Article

# The Book of Daniel - Number One-Hundred and Sixty-Six

Ìwé Dáníẹ́lì - Ọgọ́rùn-ún Kan Lé Lẹ́ẹ̀dógún àti Mẹ́fà

Unraveling Prophecy: The French Revolution, Putin’s Russia, and the Ukrainian Conflict

Ṣíṣàlàyé Àsọtẹ́lẹ̀: Ìyípadà Faranse, Rọ́ṣíà Putin, àti Ìjàmbá Ukraine

Author

Jeff Pippenger

Published

March 29, 2024

Formats

PDF
Word
Song MP3

As we begin to consider the typification of the time of the end in 1989, by the prophetic history of verse ten, it is necessary to drop back into the history of the third generation of both horns of the earth beast. In 1913, the earth beast’s horn of Republicanism began its generation of compromise with the globalist banking system, and in 1919, the horn of true Protestantism began its generation of compromise with the theologians of apostate Protestantism and also the American Medical Association as it surrendered the accreditation of its educational system to the world. Both horns began a compromised relationship with the world that would change the direction of their respective messages from that point onward.

Bí a ṣe ń bẹ̀rẹ̀ sí í ronú lórí ìfihàn àpẹẹrẹ àkókò òpin ní ọdún 1989, nípasẹ̀ ìtàn àsọtẹ́lẹ̀ ti ẹsẹ̀ kẹwàá, ó ṣe pàtàkì kí a padà wọ inú ìtàn ìran kẹta ti àwọn ìwo méjèèjì ti ẹranko ilẹ̀. Ní ọdún 1913, ìwo ẹranko ilẹ̀ tí í ṣe ti ìjọba Olómìnira bẹ̀rẹ̀ ìran ìfọ̀rọ̀bálẹ̀ rẹ̀ pẹ̀lú ètò ìfowópamọ́ àgbáyé ti àwọn gílóbálísì, àti ní ọdún 1919, ìwo Pùrótẹ́sítáǹtì tòótọ́ bẹ̀rẹ̀ ìran ìfọ̀rọ̀bálẹ̀ rẹ̀ pẹ̀lú àwọn onímọ̀ ẹ̀kọ́ ìsìn ti Pùrótẹ́sítáǹtì apẹ̀yìndà, àti pẹ̀lú American Medical Association náà, bí ó ti fi ìfọwọ́sowọ́pọ̀ ìmúṣẹ́ àṣẹ-ẹ̀rí ètò ẹ̀kọ́ rẹ̀ lé ayé lọ́wọ́. Àwọn ìwo méjèèjì bẹ̀rẹ̀ ìbáṣepọ̀ ìfọ̀rọ̀bálẹ̀ pẹ̀lú ayé, èyí tí yóò yí ìtọ́sọ́nà àwọn ìránṣẹ́ ọ̀rọ̀ wọn kọ̀ọ̀kan padà láti ìgbà náà lọ.

In that history the starting point for the king of the north, and the king of the south of the last days also reached a turning point. The Miracle of Fatima occurred on October 13, 1917, in Fatima, Portugal. It was the culmination of a series of Marian apparitions witnessed by three young shepherd children: Lucia dos Santos and her cousins Francisco and Jacinta Marto. According to the accounts provided by the children, the Virgin Mary, identified as Our Lady of Fatima, appeared to them on the 13th day of each month from May to October 1917.

Nínú ìtàn náà, ibùdó ìbẹ̀rẹ̀ fún ọba àríwá, àti ọba gúúsù ti àwọn ọjọ́ ìkẹyìn pẹ̀lú dé ibi ìyípadà kan. Ìyanu Fatima ṣẹlẹ̀ ní October 13, 1917, ní Fatima, Portugal. Ó jẹ́ ìparí gíga ti àtòjọ àwọn ìfarahàn Màríà tí ọmọ olùṣọ́-àgùntàn kékeré mẹ́ta rí: Lucia dos Santos àti àwọn ọmọ ẹ̀gbọ́n rẹ̀ Francisco àti Jacinta Marto. Gẹ́gẹ́ bí àwọn àkọsílẹ̀ tí àwọn ọmọ náà pèsè, Wúńdíá Màríà, ẹni tí a dá mọ̀ sí Our Lady of Fatima, farahàn fún wọn ní ọjọ́ kẹtàlá oṣù kọ̀ọ̀kan láti May sí October 1917.

During the final apparition on October 13, 1917, tens of thousands of people gathered at the Cova da Iria, near Fatima, expecting to witness a miracle as predicted by the children. According to the witnesses, the sun appeared to change colors, spin, and dance in the sky. This event came to be known as the Miracle of the Sun or the Miracle of Fatima.

Nígbà ìfarahàn ìkẹyìn ní ọjọ́ kẹtàlá, oṣù Kẹwàá, ọdún 1917, ọ̀pọ̀ ẹgbẹ̀rún ènìyàn péjọ ní Cova da Iria, nítòsí Fatima, ní ìrètí láti jẹ́rìí sí iṣẹ́ ìyanu kan gẹ́gẹ́ bí àwọn ọmọ náà ti sọ tẹ́lẹ̀. Gẹ́gẹ́ bí ẹ̀rí àwọn ẹlẹ́rìí, ó dà bíi pé oòrùn yí àwọ̀ padà, ó yí ká, ó sì jó ní ojú ọ̀run. Ìṣẹ̀lẹ̀ yìí ni wọ́n wá mọ̀ sí Ìyanu Oòrùn tàbí Ìyanu Fatima.

The Miracle of Fatima is a significant event in Catholic history and devotion, and it has been the subject of much study, debate, and religious interpretation over the years. The events at Fatima have had a lasting impact on popular piety, Marian devotion, and the interpretation of apocalyptic themes within the Catholic Church.

Ìyanu Fátímà jẹ́ ìṣẹ̀lẹ̀ pàtàkì nínú ìtàn àti ìfọkànsìn Kátólíìkì, ó sì ti jẹ́ kókó-ọrọ̀ ìwádìí púpọ̀, àríyànjiyàn, àti ìtumọ̀ ẹ̀sìn nípasẹ̀ ọ̀pọ̀ ọdún. Àwọn ìṣẹ̀lẹ̀ tó ṣẹlẹ̀ ní Fátímà ti ní ipa pípẹ́ lórí ìfọkànsìn olókìkí, ìfọkànsìn sí Màríà, àti lórí ìtumọ̀ àwọn kókó-ọrọ̀ ti àsọtẹ́lẹ̀ ìkẹyìn-ayé nínú Ṣọ́ọ̀ṣì Kátólíìkì.

The Bolshevik Revolution occurred in Russia on November 7, 1917, when Bolshevik forces, led by Vladimir Lenin and the Bolshevik Party, seized key government buildings and infrastructure in Petrograd (now Saint Petersburg). This event marked the culmination of the Russian Revolution of 1917, which had begun with the February Revolution earlier in the year that led to the abdication of Tsar Nicholas II and the establishment of a provisional government.

Ìyíká Bolshevik ṣẹlẹ̀ ní Rọ́ṣíà ní ọjọ́ 7 Oṣù Kọkànlá, 1917, nígbà tí àwọn ọmọ-ogun Bolshevik, lábẹ́ aṣáájú Vladimir Lenin àti Ẹgbẹ́ Bolshevik, gba àwọn ilé pàtàkì ìjọba àti àwọn amáyédẹrùn ní Petrograd (tí a mọ̀ nísinsìnyí sí Saint Petersburg). Ìṣẹ̀lẹ̀ yìí fi àkótán Ìyíká Rọ́ṣíà ti ọdún 1917 hàn, èyí tí ó bẹ̀rẹ̀ pẹ̀lú Ìyíká February ní ìbẹ̀rẹ̀ ọdún náà, tí ó yọrí sí ìfipò-sílẹ̀ Tsar Nicholas Kejì àti ìdásílẹ̀ ìjọba àkókò.

During the Revolution, the Bolsheviks successfully overthrew the provisional government and established Soviet control over Russia. The Bolsheviks proclaimed the establishment of a socialist state and began implementing their revolutionary program, including the nationalization of industry, land redistribution, and the withdrawal of Russia from World War I. The October Revolution ultimately led to the creation of the Soviet Union and had profound and far-reaching consequences for Russia and the world, shaping the course of 20th-century history.

Ní àkókò Ìyípadà-ọba náà, àwọn Bolsheviks ṣàṣeyọrí ní fífi ìjọba àkókò ṣubú, wọ́n sì fi ìṣàkóso Soviet múlẹ̀ lórí Rọ́ṣíà. Àwọn Bolsheviks kéde ìdásílẹ̀ ìpínlẹ̀ olùgbékalẹ̀ ẹ̀kọ́ awùjọ, wọ́n sì bẹ̀rẹ̀ sí í mú ètò ìyípadà-ọba wọn ṣẹ, pẹ̀lú ìmú ilé-iṣẹ́ sí abẹ́ ìní orílẹ̀-èdè, pínpín ilẹ̀ ní tuntun, àti yíyọ Rọ́ṣíà kúrò nínú Ogun Àgbáyé Kìíní. Ní ìkẹyìn, Ìyípadà-ọba Oṣù Kẹwàá yọrí sí ìdásílẹ̀ Soviet Union, ó sì ní àwọn àbájáde jinlẹ̀ tí ó gbooro jìnà fún Rọ́ṣíà àti ayé, ní fífi ìtòsí ìtàn ọ̀rúndún ogún hàn.

Jesus illustrates the end with the beginning, and in order to fully see the king of the north and the king of the south of the last days, it is necessary to understand their beginnings. The literal kings of the south and the north that are identified in Daniel chapter eleven are defined as the power that rules the literal area of Egypt as the king of the south, and the power that rules the literal geographical area associated with Babylon as the king of the north.

Jésù fi ìbẹ̀rẹ̀ ṣàpẹẹrẹ òpin, àti pé kí a lè rí ọba gúúsù àti ọba àríwá ti àwọn ọjọ́ ìkẹyìn ní kíkún, ó ṣe pàtàkì láti lóye ìbẹ̀rẹ̀ wọn. Àwọn ọba gidi gúúsù àti àríwá tí a ṣe ìdánimọ̀ wọn nínú Dáníẹ́lì orí kọkànlá ni a túmọ̀ sí agbára tí ń ṣàkóso agbègbè gidi ti Ejibiti gẹ́gẹ́ bí ọba gúúsù, àti agbára tí ń ṣàkóso agbègbè ilẹ̀ gidi tí a so mọ́ Bábílónì gẹ́gẹ́ bí ọba àríwá.

Literal prophecy transitioned to spiritual prophecy in the time of the cross, when ancient literal Israel was transitioning to modern spiritual Israel. Literal pagan Rome trampled down literal Jerusalem for three and a half literal years from 67 AD unto 70 AD, and spiritual papal Rome trampled down spiritual Jerusalem for three and a half spiritual years.

Àsọtẹ́lẹ̀ gidi yí padà sí àsọtẹ́lẹ̀ ẹ̀mí ní àkókò agbelebu, nígbà tí Ísírẹ́lì gidi àtijọ́ ń yí padà sí Ísírẹ́lì ẹ̀mí òde-òní. Róòmù keferi gidi tẹ Jerúsálẹ́mù gidi mọ́lẹ̀ fún ọdún gidi mẹ́ta àtààbọ̀ láti ọdún 67 AD títí dé ọdún 70 AD, àti Róòmù póòpù ẹ̀mí tẹ Jerúsálẹ́mù ẹ̀mí mọ́lẹ̀ fún ọdún ẹ̀mí mẹ́ta àtààbọ̀.

Spiritual Babylon is identified in Revelation chapter seventeen, as the whore who commits fornication with the kings of the earth. Spiritual Egypt is identified in Revelation chapter eleven as atheistic France. The modern manifestations of the spiritual king of the north, that received its deadly wound at the time of the end in 1798 and then retaliated against the modern manifestation of the spiritual king of the south at the time of the end in 1989, are both represented in verse forty of Daniel eleven. Both powers have their origins in their last day manifestation in the 1917 to 1918 time frame, which is the same time frame as the generation of compromise for both horns of the earth beast. Those beginnings must be recognized to rightly apply the endings. The beginnings of the last day kings of the north and south both start at the French Revolution.

A dá Babílónì nípa ti ẹ̀mí ni a fi hàn nínú Ìfihàn orí kẹtàlá-dín-lógún gẹ́gẹ́ bí àgbèrè tí ń bá àwọn ọba ayé ṣe panṣágà. A dá Íjíbítì nípa ti ẹ̀mí mọ̀ nínú Ìfihàn orí kọkànlá gẹ́gẹ́ bí Faranse aláìgbàgbọ́-nínú-Ọlọ́run. Àwọn ìfarahàn òde-òní ti ọba àríwá nípa ti ẹ̀mí, ẹni tí ó gba ọgbẹ́ ikú rẹ̀ ní àkókò òpin ní ọdún 1798, tí ó sì padà gbẹ̀san sí ìfarahàn òde-òní ti ọba gúúsù nípa ti ẹ̀mí ní àkókò òpin ní ọdún 1989, ni a ṣojú fún méjèèjì nínú ẹsẹ̀ ogójì ti Dáníẹ́lì orí kọkànlá. Àwọn agbára méjèèjì ní ìpilẹ̀ṣẹ̀ wọn, nínú ìfarahàn wọn ti àwọn ọjọ́ ìkẹyìn, láàárín àkókò ọdún 1917 sí 1918, èyí tí ó jẹ́ àkókò kan náà gẹ́gẹ́ bí ìran ìfaradàpọ̀ fún àwọn ìwo méjèèjì ti ẹranko ayé. A gbọ́dọ̀ mọ àwọn ìbẹ̀rẹ̀ wọ̀nyí kí a lè tọ́na dáadáa nínú lílo àwọn òpin náà. Ìbẹ̀rẹ̀ àwọn ọba àríwá àti gúúsù ti àwọn ọjọ́ ìkẹyìn méjèèjì bẹ̀rẹ̀ ní Iyíká Faranse.

> “In the sixteenth century the Reformation, presenting an open Bible to the people, had sought admission to all the countries of Europe. Some nations welcomed it with gladness, as a messenger of Heaven. In other lands the papacy succeeded to a great extent in preventing its entrance; and the light of Bible knowledge, with its elevating influences, was almost wholly excluded. In one country, though the light found entrance, it was not comprehended by the darkness. For centuries, truth and error struggled for the mastery. At last the evil triumphed, and the truth of Heaven was thrust out. ‘This is the condemnation, that light is come into the world, and men loved darkness rather than light.’ John 3:19. The nation was left to reap the results of the course which she had chosen. The restraint of God’s Spirit was removed from a people that had despised the gift of His grace. Evil was permitted to come to maturity. And all the world saw the fruit of willful rejection of the light.

> “Nínú ọ̀rúndún kẹrìndínlógún, Àtúnṣe náà, ní fífi Bíbélì tí ó ṣí sílẹ̀ hàn fún àwọn ènìyàn, ti wá ọ̀nà sí gbogbo àwọn orílẹ̀-èdè Yúróòpù. Àwọn orílẹ̀-èdè kan fi ayọ̀ gbà á, gẹ́gẹ́ bí aṣojú Ọ̀run. Ní àwọn ilẹ̀ mìíràn, ẹ̀sìn póòpù ṣàṣeyọrí lọ́nà ńlá láti díwọ̀n ìwọlé rẹ̀; ìmọ̀lẹ̀ ìmọ̀ Bíbélì, pẹ̀lú àwọn ipa rẹ̀ tí ń gbé ènìyàn sókè, sì fẹ́rẹ̀ẹ́ jẹ́ pé a lé kúrò pátápátá. Ní orílẹ̀-èdè kan, bí ó tilẹ̀ jẹ́ pé ìmọ̀lẹ̀ rí ọ̀nà wọlé, òkùnkùn kò lóye rẹ̀. Fún ọ̀pọ̀ ọ̀rúndún, òtítọ́ àti ìṣìnà ti jà fún ipò àṣẹ. Nígbẹ̀yìn-gbẹ́yín, ibi ṣẹ́gun, a sì lé òtítọ́ Ọ̀run jáde. “Èyí ni ìdálẹ́bi náà, pé ìmọ̀lẹ̀ ti wá sí ayé, àwọn ènìyàn sì fẹ́ràn òkùnkùn ju ìmọ̀lẹ̀ lọ.” John 3:19. A fi orílẹ̀-èdè náà sílẹ̀ láti ká èso ọ̀nà tí ó ti yàn. A mú ìdènà Ẹ̀mí Ọlọ́run kúrò lórí àwọn ènìyàn tí wọ́n ti kẹ́gàn ẹ̀bùn oore-ọ̀fẹ́ Rẹ̀. A jẹ́ kí ibi dé ìgbà àgbà rẹ̀. Gbogbo ayé sì rí èso ìkọ̀sílẹ̀ ìmọ̀lẹ̀ ní ìfẹ́ ara ẹni.”

> “The war against the Bible, carried forward for so many centuries in France, culminated in the scenes of the Revolution. That terrible outbreaking was but the legitimate result of Rome’s suppression of the Scriptures. It presented the most striking illustration which the world has ever witnessed of the working out of the papal policy—an illustration of the results to which for more than a thousand years the teaching of the Roman Church had been tending.

> “Ogun sí Bíbélì, tí a ti ń tẹ̀síwájú pẹ̀lú rẹ̀ fún ọ̀pọ̀lọpọ̀ ọ̀rúndún ní ilẹ̀ Faransé, dé òpin rẹ̀ nínú àwọn ìṣẹ̀lẹ̀ Ìyíká náà. Ìbújáde ẹ̀rù yẹn kò jẹ́ nǹkan míì bí kò ṣe àbájáde tó bófin mu ti dídènà Ìwé Mímọ́ láti ọwọ́ Róòmù. Ó fi àpèjúwe tí ó tayọ jùlọ hàn, èyí tí ayé ti rí rí, nípa bí ìlànà pápà ṣe ń mú èso jáde—àpèjúwe àwọn àbájáde tí ẹ̀kọ́ Ṣọ́ọ̀ṣì Róòmù ti ń tọ́ sí fún ohun tí ó ju ẹgbẹ̀rún ọdún kan lọ.

> “The suppression of the Scriptures during the period of papal supremacy was foretold by the prophets; and the Revelator points also to the terrible results that were to accrue especially to France from the domination of the ‘man of sin.’” The Great Controversy, 265, 266.

> “Ìfipá pa Ìwé Mímọ́ mọ́lẹ̀ ní àkókò ipò-ọba gíga ti póòpù ni àwọn wòlíì ti sọ tẹ́lẹ̀; àti Olùfihàn náà sì tún tọ́ka sí àwọn àbájáde ẹ̀rù tí yóò yọ jáde, ní pàtàkì fún Faranse, láti inú ìṣàkóso ‘ọkùnrin ẹ̀ṣẹ̀.’” The Great Controversy, 265, 266.

The French Revolution was produced by the suppression of the Scriptures “during the period of papal supremacy.” The birth of atheism, which was to become the archenemy of the papacy, was brought about by the papacy itself. The French Revolution took place from 1789 to 1799, but the atheistic revolutionary spirit that began in France continued to spread across Europe and beyond. One-hundred eighteen years after the end of the revolution in France, the Russian Revolution began in Russia. The revolution of atheism that began in France, ended in Russia, and in 1917 Russia became the prophetic representative of the nation symbolized by the atheism of Egypt. The dragon power represented as the king of the south had migrated from France to Russia.

Ìyíká Faranse ni a bí láti inú ìdènà Ìwé Mímọ́ “ní àkókò ìṣàkóso gíga ti póòpù.” Ìbí àìgbàgbọ́ Ọlọ́run, èyí tí yóò di ọ̀tá àgbà jùlọ fún agbára póòpù, ni agbára póòpù fúnra rẹ̀ mú wá sí ìṣẹ̀lẹ̀. Ìyíká Faranse ṣẹlẹ̀ láti ọdún 1789 sí 1799, ṣùgbọ́n ẹ̀mí ìyíká aláìgbàgbọ́-Ọlọ́run tí ó bẹ̀rẹ̀ ní Faranse tẹ̀síwájú láti máa tàn káàkiri Yúróòpù àti sí òkè òkun rẹ̀. Ọgọ́rùn-ún ọdún méjìdínlógún lẹ́yìn òpin ìyíká náà ní Faranse, Ìyíká Rọ́ṣíà bẹ̀rẹ̀ ní Rọ́ṣíà. Ìyíká àìgbàgbọ́-Ọlọ́run tí ó bẹ̀rẹ̀ ní Faranse parí ní Rọ́ṣíà, àti ní ọdún 1917 Rọ́ṣíà di aṣojú àsọtẹ́lẹ̀ ti orílẹ̀-èdè tí àìgbàgbọ́-Ọlọ́run Ejibiti ṣàpẹẹrẹ. Agbára dragoni tí a ṣojú rẹ̀ gẹ́gẹ́ bí ọba gúúsù ti ṣí kúrò ní Faranse lọ sí Rọ́ṣíà.

The revolution in France was represented politically and prophetically by Napoleon Bonaparte, and in that sense, Napoleon represents the first leader of a nation established in a revolution brought about by the atheism of Egypt. The narcissism of Napoleon is fitly repeated by the narcissism of Putin.

Ìyípadà-ìjọba ní Faranse ni a ṣàfihàn ní ti òṣèlú àti ní ti àsọtẹ́lẹ̀ nípasẹ̀ Napoleon Bonaparte, àti ní ìtumọ̀ yẹn, Napoleon ń ṣojú olórí àkọ́kọ́ ti orílẹ̀-èdè kan tí a dá sílẹ̀ nínú ìyípadà-ìjọba tí àìgbàgbọ́ nínú Ọlọ́run ti Íjíbítì mú wá. Ìfẹ́ ara ẹni àṣejù ti Napoleon ni a tún ṣe ní ọ̀nà tó yẹ nípasẹ̀ ìfẹ́ ara ẹni àṣejù ti Putin.

Napoleon was keenly aware of the power of imagery and propaganda, as is Putin, who was a former KGB officer. The KGB specializes in propaganda. Napoleon used portraiture as a means of projecting his authority, power, and image of leadership to the public. He commissioned portraits from some of the most celebrated artists of his time, including Jacques-Louis David, Antoine-Jean Gros, and Jean-Auguste-Dominique Ingres, among others.

Napoleon mọ̀ dáadáa nípa agbára àwòrán àti ìpolówó èrò, gẹ́gẹ́ bí Putin náà ṣe mọ̀ ọ́, ẹni tí ó jẹ́ òṣìṣẹ́ KGB tẹ́lẹ̀ rí. KGB jẹ́ amọ̀ṣọ̀kan nínú ìpolówó èrò. Napoleon lo àwòrán ojú ẹni gẹ́gẹ́ bí ọ̀nà láti fi ṣe àfihàn àṣẹ rẹ̀, agbára rẹ̀, àti àwòrán aṣáájú rẹ̀ fún gbogbogbò ènìyàn. Ó paṣẹ kí a ya àwọn àwòrán rẹ̀ lọ́wọ́ àwọn kan lára àwọn ayàwòrán tí a mọ̀ sí olókìkí jù lọ ní àkókò rẹ̀, pẹ̀lú Jacques-Louis David, Antoine-Jean Gros, àti Jean-Auguste-Dominique Ingres, pẹ̀lú àwọn mìíràn.

These portraits depicted Napoleon in various poses and settings, ranging from official state portraits to more informal scenes. They served not only as personal mementos for Napoleon himself but also as tools for spreading his image and influence both domestically and internationally. Putin has accomplished the identical work for himself, with a multitude of pictures of himself in settings that rival any of the modern influencers on the Internet.

Àwọn àwòrán ìyàwòrán wọ̀nyí ṣàfihàn Napoleon ní onírúurú ìdúró àti àyíká, láti inú àwọn àwòrán ìpínlẹ̀ òfìsialì títí dé àwọn ìṣẹ̀lẹ̀ tí kò ṣe bẹ́ẹ̀ lásẹ̀. Wọ́n kì í ṣe ohun ìrántí ara ẹni fún Napoleon fúnra rẹ̀ nìkan, ṣùgbọ́n wọ́n tún jẹ́ irinṣẹ́ fún títàn àwòrán rẹ̀ àti agbára ìmúlò rẹ̀ ká, ní ilé àti ní àgbáyé. Putin ti ṣe iṣẹ́ kan náà gẹ́gẹ́ bíi tirẹ̀, pẹ̀lú ọ̀pọ̀lọpọ̀ àwòrán ara rẹ̀ nínú àwọn àyíká tí ó lè bá ti èyíkéyìí nínú àwọn olùnípa tuntun lórí Íńtánẹ́ẹ̀tì dọ́gba.

At the beginning of the French Revolution the king, his family and staff were overthrown and executed. At the beginning of the Russian Revolution the Czar, his family and staff were overthrown and executed. The revolution that began in France culminated in Russia. The French Revolution is the subject of the prophecy of chapter eleven of Revelation, and therefore the French Revolution is subject to the rules of prophetic interpretation. Jesus always illustrates the end of a thing with the beginning of a thing, so the Russian Revolution is the end of the French Revolution.

Ní ìbẹ̀rẹ̀ Ìyíká Ìjọba ilẹ̀ Faransé, a bì ọba, ìdílé rẹ̀, àti àwọn òṣìṣẹ́ rẹ̀ lulẹ̀, a sì pa wọ́n. Ní ìbẹ̀rẹ̀ Ìyíká Rọ́ṣíà, a bì Siza, ìdílé rẹ̀, àti àwọn òṣìṣẹ́ rẹ̀ lulẹ̀, a sì pa wọ́n. Ìyíká tí ó bẹ̀rẹ̀ ní Faransé dé ìparí rẹ̀ ní Rọ́ṣíà. Ìyíká Faransé ni kókó àsọtẹ́lẹ̀ orí kejìlá Ìfihàn, nítorí náà Ìyíká Faransé wà lábẹ́ àwọn òfin ìtumọ̀ àsọtẹ́lẹ̀. Jésù máa ń fi ìbẹ̀rẹ̀ ohun kan ṣàpèjúwe òpin ohun náà nígbà gbogbo, nítorí náà Ìyíká Rọ́ṣíà ni òpin Ìyíká Faransé.

Vladimir Putin represents the last leader of a nation established in a revolution brought about with the atheism of Egypt. The first leader of Russia was Vladimir Lenin. The name “Vladimir” is of Slavic origin and is composed of two elements: “vlad” and “mir.” “Vlad” is derived from the Slavic root “vladeti,” which means “to rule” or to wield power. “Mir” means “world”. The first Vladimir (Lenin) typifies the last Vladimir (Putin), who is also typified by the first leader of the revolution of atheism (Napoleon).

Vladimir Putin dúró fún olórí ìkẹyìn ti orílẹ̀-èdè kan tí a fi ìgbìmọ̀ òtẹ̀ dá sílẹ̀, ìgbìmọ̀ òtẹ̀ náà sì wáyé pẹ̀lú àìgbàgbọ́ nínú Ọlọ́run ti Ejibiti. Olórí àkọ́kọ́ ti Rọ́ṣíà ni Vladimir Lenin. Orúkọ “Vladimir” jẹ́ ti ìpilẹ̀ṣẹ̀ Slavic, a sì kó ọ jọ láti inú àwọn èròjà méjì: “vlad” àti “mir.” “Vlad” ti wá láti inú gbòǹgbò ọ̀rọ̀ Slavic “vladeti,” èyí tí ó túmọ̀ sí “láti ṣàkóso” tàbí láti lo agbára. “Mir” túmọ̀ sí “ayé”. Vladimir àkọ́kọ́ (Lenin) jẹ́ àpẹẹrẹ ti Vladimir ìkẹyìn (Putin), ẹni tí a tún fi hàn gẹ́gẹ́ bí àpẹẹrẹ nípasẹ̀ olórí àkọ́kọ́ ti ìgbìmọ̀ òtẹ̀ àìgbàgbọ́ nínú Ọlọ́run (Napoleon).

After Napoleon’s defeat in the War of the Sixth Coalition and the Treaty of Fontainebleau in April 1814, he abdicated the throne of France and was exiled to the Mediterranean island of Elba. He was granted sovereignty over the island and allowed to retain the title of Emperor, albeit in a much-reduced capacity. Napoleon spent around ten months on Elba, during which he made plans to return to power in France. Following his escape from Elba and his brief return to power in France during the Hundred Days, Napoleon was decisively defeated at the Battle of Waterloo in June 1815. After this defeat the Allied powers, particularly Great Britain, were determined to prevent Napoleon from causing any further trouble. Consequently, he was exiled again, this time to the remote island of Saint Helena in the South Atlantic. Napoleon spent the remainder of his life in exile on Saint Helena until his death in 1821.

Lẹ́yìn ìṣẹ́gun Napoleon nínú Ogun Àjọ Ìṣọ̀kan Kẹfà àti Ìpìlẹ̀ Àdéhùn Fontainebleau ní oṣù Kẹrin ọdún 1814, ó fi ìtẹ́ Faranse sílẹ̀, a sì lé e lọ sí erékùṣù Elba ní Òkun Mẹditaréníànì. Wọ́n fi àṣẹ ọba lórí erékùṣù náà fún un, wọ́n sì jẹ́ kí ó pa oyè Emperor mọ́, bí ó tilẹ̀ jẹ́ pé agbára oyè náà ti dín kù gidigidi. Napoleon lo nǹkan bí oṣù mẹ́wàá lórí Elba, ní àkókò èyí tí ó fi gbé ìlànà kalẹ̀ láti padà gba agbára ní Faranse. Lẹ́yìn ìbọ́ sálọ rẹ̀ kúrò ní Elba àti ìpadà kúkúrú rẹ̀ sí agbára ní Faranse ní àkókò Ọgọ́rùn-ún Ọjọ́, a ṣẹ́gun Napoleon ní pátápátá ní Ogun Waterloo ní oṣù Kẹfà ọdún 1815. Lẹ́yìn ìṣẹ́gun yìí, àwọn agbára alájọṣepọ̀, ní pàtàkì Great Britain, pinnu láti dí Napoleon lọ́wọ́ kí ó má bàa tún fa ìṣòro kankan mọ́. Nítorí náà, wọ́n tún lé e lọ sí ìgbèkùn, ní ìgbà yìí sí erékùṣù jíjìn Saint Helena ní Gúúsù Òkun Atlantiki. Napoleon lo ìyókù ayé rẹ̀ ní ìgbèkùn lórí Saint Helena títí di ikú rẹ̀ ní ọdún 1821.

Putin is a representative of the old guard KGB. The KGB was the main security agency and intelligence agency of the Soviet Union from 1954 until its dissolution in 1991. It was responsible for internal security, counterintelligence, and intelligence gathering, both domestically and internationally. The KGB was known for its extensive network of spies, surveillance operations, and its role in maintaining the Communist regime’s control over the population. Vladimir Putin was a member of the KGB (Committee for State Security), the main security and intelligence agency of the Soviet Union.

Putin jẹ́ aṣojú ẹ̀ṣọ́ àtijọ́ ti KGB. KGB ni ilé-iṣẹ́ ààbò àti ilé-iṣẹ́ amòye-ìròyìn pàtàkì jùlọ ti Soviet Union láti ọdún 1954 títí di ìtúpalẹ̀ rẹ̀ ní 1991. Ó ní ojúṣe fún ààbò inú ilẹ̀, ìdènà amòye-ìròyìn ọ̀tá, àti kíkójọ ìròyìn amòye, ní inú ilẹ̀ àti ní àgbáyé. KGB jẹ́ ẹni tí a mọ̀ fún àwọ̀nẹ́tíwọ́ọ̀kì àwọn amí rẹ̀ tó gbòòrò, àwọn iṣẹ́ àbójútó, àti ipa rẹ̀ nínú mímú kí ìṣàkóso Kọ́múníìsìtì pa ìdarí rẹ̀ mọ́ lórí àwọn ènìyàn. Vladimir Putin jẹ́ ọmọ ẹgbẹ́ KGB (Committee for State Security), ilé-iṣẹ́ ààbò àti amòye-ìròyìn pàtàkì ti Soviet Union.

Putin joined the KGB in 1975 after graduating from Leningrad State University. Putin worked for the KGB until the collapse of the Soviet Union in 1991, after which he entered politics and eventually became the President of Russia in 2000. His background in the KGB has had a significant influence on his approach to governance and foreign policy. Napoleon’s first exile on the Island of Elba, represents the history of 1991 until the year 2000, when the philosophy of the KGB returned. When Putin is eventually defeated, as represented in verses thirteen to fifteen, that second defeat (the first being 1989), is typified by Waterloo and Napoleon’s second exile, where he died.

Putin darapọ̀ mọ́ KGB ní ọdún 1975 lẹ́yìn tí ó parí ẹ̀kọ́ ní Yunifásítì Ìpínlẹ̀ Leningrad. Putin ṣiṣẹ́ fún KGB títí di ìṣubú Soviet Union ní ọdún 1991, lẹ́yìn èyí tí ó wọ inú òṣèlú, tí ó sì wá di Ààrẹ Rọ́ṣíà ní ọdún 2000. Àbẹ́lẹ̀ rẹ̀ nínú KGB ti ní àkúnya pàtàkì lórí ọ̀nà tí ó gbà ń ṣàkóso àti lórí ìlànà rẹ̀ nípa ìbáṣepọ̀ òkèèrè. Ìgbèkùn àkọ́kọ́ Napoleon lórí Erékùṣù Elba ń ṣojú ìtàn láti ọdún 1991 títí di ọdún 2000, nígbà tí ìmọ̀-ọrọ̀ KGB padà wá. Nígbà tí a ó bá ṣẹ́gun Putin ní ìkẹyìn, gẹ́gẹ́ bí a ti ṣojú rẹ̀ nínú ẹsẹ̀ kẹtàlá sí ẹsẹ̀ kẹẹ́dógún, ìṣẹ́gun lórí rẹ̀ ní ìgbà kejì yẹn (èyí àkọ́kọ́ rẹ̀ jẹ́ 1989), ni Waterloo àti ìgbèkùn kejì Napoleon, níbi tí ó ti kú, ń fi hàn.

Napoleon delivered the deadly wound to the papacy in 1798 and 1799. In 1799 the French Revolution ended in France, but by 1917 it had reached Russia in the Bolshevik Revolution. In 1917 the miracle of Fatima took place in Portugal, and the three children who supposedly communicated with Mary and Joseph were given three secret messages. The three messages were secret in the sense they were only to be read by the pope, the king of the north. The messages directed the pope to call a special meeting with the leaders of the Catholic Church and hold a special ceremony in order to dedicate Russia, which had just become communist Russia the year before, to the virgin Mary.

Napoleon fi ọgbẹ́ ikú náà lù ìjọ papacy ní ọdún 1798 àti 1799. Ní ọdún 1799, Ìyíká Faranse parí ní ilẹ̀ Faransé, ṣùgbọ́n ní ọdún 1917 ó ti dé ilẹ̀ Rọ́ṣíà nínú Ìyíká Bolshevik. Ní ọdún 1917, iṣẹ́ ìyanu Fatima ṣẹlẹ̀ ní ilẹ̀ Potogí, a sì fi àwọn ọ̀rọ̀ ìkọ̀kọ̀ mẹ́ta fún àwọn ọmọ kéékèèké mẹ́ta tí a sọ pé wọ́n bá Màríà àti Jósẹ́fù sọ̀rọ̀. Àwọn ọ̀rọ̀ mẹ́ta náà jẹ́ ìkọ̀kọ̀ ní ìtumọ̀ pé póòpù nìkan, ọba àríwá, ni ó yẹ kí ó ka wọ́n. Àwọn ọ̀rọ̀ náà darí póòpù pé kí ó pe ìpàdé àkànṣe kan pọ̀ pẹ̀lú àwọn aṣáájú ìjọ Kátólíìkì, kí ó sì ṣe ayẹyẹ àkànṣe kan láti ya Rọ́ṣíà sọ́tọ̀ fún Wúńdíá Màríà, èyí tí ó ṣẹ̀ṣẹ̀ di Rọ́ṣíà Kọ́múníìsì ní ọdún ṣáájú náà.

The messages contained a warning that if the pope refused to follow through on the command to dedicate Russia to Mary, the world would suffer another world war (the first world war was to end the month after the miracle). The messages of Fatima became a structure for conservative Catholic prophetic interpretation. It identified a struggle within the Catholic church between conservative Catholicism, represented by pope John Paul II and the first Vatican council, and Liberal Catholicism represented by the current “woke-pope” and the second Vatican council.

Àwọn ìránṣẹ́ náà ní ìkìlọ̀ pé bí póòpù bá kọ̀ láti mú àṣẹ náà ṣẹ nípa fífi Rọ́ṣíà yà sí mímọ́ fún Màríà, ayé yóò jìyà ogun àgbáyé mìíràn (ogun àgbáyé àkọ́kọ́ yóò sì parí ní oṣù tí ó tẹ̀ lé ìṣẹ̀lẹ̀ àmì ìyanu náà). Àwọn ìránṣẹ́ Fátímà di ètò ìtúmọ̀ àsọtẹ́lẹ̀ Kátólíìkì aláfọ̀mọ̀-mọ́ra. Wọ́n fi ìjàkadì kan hàn nínú ṣọ́ọ̀ṣì Kátólíìkì láàárín ẹ̀sìn Kátólíìkì aláfọ̀mọ̀-mọ́ra, tí póòpù John Paul II àti ìgbìmọ̀ Vatican àkọ́kọ́ dúró fún, àti ẹ̀sìn Kátólíìkì olómìnira tí “woke-pope” tó wà lónìí àti ìgbìmọ̀ Vatican kejì dúró fún.

In the messages of Fatima the “good pope”, was the “white pope”, and the “bad pope”, was the “black pope”. The good pope, Pope John Paul II, was the conservative pope who identified the Virgin of Fatima as his guiding idol, and the bad pope is the woke-pope, who also rejects any messages from the so-called virgin Mary. When you visit the shrine in Fatima, Portugal as you enter the premises the entrance is set between two giant statues of a black pope on one side and a white pope on the other side, thus representing the internal struggle identified in the Fatima prophecies.

Nínú àwọn ìránṣẹ́ Fatima, “póòpù rere” ni “póòpù funfun”, àti “póòpù búburú” ni “póòpù dúdú”. Póòpù rere náà, Póòpù John Paul Kejì, ni póòpù aláìyípadà tó fi Wúńdíá Fatima hàn gẹ́gẹ́ bí òrìṣà amúnisọ́nà rẹ̀, àti póòpù búburú náà ni póòpù “woke”, ẹni tí ó sì tún kọ gbogbo àwọn ìránṣẹ́ láti ọ̀dọ̀ ẹni tí wọ́n ń pè ní Wúńdíá Màríà. Nígbà tí o bá ṣàbẹ̀wò sí tẹ́ńpìlì ní Fatima, Portugal, bí o ṣe ń wọ inú àgbègbè náà, a ti gbé ẹnu-ọ̀nà náà sí àárín ère ńlá méjì—ti póòpù dúdú ní ẹ̀gbẹ́ kan àti ti póòpù funfun ní ẹ̀gbẹ́ kejì—nípa bẹ́ẹ̀ tí ó ń ṣàfihàn ìjàkadì inú tí a tọ́ka sí nínú àwọn àsọtẹ́lẹ̀ Fatima.

The other element of the three secret messages of Fatima was its emphasis on the warfare of Catholicism (the king of the north), and atheism (the king of the south). Without recognizing that the warfare of Catholicism and atheistic Russia is a subject of the satanic prophecy, which directs a large percentage of Catholicism, it is difficult, if not impossible to understand the support which the Catholic church provided to Nazi Germany during World War Two.

Ẹ̀ka kejì nínú àwọn ìránṣẹ́ àṣírí mẹ́ta ti Fatima ni ìfọ̀kànsìn rẹ̀ lórí ogun láàárín Kátólíìkìsìmù (ọba àríwá), àti àìgbàgbọ́ nínú Ọlọ́run (ọba gúúsù). Láì mọ̀ pé ogun Kátólíìkìsìmù àti Rọ́ṣíà aláìgbàgbọ́ nínú Ọlọ́run jẹ́ kókó-ọrọ̀ ìsọtẹ́lẹ̀ Sátánì, èyí tí ó ń darí ìpín ńlá kan nínú Kátólíìkìsìmù, ó ṣòro, bí kò ṣe pé kò ṣeé ṣe rárá, láti lóye ìtìlẹ́yìn tí ṣọ́ọ̀ṣì Kátólíìkì fi pèsè fún Jámánì Násì nígbà Ogun Agbaye Kejì.

The Battle of Leningrad, which lasted from September 8, 1941 to January 27, 1944 during World War Two, was one of the longest and most brutal sieges in history. The Battle of Stalingrad, which occurred from August 23, 1942 to February 2, 1943, is often regarded as the bloodiest and most significant battle of World War Two. It resulted in immense casualties on both sides, with estimates of over 2 million total casualties, including deaths, wounded, and captured soldiers. The Battle of Stalingrad also marked a turning point in the war, as it resulted in a decisive Soviet victory over the German Army and led to the eventual defeat of Nazi Germany.

Ogun Leningrad, tí ó wáyé láti ọjọ́ kẹjọ oṣù Kẹsán, ọdún 1941 títí di ọjọ́ kẹtàdínlọ́gbọ̀n oṣù Kínní, ọdún 1944 ní àkókò Ogun Àgbáyé Kejì, jẹ́ ọ̀kan lára àwọn ìdótì tó pẹ́ jù lọ, tí ó sì burú jù lọ nínú ìtàn. Ogun Stalingrad, tí ó ṣẹlẹ̀ láti ọjọ́ kẹtàlélógún oṣù Kẹjọ, ọdún 1942 títí di ọjọ́ kejì oṣù Kínní, ọdún 1943, ni a sábà máa kà sí ogun tí ẹ̀jẹ̀ ṣàn jù lọ, tí ó sì ṣe pàtàkì jù lọ nínú Ogun Àgbáyé Kejì. Ó fa àdánù ńlá ní ẹgbẹ́ méjèèjì, pẹ̀lú ìṣírò pé àpapọ̀ àwọn olùfaragà kọjá mílíọ̀nù méjì lọ, títí kan àwọn tí wọ́n kú, àwọn tí wọ́n fara pa, àti àwọn ọmọ-ogun tí a mú ní ìgbèkùn. Ogun Stalingrad náà tún samisi ìyípadà pàtàkì nínú ogun náà, nítorí pé ó yọrí sí ìṣẹ́gun pàtàkì ti Soviet lórí Ọmọ-ogun Jámánì, ó sì ṣamọ̀nà sí ìṣẹ́gun ikúnsínú ti Nazi Germany ní ìkẹyìn.

Without recognizing that Nazi Germany’s warfare against Russia, particularly in the two battles just cited, it is difficult to understand the role of Germany as the secret ally of the Catholic Church. Without the understanding of the premises of a spiritual war between Catholicism that was motivated by the satanic prophecy of Mary of Fatima, against the atheism of Russia, and thereafter the Communist Soviet Union, the logic for Catholicism secretly hiding and then transporting Nazi war criminals around the globe post-World War Two is missed. The Nazi’s were Catholicism’s proxy army in their struggle against Russia.

Láì mọ̀ pé ogun tí Jámánì Násì jagun sí Rọ́ṣíà, ní pàtàkì nínú àwọn ogun méjèèjì tí a ṣẹ̀ṣẹ̀ tọ́ka sí, ó ṣòro láti lóye ipa Jámánì gẹ́gẹ́ bí alájọṣepọ̀ aṣínà ti Ìjọ Kátólíìkì. Láìní òye nípa àwọn ìpìlẹ̀ ogun ẹ̀mí kan láàárín Ìsìn Kátólíìkì tí àsọtẹ́lẹ̀ èṣù ti Màríà ti Fátímà ru sókè, sí àìgbàgbọ́-Ọlọ́run ti Rọ́ṣíà, àti lẹ́yìn náà ti Soviet Union Kọ́múníìsì, a ò ní lè rí ọgbọ́n inú ìdí tí Ìsìn Kátólíìkì fi ń fi àwọn ọ̀daràn ogun Násì pamọ́ ní aṣírí, tí ó sì tún gbé wọn káàkiri ayé lẹ́yìn Ogun Àgbáyé Kejì. Àwọn Násì jẹ́ ọmọ-ogun aṣojú fún Ìsìn Kátólíìkì nínú ìjà wọn sí Rọ́ṣíà.

It is in this prophetic logic that Putin, the head of atheistic Russia, is involved in a war in the Ukraine, whose leaders are openly known to be Nazi’s. The ground troops of Fatima’s war against atheism from World War Two and onward is fascism, and Nazism. Of course, even though this reality of the leaders of the Ukrainian government is well-documented, the modern manifestation of Hitler’s Reich Ministry of Public Enlightenment and Propaganda (the mainstream media), has covered these facts as best they could.

Ó wà nínú ìmọ̀ràn àsọtẹ́lẹ̀ yìí ni Putin, olórí Rọ́ṣíà aláìgbàgbọ́-nínú-Ọlọ́run, ti wà nínú ogun ní Ukraine, ilẹ̀ tí a ti mọ̀ àwọn olórí rẹ̀ ní gbangba pé wọ́n jẹ́ Nazi. Àwọn ọmọ-ogun ẹlẹ́sẹ̀ ti ogun Fatima sí àìgbàgbọ́-nínú-Ọlọ́run láti Ogun Àgbáyé Kejì lọ síwájú ni fascism àti Nazism. Dájúdájú, bí ó tilẹ̀ jẹ́ pé òtítọ́ yìí nípa àwọn olórí ìjọba Ukrainian jẹ́ ohun tí a ti fi ẹ̀rí tó pé hàn dáadáa, àfihàn òde-òní ti Reich Ministry of Public Enlightenment and Propaganda ti Hitler (ẹ̀rọ ìròyìn àkànṣe), ti bo àwọn òtítọ́ wọ̀nyí mọ́ bí wọ́n ti lè ṣe tó.

The name “Ukraine” is derived from the Slavic word “ukraina,” which means “borderland” or “the edge.” The term historically referred to the border regions of the Kievan Rus’, the medieval state that preceded modern-day Ukraine, and is situated on the crossroads between Eastern Europe and Eurasia. Throughout history, it has served as a meeting point between various cultures, civilizations, and empires, including the Byzantine Empire, the Ottoman Empire, the Russian Empire, and others. Its strategic location made it a frontier region that experienced significant cultural, political, and military interactions. During the medieval period, Ukraine was the border region of the Kievan Rus’, which was a powerful state that encompassed parts of modern-day Ukraine, Russia, and Belarus. As the Kievan Rus’ expanded and contracted over time, its borders often shifted, and Ukraine remained on the periphery of the state.

Orúkọ “Ukraine” ni a mú jáde láti inú ọ̀rọ̀ Slavic “ukraina,” èyí tí ó túmọ̀ sí “ilẹ̀ ààlà” tàbí “ẹ̀gbẹ́.” Ní ìtàn, ọ̀rọ̀ náà máa ń tọ́ka sí àwọn agbègbè ààlà ti Kievan Rus’, ìjọba àárín-ọdún-òkèèrè tí ó ṣáájú Ukraine ti òde òní, tí ó sì wà ní ọ̀nà ìpàdé láàárín Ìlà Oòrùn Yúróòpù àti Eurasia. Ní gbogbo ìtàn, ó ti ṣiṣẹ́ gẹ́gẹ́ bí ibi ìpàdé láàárín onírúurú àṣà, ọ̀làjú, àti àwọn ìjọba-ọba ńlá, pẹ̀lú Ilẹ̀-ọba Byzantine, Ilẹ̀-ọba Ottoman, Ilẹ̀-ọba Rọ́ṣíà, àti àwọn mìíràn. Ipo ọ̀nà-gíga rẹ̀ mú kí ó di agbègbè ìwájú-ààlà tí ó ní ìrírí ìbáṣepọ̀ àṣà, ìṣèlú, àti ológun tó lágbára. Ní àsìkò àárín-ọdún, Ukraine ni agbègbè ààlà ti Kievan Rus’, èyí tí ó jẹ́ ìjọba alágbára kan tí ó kà sí apá kan ti Ukraine, Rọ́ṣíà, àti Belarus ti òde òní. Bí Kievan Rus’ ṣe ń gbòòrò sí i tí ó sì tún ń dín kù bí àkókò ti ń lọ, àwọn ààlà rẹ̀ máa ń yí padà lọ́pọ̀ ìgbà, Ukraine sì ṣì dúró ní ẹ̀gbẹ́ ìjọba náà.

After the collapse of the Soviet Union in 1989, as represented in verse ten, verses eleven and twelve identify a battle where the king of the south retaliates and prevails over the king of the north. That battle was fought at Raphia, which was the borderline of the domains of the king of the south and the king of the north.

Lẹ́yìn ìṣubú Ìṣọ̀kan Soviet ní ọdún 1989, gẹ́gẹ́ bí a ti ṣàfihàn rẹ̀ nínú ẹsẹ̀ kẹwàá, ẹsẹ̀ kọkànlá àti kejìlá ṣe ìdánimọ̀ ogun kan níbi tí ọba gúúsù ti gbẹ̀san, tí ó sì borí ọba àríwá. Ogun náà ni a jà ní Raphia, èyí tí ó jẹ́ ààlà ilẹ̀ àkóso ọba gúúsù àti ọba àríwá.

The Battle of Raphia, which took place in 217 BC, comes from the name of the town near which the battle occurred. Raphia was a town located in the coastal region of ancient Palestine, near the border between the Ptolemaic Kingdom of Egypt and the Seleucid Empire. At the time of the battle the border between the Ptolemaic Kingdom of Egypt, ruled by King Ptolemy IV Philopator, and the Seleucid Empire, ruled by King Antiochus III, was located in the vicinity of Raphia. The battle was fought near this border region as both sides sought to assert control over strategic territories in the Levant.

Ogun Raphia, tí ó ṣẹlẹ̀ ní ọdún 217 ṣáájú ìbí Kristi, jẹ orúkọ tí ó ti inú orúkọ ìlú tí ogun náà ti ṣẹlẹ̀ lẹ́gbẹ̀ẹ́ rẹ̀ wá. Raphia jẹ́ ìlú kan tí ó wà ní agbègbè etíkun ti Pálẹ́sítínì àtijọ́, ní ẹ̀gbẹ́ ààlà láàárín Ìjọba Ptolemaic ti Ejibiti àti Ìjọba Seleucid. Ní àkókò ogun náà, ààlà láàárín Ìjọba Ptolemaic ti Ejibiti, tí Ọba Ptolemy IV Philopator ń ṣàkóso, àti Ìjọba Seleucid, tí Ọba Antiochus III ń ṣàkóso, wà ní agbègbè Raphia. A jà ogun náà ní ẹ̀gbẹ́ agbègbè ààlà yìí bí ẹgbẹ́ méjèèjì ṣe ń wá láti fi ìṣàkóso wọn múlẹ̀ lórí àwọn ilẹ̀ amúgbágbá-ṣẹ́gun tó ṣe pàtàkì ní Levant.

The ancient town of Raphia, is located near the modern city of Rafah. Rafah is a city situated in the southern Gaza Strip, which is part of the Palestinian territories. After Ptolemy’s victory at Raphia in 217 BC, he initiated persecutions against the Jews in Jerusalem, and also in Egypt. The victory was short-lived and he met his Waterloo, so to speak, in the next three verses. In verse thirteen, the previously defeated king of the north returns and by verse fifteen he overwhelms the king of the south.

Ìlú ìgbàanì Rafia wà nítòsí ìlú Rafah òde òní. Rafah jẹ́ ìlú kan tí ó wà ní gúúsù Ìlà Gaza, èyí tí ó jẹ́ apá kan nínú àwọn agbègbè ará Pálẹ́sítínì. Lẹ́yìn ìṣẹ́gun Ptolemy ní Rafia ní ọdún 217 ṣáájú ìbí Kristi, ó bẹ̀rẹ̀ inúnibíni sí àwọn Júù ní Jerúsálẹmu, àti ní Íjíbítì pẹ̀lú. Ìṣẹ́gun náà kò pẹ́, ó sì pàdé ìparun ńlá tirẹ̀, bí a bá fẹ́ sọ ọ́ bẹ́ẹ̀, nínú àwọn ẹsẹ mẹ́ta tí ó tẹ̀ lé e. Nínú ẹsẹ kẹtàlá, ọba àríwá tí a ti ṣẹ́gun tẹ́lẹ̀ padà wá, àti ní ẹsẹ kẹẹ̀ẹ́dógún ó borí ọba gúúsù náà pátápátá.

The victory of Putin in the Ukraine will be used by Putin, a former KGB officer who specialized in propaganda, to most likely expose the Nazi roots of the Ukrainian leadership, and also expose those in the Western World who supported the regime for economic greed, and no doubt also expose the hidden black-sites and bio-labs employed by the globalists, which have been funded by the taxpayers of the United States.

A ó lo ṣee ṣe pé ìṣẹ́gun Putin ní Ukraine ni Putin yóò lò—ẹni tí ó jẹ́ òṣìṣẹ́ KGB tẹ́lẹ̀ rí tí ó ṣe amọ̀ja nínú ìpolongo—láti tú ìpìlẹ̀ Nazi ti aṣáájú Ukraine síta, àti láti tún ṣí àwọn tí ó wà ní Ilẹ̀ Ìwọ̀-Oòrùn tí wọ́n ṣe àtìlẹ́yìn fún ìjọba náà nítorí ojúkòkòrò èrè ọ̀rọ̀ ajé síta; ó sì dájú pé yóò tún ṣí àwọn ibùdó aṣínà dúdú àti àwọn ilé ìdánilẹ́kọ̀ọ́ ẹ̀dá alààyè tí àwọn globalists ti lò síta, èyí tí àwọn olùsanwó orí-ori ilẹ̀ United States ti fi owó ṣètìlẹ́yìn fún.

Those revelations will destroy the current talking points of the world globalists, and also of the Democratic talking heads in the United States. That victory for Putin will provide the mandate for the eighth President, that is of the seven, to take his role as the prophetic despot that arrives into history just before verse sixteen; and verse sixteen is the soon coming Sunday law.

Àwọn ìfihàn wọ̀nyẹn yóò pa àwọn ọ̀rọ̀ ìpolongo tí àwọn alágbáyé-ayé ń lò lónìí run, pẹ̀lú ti àwọn agbẹnusọ Democratic ní Orílẹ̀-Èdè Amẹ́ríkà. Ìṣẹ́gun náà fún Putin yóò pèsè àṣẹ fún Ààrẹ kẹjọ náà, ẹni tí ó jẹ́ ti àwọn méje náà, láti gba ipò rẹ̀ gẹ́gẹ́ bí aláṣẹ apanirun wòlíì tí ń wọ ìtàn ayéléwò wá díẹ̀ ṣáájú ẹsẹ̀ kẹrìndínlógún; ẹsẹ̀ kẹrìndínlógún náà sì ni òfin Sunday tí ń bọ̀ láìpẹ́.

In verse thirteen, the king of the north regroups his army, and in verse fourteen, pagan Rome is introduced into history for the first time, though it is not yet the king of the north. It is there identified as the symbol which “establishes the vision”, and as the power who exalts himself and then falls. After the victory of Putin in the war in the Ukraine, the papacy will begin to lift itself up into world politics, just in advance of the Sunday law in verse sixteen.

Nínú ẹsẹ̀ kẹtàlá, ọba àríwá tún kó ọmọ-ogun rẹ̀ jọ, àti nínú ẹsẹ̀ kẹrìnlá, a kọ́kọ́ mú Romu aláìgbọ́ràn-ọlọ́run wọ inú ìtàn, bí ó tilẹ̀ jẹ́ pé kò tíì í ṣe ọba àríwá ní ìgbà náà. Níbẹ̀ ni a ti dá a mọ̀ gẹ́gẹ́ bí ààmì tí “ń fi ìran náà múlẹ̀”, àti gẹ́gẹ́ bí agbára tí ó gbé ara rẹ̀ ga, lẹ́yìn náà sì ṣubú. Lẹ́yìn ìṣẹ́gun Putin nínú ogun ní Ukraine, ipò Páápà yóò bẹ̀rẹ̀ sí í gbé ara rẹ̀ ga sínú ìṣèlú ayé, díẹ̀ ṣáájú òfin Ọjọ́-Àìkú nínú ẹsẹ̀ kẹrìndínlógún.

The French Revolution, and its connection with the Russian Revolution; Napoleon and Putin; the miracle of Fatima, and its three secrets; the secret alliance between the Vatican and Hitler, the secret alliance between the Vatican and Reagan, are all prophetic “wheels” that intersect in the history of verses eleven through fifteen, which occur during the history of September 11, 2001 until the Sunday law in the United States. It was important to provide a brief summary of these prophetic “wheels” before we take up verse ten.

Ìyíká Faranse, àti ìbáṣepọ̀ rẹ̀ pẹ̀lú Ìyíká Rọ́ṣíà; Napoleon àti Putin; iṣẹ́ ìyanu Fatima, àti àwọn àṣírí mẹ́ta rẹ̀; àjọṣepọ̀ aṣínà láàárín Vatican àti Hitler, àjọṣepọ̀ aṣínà láàárín Vatican àti Reagan, gbogbo wọn ni àwọn “kẹ̀kẹ́” àsọtẹ́lẹ̀ tí ń pàdé ara wọn nínú ìtàn àwọn ẹsẹ̀ kọkànlá títí dé mẹ́ẹ̀ẹ́dógún, tí ó ṣẹlẹ̀ ní àkókò ìtàn láti September 11, 2001 títí dé òfin Ọjọ́ Àìkú ní Orílẹ̀-èdè Amẹ́ríkà. Ó ṣe pàtàkì láti pèsè àkótán kúkúrú kan nípa àwọn “kẹ̀kẹ́” àsọtẹ́lẹ̀ wọ̀nyí kí a tó gbé ẹsẹ̀ kẹwàá yẹ̀ wò.

The following article is taken from “NBC news,” which is as “Main Stream Media,” as it gets, and the “MSM” is the modern version of Hitler’s World War Two propaganda machine. The article is of course anti-Putin, anti-Russian, and pro-Ukraine, but that is not the point. As citizens of the heavenly kingdom, God’s people should not endorse either side of a satanic work, and all warfare is a satanic work.

Àpilẹ̀kọ tó tẹ̀lé yìí ni a mú láti inú “NBC News,” èyí tí ó jẹ́ “Main Stream Media” gẹ́gẹ́ bí ó ti lè rí, àti pé “MSM” ni àwòkọ́ṣe òde-òní ti ẹ̀rọ ìpolongo Hitler ní Ogun Àgbáyé Kejì. Àpilẹ̀kọ náà dájúdájú jẹ́ ti ìkọlù sí Putin, ti ìkọlù sí Rọ́ṣíà, àti ti ìtìlẹ́yìn fún Ukraine, ṣùgbọ́n kì í ṣe èyí ni kókó ọ̀ràn náà. Gẹ́gẹ́ bí ọmọ orílẹ̀-èdè ìjọba ọ̀run, kò yẹ kí àwọn ènìyàn Ọlọ́run fọwọ́ sí ẹgbẹ́ kankan nínú iṣẹ́ Sátánì, àti pé gbogbo ogun jẹ́ iṣẹ́ Sátánì.

The purpose of this article is to allow those who are unfamiliar with the prophetic warfare between Catholicism (the king of the north) and atheism (the king of the south), and the fact that in the warfare of those two prophetic powers, Naziism has been employed as Catholicism’s proxy army (just as the United States was used in 1989). Students of prophecy need to have enough evidence to see that the background history of World War Two, and of the Cold War, are represented in the current war in Ukraine, as it fulfills verses eleven and twelve, of chapter eleven of Daniel.

Ète àpilẹ̀kọ yìí ni láti jẹ́ kí àwọn tí kò tíì mọ̀ ogun àsọtẹ́lẹ̀ tí ó wà láàárín Kátólíìkì (ọba àríwá) àti àìgbàgbọ́ nínú Ọlọ́run (ọba gúúsù), àti òtítọ́ náà pé nínú ogun àwọn agbára àsọtẹ́lẹ̀ méjèèjì wọ̀nyí, a ti lo Násìísìmù gẹ́gẹ́ bí ọmọ-ogun aṣojú Kátólíìkì (gẹ́gẹ́ bí a ṣe lo Orílẹ̀-Èdè Amẹ́ríkà ní ọdún 1989). Àwọn akẹ́kọ̀ọ́ àsọtẹ́lẹ̀ nílò láti ní ẹ̀rí tó pé kí wọ́n lè rí i pé ìtàn ìpìlẹ̀ Ogun Àgbáyé Kejì, àti ti Ogun Tútù, ni a ṣojú fún nínú ogun tí ń lọ lọwọlọwọ ní Ukraine, bí ó ti ń mú ẹsẹ̀ kẹ́wàá àti kejìlá, nínú orí kọkànlá Danieli ṣẹ.

> “Historical events, showing the direct fulfillment of prophecy, were set before the people, and the prophecy was seen to be a figurative delineation of events leading down to the close of this earth’s history.” Selected Messages, book 2, 102.

> “A fi àwọn ìṣẹ̀lẹ̀ ìtàn tí ń fi ìmúṣẹ̀ àsọtẹ́lẹ̀ hàn lójúkojú sí iwájú àwọn ènìyàn, a sì rí i pé àsọtẹ́lẹ̀ náà jẹ́ àwòrán àpèjúwe ti àwọn ìṣẹ̀lẹ̀ tí ń tọ̀ sí ìparí ìtàn ayé yìí.” Selected Messages, ìwé 2, 102.

NBC News Article: “Ukraine’s Nazi problem is real, even if Putin’s ‘denazification’ claim isn’t”

Àpilẹ̀kọ NBC News: “Ìṣòro Nazi ti Ukraine jẹ́ gidi, bí ó tilẹ̀ jẹ́ pé ẹ̀sùn ‘yíyọ Nazism kúrò’ ti Putin kì í ṣe òtítọ́”

> Of the many distortions manufactured by Russian President Vladimir Putin to justify Russia’s assault on Ukraine, perhaps the most bizarre is his claim that the action was taken to “denazify” the country and its leadership. In making his case for entering his neighbor’s territory with armored tanks and fighter jets, Putin has stated that the move was undertaken “to protect people” who have been “subjected to bullying and genocide,” and that Russia “will strive for the demilitarization and denazification of Ukraine.”

> Lára ọ̀pọ̀lọpọ̀ àyídàtún-òtítọ́ tí Ààrẹ Rọ́ṣíà, Vladimir Putin, ti dá sílẹ̀ láti fi dá ìkọlù Rọ́ṣíà sí Ukraine láre, bóyá èyí tí ó yàjù jù lọ ni ìdí rẹ̀ pé a gbé ìgbésẹ̀ náà láti “yọ Nazism kúrò” nínú orílẹ̀-èdè náà àti nínú aṣáájú rẹ̀. Nígbà tí ó ń gbé ẹjọ́ rẹ̀ kalẹ̀ fún wíwọ ilẹ̀ aládùúgbò rẹ̀ wọ̀ pẹ̀lú tánkì ológun alábo àti ọkọ̀ òfuurufú jagunjagun, Putin ti sọ pé a ṣe ìgbésẹ̀ náà “láti dáàbò bo àwọn ènìyàn” tí a ti “fi sí abẹ́ ìfìyàjẹni àti ìpakúpa ẹ̀yà,” àti pé Rọ́ṣíà “yóò sapá fún ìyọkúrò nínú agbára ológun àti nínú Nazism ní Ukraine.”

> Putin’s destructive actions — among them the devastation of Jewish communities — make clear that he’s lying when he says his goal is to ensure anyone’s welfare.

> Àwọn ìṣe apanirun Putin — lára wọn ni ìparun àwọn àwùjọ Júù — fi hàn gbangba pé irọ̀ ni ó ń pa nígbà tí ó bá sọ pé ète òun ni láti dáàbò bo ire ẹnikẹ́ni.

> On its face, Putin’s smear is absurd, not least because Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelenskyy is Jewish and has said that members of his family were killed during World War II. There is also no evidence of recent mass killings or ethnic purges taking place in Ukraine. Moreover, labeling enemies Nazis is a common political ploy in Russia, especially from a leader who favors disinformation campaigns and wants to stir up feelings of national vengeance against a WWII foe to justify conquest.

> Ní ojú rẹ̀ gan-an, àbùkù tí Putin fi kàn án jẹ́ ohun asán pátápátá, kì í ṣe kékeré nítorí pé Ààrẹ Ukraine, Volodymyr Zelenskyy, jẹ́ Júù, ó sì ti sọ pé àwọn ọmọ ìdílé rẹ̀ kan ni a pa nígbà Ogun Àgbáyé Kejì. Bákan náà, kò sí ẹ̀rí kankan pé àwọn ìpànìyàn ọlọ́pọ̀ ènìyàn tàbí ìwẹ̀nùmọ́ ẹ̀yà ènìyàn ti ṣẹ̀ṣẹ̀ ń ṣẹlẹ̀ ní Ukraine. Síwájú sí i, fífi àmì Násì mọ́ àwọn ọ̀tá jẹ́ ọ̀nà ẹ̀tàn òṣèlú tí ó wọ́pọ̀ ní Russia, pàápàá láti ọ̀dọ̀ aṣáájú kan tí ó fẹ́ràn ìpolongo ìtàn-ìrò, tí ó sì fẹ́ ru ìmọ̀lára ẹ̀san orílẹ̀-èdè sókè sí ọ̀tá kan láti Ogun Àgbáyé Kejì kí ó lè fi dá ìṣẹ́gun-ilẹ̀ láre.

> But even though Putin is engaging in propaganda, it’s also true that Ukraine has a genuine Nazi problem — both past and present. Putin’s destructive actions — among them the devastation of Jewish communities — make clear that he’s lying when he says his goal is to ensure anyone’s welfare. But important as it is to defend the yellow-and-blue flag against the Kremlin’s brutal aggression, it would be a dangerous oversight to deny Ukraine’s antisemitic history and collaboration with Hitler’s Nazis, as well as the latter-day embrace of neo-Nazi factions in some quarters.

> Ṣùgbọ́n bí ó tilẹ̀ jẹ́ pé Putin ń lo ìpolongo ẹ̀tàn, ó tún jẹ́ òtítọ́ pé Ukraine ní ìṣòro gidi kan pẹ̀lú Násì—ní ìgbà àtijọ́ àti ní àkókò òde òní pẹ̀lú. Àwọn ìṣe ìparun tí Putin ń ṣe—láàárín wọn sì ni ìparun àwọn àwùjọ Júù—jẹ́ kí ó hàn gbangba pé ó ń purọ́ nígbà tí ó sọ pé ète òun ni láti dá àlàáfíà tàbí ire ẹnikẹ́ni bójú tó. Ṣùgbọ́n bí ó ti ṣe ṣe pàtàkì tó láti dá àsíá ofeefee àti aláwọ̀ búlúù dúró lòdì sí ìkógun ìkà Kremlin, yóò jẹ́ àìfojúsùn tí ó léwu láti sẹ́ ìtàn àtakò sí àwọn Júù ní Ukraine àti ìfọwọ́sowọ́pọ̀ rẹ̀ pẹ̀lú àwọn Násì Hitler, pẹ̀lú bí a ṣe tún gba àwọn ẹ̀ka neo-Násì mọ́ra ní àwọn agbègbè kan ní àsìkò òde òní.

> Why are fleeing Ukrainians being talked about with such sympathy? They are white.

> Kí nìdí tí a fi ń sọ̀rọ̀ nípa àwọn ará Ukraine tí ń sá lọ pẹ̀lú irú àánú bẹ́ẹ̀? Wọ́n jẹ́ aláwọ̀ funfun.

> On the eve of World War II, Ukraine was home to one the largest Jewish communities in Europe, with estimates as high as 2.7 million, a remarkable number considering the territory’s long record of antisemitism and pogroms. By the end, more than half would perish. When German troops took control of Kyiv in 1941, they were welcomed by “Heil Hitler” banners. Soon after, nearly 34,000 Jews — along with Roma and other “undesirables” — were rounded up and marched to fields outside the city on the pretext of resettlement only to be massacred in what became known as the “Holocaust by bullets.”

> Ní àṣálẹ́ Ogun Àgbáyé Kejì, Ukraine jẹ́ ilé fún ọ̀kan lára àwọn àwùjọ Júù tí ó tóbi jù lọ ní Yúróòpù, pẹ̀lú àfọwọ̀ṣírò tí ó ga tó mílíọ̀nù 2.7, iye kan tí ó ṣe àgbàyanu ní ìwọ̀n bí ilẹ̀ náà ti ní ìtàn gígùn ti ẹ̀tan-ìkórìíra sí Júù àti àwọn pogrom. Ní ìparí, ó lé ní ju ìdajì wọn lọ tí yóò ṣègbé. Nígbà tí àwọn ọmọ-ogun Jámánì gba àkóso Kyiv ní 1941, a fi àwọn àsíá “Heil Hitler” kí wọn. Kò pẹ́ lẹ́yìn náà, ó fẹ́rẹ̀ẹ́ tó 34,000 Júù — pẹ̀lú àwọn Roma àti àwọn “ẹni tí a kò fẹ́” mìíràn — ni a kó jọ, tí a sì rìn wọ́n lọ sí àwọn pápá níta ìlú náà lábẹ́ àwáwí ìtúnbígbé, kí a tó pa wọ́n ní ìpakúpa tí a ti mọ̀ sí “Ìparun Júù nípa ìbọn.”

> The Babyn Yar ravine continued to fill up as a mass grave for two years. With as many as 100,000 murdered there, it became one of the largest single killing sites of the Holocaust outside of Auschwitz and other death camps. Researchers have noted the key role locals played in fulfilling Nazi kill orders at the site.

> Àfonífojì Babyn Yar ń bá a lọ láti kún gẹ́gẹ́ bí ibojì ńlá fún ọdún méjì. Níbi tí ó ti ṣeé ṣe kí ó tó ẹgbẹ̀rún lọ́nà ọgọ́rùn-ún ènìyàn 100,000 ni wọ́n ti pa níbẹ̀, ó di ọ̀kan lára àwọn ibi ìpànìyàn àpọ̀kan tí ó tóbi jù lọ nínú Holocaust níta Auschwitz àti àwọn ibùdó ikú mìíràn. Àwọn olùṣèwádìí ti ṣàkíyèsí ipa pàtàkì tí àwọn ará ìbẹ̀rẹ̀ níbẹ̀ kó nínú mímú àwọn àṣẹ ìpànìyàn Nazi ṣẹ ní ibẹ̀ náà.

> Nowadays, Ukraine counts between 56,000 to 140,000 Jews, who enjoy freedoms and protections never imagined by their grandparents. That includes an updated law passed last month criminalizing antisemitic acts. Unfortunately, the law was intended to address a pronounced uptick in public displays of bigotry, including swastika-laden vandalism of synagogues and Jewish memorials, and eerie marches in Kyiv and other cities that celebrated the Waffen SS.

> Ní àwọn ọjọ́ wọ̀nyí, Ukraine ní láàárín 56,000 sí 140,000 àwọn Júù, tí wọ́n ń gbádùn òmìnira àti ààbò tí àwọn òbí-ńlá wọn kò lè rò pé yóò ṣeé ṣe. Èyí pẹ̀lú òfin tí a tún ṣe látúnṣe tí wọ́n gbé kalẹ̀ ní oṣù tó kọjá, tí ń fi ìṣe ẹ̀tan-korìíra sí àwọn Júù ṣe ẹ̀sùn ọ̀daràn. Lóòótọ́, a pinnu òfin náà láti koju ìbísí tó ṣe kedere nínú àwọn àfihàn ìkórìíra ní gbangba, títí kan ìbàjẹ́ sínágọ́gù àti àwọn ibi ìrántí Júù pẹ̀lú àmì swastika, àti àwọn ìrìn-àjò alẹ́mìí ní Kyiv àti àwọn ìlú mìíràn tí wọ́n ń yìn Waffen SS.

> In another ominous development, Ukraine has in recent years erected a glut of statues honoring Ukrainian nationalists whose legacies are tainted by their indisputable record as Nazi proxies. The Forward newspaper cataloged some of these deplorables, including Stepan Bandera, leader of the Organization of Ukrainian Nationalists (OUN), whose followers acted as local militia members for the SS and German army. “Ukraine has several dozen monuments and scores of street names glorifying this Nazi collaborator, enough to require two separate Wikipedia pages,” the Forward wrote.

> Nínú ìdàgbàsókè búburú mìíràn, Ukraine ti, ní àwọn ọdún àìpẹ́ yìí, gbé ọ̀pọ̀lọpọ̀ ère kalẹ̀ láti bu ọlá fún àwọn aláfẹ́ orílẹ̀-èdè Ukraine tí àṣẹ̀yínwá wọn ti bàjẹ́ nípa àkọsílẹ̀ wọn tí kò ṣeé sẹ́ gẹ́gẹ́ bí àwọn aṣojú Nazi. Ìwé ìròyìn Forward ṣàkójọ díẹ̀ nínú àwọn ẹni ìbínú wọ̀nyí, pẹ̀lú Stepan Bandera, aṣáájú Organization of Ukrainian Nationalists (OUN), ẹni tí àwọn ọmọlẹ́yìn rẹ̀ ṣiṣẹ́ gẹ́gẹ́ bí ọmọ ẹgbẹ́ ọmọ-ogun agbègbè fún SS àti ọmọ-ogun Germany. “Ukraine ní ọ̀pọ̀ ẹ̀wádún àwọn ère-ìrántí àti ọ̀pọ̀lọpọ̀ orúkọ òpópónà tí ń gbéga ẹni alájọṣepọ̀ Nazi yìí, tó bẹ́ẹ̀ gẹ́gẹ́ pé ó nílò ojú-ìwé Wikipedia méjì ọ̀tọ̀ọ̀tọ̀,” ni Forward kọ.

> Another frequent honoree is Roman Shukhevych, revered as a Ukrainian freedom fighter but also the leader of a feared Nazi auxiliary police unit that the Forward notes was “responsible for butchering thousands of Jews and … Poles.” Statues have also been raised for Yaroslav Stetsko, a one-time chair of the OUN, who wrote “I insist on the extermination of the Jews in Ukraine.”

> Ọ̀kan mìíràn tí a máa ń bu ọlá fún nígbà púpọ̀ ni Roman Shukhevych, ẹni tí a bọ̀wọ̀ fún gẹ́gẹ́ bí jagunjagun òmìnira ilẹ̀ Ukraine, ṣùgbọ́n pẹ̀lú gẹ́gẹ́ bí olórí ẹgbẹ́ ọlọ́pàá olùrànlọ́wọ́ Násì kan tí a ń bẹ̀rù, èyí tí Forward ṣàkíyèsí pé ó jẹ́ “onídájọ́ fún pípa ẹgbẹẹgbẹ̀rún àwọn Júù àti … àwọn Polu ní ìpakúpa.” A tún ti gbé àwọn ère kalẹ̀ fún Yaroslav Stetsko, alága OUN ní ìgbà kan rí, ẹni tí ó kọ pé, “Mo tẹnu mọ́ ìparun àwọn Júù ní Ukraine.”

> Far-right groups have also gained political currency in the past decade, none more chilling than Svoboda (formerly the Social National Party of Ukraine), whose leader claimed the country was controlled by a “Muscovite-Jewish mafia” and whose deputy used an antisemitic slur to describe Ukrainian-born Jewish actor Mila Kunis. Svoboda has sent several members to Ukraine’s Parliament, including one who called the Holocaust a “bright period” in human history, according to Foreign Policy.

> Àwọn ẹgbẹ́ òṣèlú apá ọ̀tún gíga ti tún ní ìtẹ́wọ́gbà òṣèlú nínú ọdún mẹ́wàá sẹ́yìn, kò sì sí èyíkéyìí tí ó mú ìbẹ̀rù báni ju Svoboda lọ (tí a mọ̀ tẹ́lẹ̀ sí Social National Party of Ukraine), ẹni tí aṣáájú rẹ̀ sọ pé “mafia Muscovite-Jewish” ni ń ṣàkóso orílẹ̀-èdè náà, tí igbákejì rẹ̀ sì lo ọ̀rọ̀ ẹ̀gàn ìkórìíra àwọn Júù láti ṣàpèjúwe òṣèré Júù tí a bí ní Ukraine, Mila Kunis. Gẹ́gẹ́ bí Foreign Policy ti sọ, Svoboda ti rán ọ̀pọ̀ ọmọ ẹgbẹ́ rẹ̀ lọ sí Ilé Ìgbìmọ̀ Aṣòfin Ukraine, pẹ̀lú ọ̀kan lára wọn tí ó pè Holocaust ní “àkókò títàn” nínú ìtàn ẹ̀dá ènìyàn.

> Just as disturbing, neo-Nazis are part of some of Ukraine’s growing ranks of volunteer battalions. They are battle-hardened after waging some of the toughest street fighting against Moscow-backed separatists in eastern Ukraine following Putin’s Crimean invasion in 2014. One is the Azov Battalion, founded by an avowed white supremacist who claimed Ukraine’s national purpose was to rid the country of Jews and other inferior races. In 2018, the U.S. Congress stipulated that its aid to Ukraine couldn’t be used “to provide arms, training or other assistance to the Azov Battalion.” Even so, Azov is now an official member of the Ukraine National Guard.

> Láti inú bí ó ṣe tún ń dá ìbànújẹ̀ síi, àwọn neo-Nazi jẹ́ apá kan nínú àwọn ẹgbẹ́ ọmọ-ogun olùyọ̀ǹda ara ẹni tí iye wọn ń pọ̀ sí i ní Ukraine. Wọ́n ti le nínú ogun lẹ́yìn tí wọ́n ti jagun nínú díẹ̀ lára ìjà ojú pópó tó le jù lọ sí àwọn olùyapa tí Moscow ń ṣe àtìlẹ́yìn fún ní ìlà-oòrùn Ukraine lẹ́yìn ìkọlù Putin sí Crimea ní ọdún 2014. Ọ̀kan nínú wọn ni Ẹgbẹ́ ọmọ-ogun Azov, tí ẹni kan tí ó jẹ́ alátìlẹ́yìn gidi fún àgbáyéga ẹ̀yà funfun dá sílẹ̀, ẹni tí ó sọ pé ète orílẹ̀-èdè Ukraine ni láti mú kí àwọn Júù àti àwọn ẹ̀yà mìíràn tí ó kà sí kékeré kúrò ní orílẹ̀-èdè náà. Ní ọdún 2018, Ilé Aṣòfin Orílẹ̀-Èdè Amẹ́ríkà pàṣẹ pé a kò gbọ́dọ̀ lo ìrànlọ́wọ́ rẹ̀ fún Ukraine “láti pèsè ohun ìjà, ìkẹ́kọ̀ọ́, tàbí ìrànlọ́wọ́ mìíràn fún Ẹgbẹ́ ọmọ-ogun Azov.” Síbẹ̀síbẹ̀, Azov ti di ọmọ ẹgbẹ́ òṣìṣẹ́ ní báyìí nínú Ẹgbẹ́ Olùṣọ́ Orílẹ̀-Èdè Ukraine.

> For sure, none of this disturbing context justifies the misery that has befallen Ukrainians over the past several weeks — and it’s unlikely that Putin was motivated by any of it when he launched his invasion. Indeed, thanks to Putin, Jews living in Odessa, Kharkiv and other eastern cities are under extreme duress. While many have taken refuge in local synagogues and Jewish centers, others have fled to foreign countries, including Israel, which has urged all Jews to leave Ukraine.

> Dájúdájú, kò sí èyíkéyìí nínú àyíká tí ń dáni lójú yìí tí ó lè dá ìpọ́njú tí ó ti dé bá àwọn ará Ukraine láàárín ọ̀sẹ̀ mélòó kan sẹ́yìn láre—ó sì ṣeéṣe kéré pé ohunkóhun nínú rẹ̀ ni ó ru Putin nígbà tí ó bẹ̀rẹ̀ ìkógun rẹ̀. Ní tòótọ́, nítorí Putin, àwọn Júù tí ń gbé ní Odessa, Kharkiv àti àwọn ìlú mìíràn ní ìlà-oòrùn wà lábẹ́ ìnira líle gan-an. Bí ọ̀pọ̀ ṣe ti wá ààbò sínú àwọn sínágọ́gù àdúgbò àti àwọn ilé-iṣẹ́ Júù, àwọn mìíràn sì ti sá lọ sí àwọn orílẹ̀-èdè òkèèrè, pẹ̀lú Ísírẹ́lì, orílẹ̀-èdè tí ó ti rọ gbogbo àwọn Júù pé kí wọ́n fi Ukraine sílẹ̀.

> My own grandparents themselves had to flee western Ukraine to escape persecution, and it is tragic to see this cycle continue. If the country devolves into chaos and insurgency, Jews could once again be at risk from some of their fellow citizens. Not acknowledging this threat means that little is being done to guard against it.

> Àwọn bàbá ńlá àti ìyá ńlá tèmi fúnra wọn ní láti sá kúrò ní ìwọ̀-oòrùn Ukraine láti bọ́ lọ́wọ́ inúnibíni, ó sì jẹ́ ohun ìbànújẹ́ pé a rí àyípò yìí ń bá a lọ. Bí orílẹ̀-èdè náà bá darú sínú ìrúkèrúdò àti ìṣọ̀tẹ̀, àwọn Júù lè tún wà nínú ewu láti ọ̀dọ̀ àwọn kan lára àwọn ará ilẹ̀ wọn. Àìfọwọ́sí ìrokeke yìí túmọ̀ sí pé kéré gan-an ni a ń ṣe láti dáàbò bo ara wa kúrò lọ́dọ̀ rẹ̀.

> But even if some elements of the country have been entangled with one of history’s most loathsome movements, standing with Ukraine is without doubt the honorable posture to take in this drama. Right now, every day that Putin ratchets up his assault against the Ukrainian people with scorched-earth zeal, it’s hard not to see who truly deserves the N-word.

> Ṣùgbọ́n, bí ó tilẹ̀ jẹ́ pé díẹ̀ lára àwọn àkópọ̀ inú orílẹ̀-èdè náà ti dàpọ̀ mọ́ ọ̀kan nínú àwọn ìṣísẹ̀ tí ó burú jùlọ tí ìtàn ti mọ̀ rí, dídúró pẹ̀lú Ukraine ni, láìsí iyèméjì, ìwà-ọ̀nà ọlọ́lá tí a gbọ́dọ̀ gbà nínú eré-ìjà yìí. Ní ìsinsin yìí, ní gbogbo ọjọ́ tí Putin ń túbọ̀ mú ìkọlù rẹ̀ sí àwọn ènìyàn Ukraine le sí i pẹ̀lú ìtara ìparun ilẹ̀ títí dé ìpẹ̀kun, ó ṣòro gan-an láti máa rí ẹni tí ó yẹ fún ọ̀rọ̀ tí ó bẹ̀rẹ̀ pẹ̀lú lẹ́tà N ní ti gidi.

> Allen Ripp, March 5, 2022 – Source

> Allen Ripp, Oṣù Kẹta 5, 2022 – Orísun

We will continue this study in our next article.

A ó máa bá ìkẹ́kọ̀ọ́ yìí lọ nínú àpilẹ̀kọ wa tí ó kàn.

> “Those who cannot remember the past are condemned to repeat it.” George Santayana.

> “Àwọn tí kò lè rántí ohun tí ó ti kọjá ni a dá lẹ́bi láti tún un ṣe.” George Santayana.

> “All that God has in prophetic history specified to be fulfilled in the past has been, and all that is yet to come in its order will be. Daniel, God’s prophet, stands in his place. John stands in his place. In the Revelation the Lion of the tribe of Judah has opened to the students of prophecy the book of Daniel, and thus is Daniel standing in his place. He bears his testimony, that which the Lord revealed to him in vision of the great and solemn events which we must know as we stand on the very threshold of their fulfillment.

> “Gbogbo ohun tí Ọlọ́run ti sọ ní pàtó nínú ìtàn àsọtẹ́lẹ̀ pé yóò ṣẹ ní ìgbà àtijọ́, ti ṣẹ; gbogbo ohun tí ó sì ṣì ń bọ̀ ní ìtòlẹ́sẹẹsẹ̀ rẹ̀ yóò sì ṣẹ. Dáníẹ́lì, wòlíì Ọlọ́run, dúró ní ipò rẹ̀. Jòhánù dúró ní ipò rẹ̀. Nínú Ìfihàn, Kìnnìún ẹ̀yà Júdà ti ṣí ìwé Dáníẹ́lì sílẹ̀ fún àwọn akẹ́kọ̀ọ́ àsọtẹ́lẹ̀, báyìí ni Dáníẹ́lì sì ṣe dúró ní ipò rẹ̀. Ó ń ru ẹ̀rí rẹ̀, èyí tí Olúwa fi hàn án nínú ìran nípa àwọn ìṣẹ̀lẹ̀ ńlá àti ọlọ́lá tí ó yẹ kí a mọ̀ bí a ti dúró lórí gan-an etí-ọ̀nà ìmúṣẹ wọn.”

> “In history and prophecy the Word of God portrays the long continued conflict between truth and error. That conflict is yet in progress. Those things which have been, will be repeated. Old controversies will be revived, and new theories will be continually arising. But God’s people, who in their belief and fulfillment of prophecy have acted a part in the proclamation of the first, second, and third angels’ messages, know where they stand. They have an experience that is more precious than fine gold. They are to stand firm as a rock, holding the beginning of their confidence steadfast unto the end.” Selected Messages, book 2, 109.

> “Nínú ìtàn àti àsọtẹ́lẹ̀, Ọ̀rọ̀ Ọlọ́run ń ṣàfihàn ìjà pípẹ́ tí ó ti ń bá a lọ láàárín òtítọ́ àti ìṣìnà. Ìjà náà ṣì ń bá a lọ. Àwọn nǹkan wọ̀nyí tí ó ti ṣẹlẹ̀ rí, a ó tún ṣe wọn. A ó tún jí àwọn àríyànjiyàn àtijọ́ dìde, àwọn ẹ̀kọ́ tuntun sì yóò máa hàn ní ìgbà gbogbo. Ṣùgbọ́n àwọn ènìyàn Ọlọ́run, tí wọ́n nípa ìgbàgbọ́ wọn àti ìmúṣẹ àsọtẹ́lẹ̀ ti ṣe ipa kan nínú ìkéde àwọn ìránṣẹ́ áńgẹ́lì kìn-ín-ní, kejì, àti kẹta, mọ ibi tí wọ́n dúró sí. Wọ́n ní ìrírí kan tí ó níye lórí ju wúrà dáradára lọ. Wọ́n gbọ́dọ̀ dúró ṣinṣin bí àpáta, kí wọ́n di ìpilẹ̀ ìgbẹ́kẹ̀lé wọn mú ṣinṣin títí dé òpin.” Selected Messages, ìwé 2, 109.

Back to Articles