bo‘lishi mumkinligiga va buni shunday qilish uchun har birimizning shaxsiy axloqiy mas’uliyatimiz borligiga.” Kerroll Kviglining “Amerikani yana buyuk qilish” haqidagi g‘oyasi shundan iborat ediki, Qo‘shma Shtatlar o‘z milliy suverenitetini Birlashgan Millatlar Tashkilotiga topshirishi kerak edi. Klinton demokrat, globalist, ajdarning vakili edi.

“Like father, like son”, George Bush the last, was a globalist, and just as was his father, a globalist who professed to be Republican. The apple does not fall far from the tree. The Bible raises the rhetorical question, “Can two walk together, except they be agreed?” One simply needs to track the many enterprises that Bush the last, accomplished together with Bill and Hillary Clinton to see who Bush the last agreed with.

“Otasi qanday bo‘lsa, o‘g‘li ham shunday”, so‘nggi Jorj Bush globalist edi, va xuddi otasi kabi, o‘zini respublikachi deb e’tirof etgan bir globalist edi. Olma daraxtdan uzoqqa tushmaydi. Muqaddas Kitob shunday ritorik savolni o‘rtaga tashlaydi: “Agar o‘zaro kelishmagan bo‘lsalar, ikki kishi birga yura oladimi?” So‘nggi Bush kim bilan hamfikr bo‘lganini ko‘rish uchun, uning Bill va Hillari Klinton bilan birgalikda amalga oshirgan ko‘plab tashabbuslarini kuzatishning o‘zi kifoya.

Barack Hussein Obama made a statement about fundamentally transforming the United States during a campaign rally shortly before he was elected as President. On October 30, 2008, in Columbia, Missouri, Obama said: “We are five days away from fundamentally transforming the United States of America.” The statement was part of Obama’s broader message of “hope and change”, which was a central theme of his 2008 presidential campaign, emphasizing his commitment to significant policy reforms and a different direction for the country. The direction he turned the country was into the dragon policies of globalism, anti-white, pro-abortion, anti-carbon fuels, anti-America pro-globalism, Diversity, Equity, Inclusion, the false history of Critical Race Theory, and on and on. Obama was not simply a community organizer; he was and still is a representative of the dragon power’s globalist agenda.

Barak Husayn Obama Prezident etib saylanishidan sal oldin, saylovoldi mitingi chog‘ida Amerika Qo‘shma Shtatlarini tubdan o‘zgartirish haqida bayonot berdi. 2008-yil 30-oktabr kuni Missuri shtatining Kolumbiya shahrida Obama shunday dedi: “Amerika Qo‘shma Shtatlarini tubdan o‘zgartirishimizga besh kun qoldi.” Bu bayonot Obamaning “umid va o‘zgarish” haqidagi kengroq xabarining bir qismi bo‘lib, u 2008-yilgi prezidentlik kampaniyasining markaziy mavzusi edi hamda uning muhim siyosiy islohotlarga va mamlakat uchun boshqacha yo‘nalishga sodiqligini ta’kidlardi. U mamlakatni burib olib kirgan yo‘nalish esa globalizmning ajdar siyosatlari, oqlarga qarshi, abortni qo‘llab-quvvatlovchi, uglerodli yoqilg‘ilarga qarshi, Amerikaga qarshi globalizmni qo‘llab-quvvatlovchi, Xilma-xillik, Tenglik, Inklyuziya, Tanqidiy Irq Nazariyasining soxta tarixi va shu kabilardan iborat edi. Obama shunchaki jamoa tashkilotchisi emas edi; u ajdar qudratining globalistik kun tartibining vakili edi va hanuz shundaydir.

Trump however, unlike a typical modern politician, kept more promises than all the other seven presidents in the period beginning in 1989, combined. He was committed to making America great again, and in so attempting, he stirred up the globalist powers that be, not only in the United States, but in the entire world.

Biroq Tramp, zamonaviy odatiy siyosatchidan farqli o‘laroq, 1989-yildan boshlangan davrdagi boshqa yetti prezidentning barchasi birgalikda bajargan va’dalardan ham ko‘prog‘ini bajardi. U Amerikani yana buyuk qilishga bel bog‘lagan edi va shu yo‘lda harakat qilar ekan, nafaqat Qo‘shma Shtatlardagi, balki butun dunyodagi hukmron globalist kuchlarni qo‘zg‘atib yubordi.

Joe Biden has no evidence whatsoever that he is anything other than another globalist.

Jo Baydenda uning navbatdagi bir globalistdan boshqa narsa ekanini ko‘rsatadigan mutlaqo hech qanday dalil yo‘q.

The beast of Catholicism waged a long-drawn-out war with the dragon powers, and the president that is reigning when the United States forms an image of the papacy, will, of prophetic necessity, be in a struggle with the dragon powers. None of the living presidents, other than Donald Trump, would wage war with the dragon powers, for the Democrats are openly globalist (dragons), and George Bush the last, was, as his father was (a professed Republican, that is actually a globalist dragon), for Jesus always illustrates the last with the first.

Katolitsizmning maxluqi ajdarho qudratlari bilan uzoq davom etgan urush olib bordi, va Qo‘shma Shtatlar papalikning suratini barpo etayotgan paytda hukmronlik qilayotgan prezident, bashoratning zaruriyati bilan, ajdarho qudratlari bilan kurashda bo‘ladi. Tirik prezidentlar ichida Donald Trampdan boshqa hech biri ajdarho qudratlariga qarshi urush olib bormaydi, chunki demokratlar ochiqdan-ochiq globalistdirlar (ajdarholar), va so‘nggi Jorj Bush ham, xuddi otasi kabi, shunday edi (o‘zini respublikachi deb e’lon qilgan, ammo aslida globalist ajdarhodir), zero Iso har doim oxirgisini birinchisi bilan tasvirlaydi.

We will continue this study in the next article.

Biz ushbu tadqiqotni keyingi maqolada davom ettiramiz.

> “A great crisis awaits the people of God. A crisis awaits the world. The most momentous struggle of all the ages is just before us. Events which for more than forty years we have upon the authority of the prophetic word declared to be impending are now taking place before our eyes. Already the question of an amendment to the Constitution restricting liberty of conscience has been urged upon the legislators of the nation. The question of enforcing Sunday observance has become one of national interest and importance. We well know what the result of this movement will be. But are we ready for the issue? Have we faithfully discharged the duty which God has committed to us of giving the people warning of the danger before them?

> “Xudoning xalqini buyuk bir inqiroz kutmoqda. Dunyoni ham bir inqiroz kutmoqda. Barcha asrlarning eng ulkan kurashi ayni oldimizda turibdi. Qirq yildan ortiq vaqt davomida biz payg‘ambarlik kalomining hokimiyatiga tayanib yaqinlashib kelmoqda, deb e’lon qilib kelgan voqealar endi ko‘z o‘ngimizda sodir bo‘lmoqda. Vijdon erkinligini cheklovchi Konstitutsiyaga tuzatish kiritish masalasi allaqachon mamlakat qonun chiqaruvchilari e’tiboriga havola etilgan. Yakshanbaga rioya etishni majburiy joriy qilish masalasi milliy darajadagi qiziqish va ahamiyat kasb etdi. Biz bu harakatning natijasi qanday bo‘lishini juda yaxshi bilamiz. Ammo biz bu masalaga tayyormizmi? Xudo bizga topshirgan, odamlarni oldilaridagi xavf haqida ogohlantirish burchini biz sadoqat bilan ado etdikmi?”

> “There are many, even of those engaged in this movement for Sunday enforcement, who are blinded to the results which will follow this action. They do not see that they are striking directly against religious liberty. There are many who have never understood the claims of the Bible Sabbath and the false foundation upon which the Sunday institution rests. Any movement in favor of religious legislation is really an act of concession to the papacy, which for so many ages has steadily warred against liberty of conscience. Sunday observance owes its existence as a so-called Christian institution to ‘the mystery of iniquity;’ and its enforcement will be a virtual recognition of the principles which are the very cornerstone of Romanism. When our nation shall so abjure the principles of its government as to enact a Sunday law, Protestantism will in this act join hands with popery; it will be nothing else than giving life to the tyranny which has long been eagerly watching its opportunity to spring again into active despotism.

> «Yakshanba kuniga rioya etishni majburan joriy qilish harakati bilan shug‘ullanayotganlarning orasida ham ko‘plar bu qadam ortidan qanday oqibatlar kelib chiqishini ko‘rmay, ko‘r bo‘lib qolganlar. Ular o‘zlari diniy erkinlikka to‘g‘ridan-to‘g‘ri zarba berayotganlarini anglamaydilar. Muqaddas Kitobdagi Shabbatning da’volarini va yakshanba institutining tayanib turgan soxta poydevorini hech qachon tushunmaganlar ham ko‘pdir. Diniy qonunchilikni qo‘llab-quvvatlovchi har qanday harakat aslida ko‘p asrlar davomida vijdon erkinligiga izchil ravishda qarshi kurash olib borgan papalikka yon berish amalidir. Yakshanbaga rioya etish o‘z mavjudligi uchun go‘yo nasroniylik muassasasi sifatida “nohaqlik siri”dan qarzdordir; va uni majburan joriy etish Romanizmning aynan tamal toshi bo‘lgan tamoyillarni amalda tan olish bo‘ladi. Mamlakatimiz o‘z boshqaruvining tamoyillaridan shunday yuz o‘girib, yakshanba qonunini qabul qiladigan bo‘lsa, protestantizm bu ishda papalik bilan qo‘l biriktirgan bo‘ladi; bu esa uzoq vaqtdan beri yana faol istibdod sifatida otilib chiqish fursatini chanqoqlik bilan poylab kelgan zulmga hayot bag‘ishlashdan boshqa narsa bo‘lmaydi.»

> “The National Reform movement, exercising the power of religious legislation, will, when fully developed, manifest the same intolerance and oppression that have prevailed in past ages. Human councils then assumed the prerogatives of Deity, crushing under their despotic power liberty of conscience; and imprisonment, exile, and death followed for those who opposed their dictates. If popery or its principles shall again be legislated into power, the fires of persecution will be rekindled against those who will not sacrifice conscience and the truth in deference to popular errors. This evil is on the point of realization.

> “Milliy Islohot harakati, diniy qonunchilik hokimiyatini amalga oshirar ekan, to‘liq rivojlangach, o‘tgan asrlarda hukm surgan o‘sha murosasizlik va zulmni namoyon qiladi. O‘sha kezlarda insoniy kengashlar Ilohiyatning huquqlarini o‘z zimmasiga olib, o‘zlarining istibdodkorona qudrati ostida vijdon erkinligini ezgan edilar; va ularning farmonlariga qarshi chiqqanlar uchun qamoq, badarg‘a va o‘lim ortidan kelgan. Agar papachilik yoki uning tamoyillari yana qonun yo‘li bilan hokimiyatga kiritilsa, ommaviy xatolar oldida yon bosib, vijdon va haqiqatni qurbon qilmaydiganlarga qarshi quvg‘in olovlari yana alangalantiriladi. Bu yovuzlik ro‘yobga chiqish arafasidadir.

> “When God has given us light showing the dangers before us, how can we stand clear in His sight if we neglect to put forth every effort in our power to bring it before the people? Can we be content to leave them to meet this momentous issue unwarned?” Testimonies, volume 5, 711, 712.

> “Xudo oldimizdagi xavf-xatarlarni ko‘rsatuvchi nurni bizga bergan ekan, agar uni xalq oldiga olib chiqish uchun qo‘limizdan kelgan barcha sa’y-harakatni ko‘rsatishni e’tiborsiz qoldirsak, Uning nazarida qanday qilib aybsiz tura olamiz? Ularni bu g‘oyat muhim masalaga ogohlantirilmagan holda ro‘baro‘ bo‘lishlari uchun qoldirib qo‘yishdan mamnun bo‘la olamizmi?” Testimonies, 5-jild, 711, 712.

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