Daniel eleven verse twenty-four identifies the period which pagan Rome would rule supremely with the word “time.” A “time” represents 360 years in prophetic application, and those years began at the most famous naval battle of ancient history, the battle of Actium in 31 BC. There were other naval battles that were larger and strategically more sophisticated, but Actium was the most iconic naval battle through its association with Marc Antony and Cleopatra. Similar in historical significance to the collapse of the Berlin Wall in fulfillment of Daniel 11:40, and the Twin Towers of 9/11 in fulfillment of Revelation eighteen; for when God chooses the historical events to fulfill His prophetic Word, He does so in a fashion that reaches the attention of the largest possible audience.
Danyèl onzè, vèsè vennkat, idantifye peryòd pandan ki Wòm payen t ap gouvène avèk otorite siprèm nan pa mwayen mo « tan ». Nan aplikasyon pwofetik la, yon « tan » reprezante 360 ane, e ane sa yo te kòmanse nan batay naval ki pi renome nan listwa ansyen an, batay Aktiyòm nan an 31 anvan Jezikri. Te gen lòt batay naval ki te pi gwo epi ki te pi rafine sou plan estratejik, men Aktiyòm te batay naval ki te pi senbolik la poutèt asosiyasyon li avèk Mak Antwàn ak Kléopat. Menm jan ak efondreman Mi Bèlen an nan akonplisman Danyèl 11:40, ak Tou Jimo yo nan 11/9 nan akonplisman Revelasyon dizwit la; paske lè Bondye chwazi evènman istorik yo pou akonpli Pawòl pwofetik Li a, Li fè sa yon fason ki rive atire atansyon pi gwo piblik ki posib.
And after the league made with him he shall work deceitfully: for he shall come up, and shall become strong with a small people. He shall enter peaceably even upon the fattest places of the province; and he shall do that which his fathers have not done, nor his fathers’ fathers; he shall scatter among them the prey, and spoil, and riches: yea, and he shall forecast his devices against the strong holds, even for a time. Daniel 11:23, 24.
Epi apre alyans ki te fèt avè l la, li pral aji avèk twonpri; paske li pral monte, epi li pral vin fò ak yon ti pèp. Li pral antre anpè menm sou kote ki pi rich nan pwovens lan; epi li pral fè sa zansèt li yo pa t fè, ni zansèt zansèt li yo; li pral gaye nan mitan yo piyaj, ak depouy, ak richès; wi, li pral prepare plan li yo kont fòtrès yo, men se pou yon tan. Danyèl 11:23, 24.
Uriah Smith concludes his observations of the league between Rome and the Maccabees of verse twenty-three by commenting upon the small people of the verse.
Ourya Smith fini obsèvasyon li sou alyans ki te genyen ant Wòm ak Makabe yo nan vèsè venntwa a, lè li fè kòmantè sou ti pèp la nan vèsè a.
“At this time the Romans were a small people, and began to work deceitfully, or with cunning, as the word signifies. And from this point they rose by a steady and rapid ascent to the height of power which they afterward attained.
“Nan epòk sa a, Women yo te yon ti pèp, e yo te kòmanse aji avèk twonpri, oswa avèk riz, jan mo a vle di l. E depi nan pwen sa a yo te monte, pa yon pwogrè ki te ansanm regilye ak rapid, jouk yo rive nan somè pouvwa yo te vin genyen apre sa.”
“[Verse twenty-four quoted].
« [Vèsè vennkat la site.] »
“The usual manner in which nations had, before the days of Rome, entered upon valuable provinces and rich territory, was by war and conquest. Rome was now to do what had not been done by the fathers or the fathers’ fathers; namely, receive these acquisitions through peaceful means. The custom, before unheard of, was now inaugurated, of kings’ leaving by legacy their kingdoms to the Romans. Rome came into possession of large provinces in this manner.
“Fason nòmal nasyon yo te konn fè, anvan epòk Wòm nan, pou yo antre an posesyon pwovens ki gen anpil valè ak tèritwa rich, se te pa lagè ak konkèt. Kounye a, Wòm te gen pou l fè sa ni zansèt yo ni zansèt zansèt yo pa t janm fè; sètadi, resevwa akizisyon sa yo pa mwayen pasifik. Koutim sa a, ki pa t janm tande anvan, te kounye a inogire, kote wa yo te kite wayòm pa yo bay Women yo kòm eritaj. Se konsa Wòm te vin an posesyon gwo pwovens.”
“And those who thus came under the dominion of Rome derived no small advantage therefrom. They were treated with kindness and leniency. It was like having the prey and spoil distributed among them. They were protected from their enemies, and rested in peace and safety under the aegis of the Roman power.
“Epi moun ki te vin sou dominasyon Wòm konsa yo, yo pa t tire ti benefis nan sa. Yo te trete yo avèk bonte ak tolerans. Se te tankou yo t ap separe bèt yo te pran ak piye a pami yo. Yo te pwoteje kont lènmi yo, epi yo te repoze an pè ak an sekirite anba pwoteksyon pouvwa Wòm nan.
“To the latter portion of this verse, Bishop Newton gives the idea of forecasting devices from strongholds, instead of against them. This the Romans did from the strong fortress of their seven-hilled city. ‘Even for a time;’ doubtless a prophetic time, 360 years. From what point are these years to be dated? Probably from the event brought to view in the following verse.” Uriah Smith, Daniel and the Revelation, 272, 273.
“Konsènan dènye pati vèsè sa a, Evèk Newton bay lide pou fè plan davans depi nan fòtrès yo, olye pou yo fè yo kont fòtrès yo. Se sa Women yo te fè depi nan fò fòtrès vil yo a ki chita sou sèt ti mòn. ‘Men sèlman pou yon tan;’ san dout yon tan pwofetik, 360 ane. Depi ki pwen yo dwe konte ane sa yo? Petèt depi nan evènman yo mete devan je nan vèsè ki vin apre a.” Uriah Smith, Daniel and the Revelation, 272, 273.
Smith continues and identifies the battle of Actium in 31 BC as the starting point for the three hundred and sixty years. After quoting verse twenty-five Smith states the following.
Smith kontinye epi li idantifye batay Aktiòm nan ane 31 anvan Jezikri kòm pwen depa twa san swasant ane yo. Apre li fin site vèsè venk senk la, Smith deklare sa ki annapre yo.
“By verses 23 and 24 we are brought down this side of the league between the Jews and the Romans, BC 161, to the time when Rome had acquired universal dominion. The verse now before us brings to view a vigorous campaign against the king of the south, Egypt, and the occurrence of a notable battle between great and mighty armies. Did such events as these transpire in the history of Rome about this time? — They did. The war was the war between Egypt and Rome; and the battle was the battle of Actium. Let us take a brief view of the circumstances that led to this conflict.
“Pa vèsè 23 ak 24 yo, yo mennen nou desann sou bò sa a nan alyans ki te fèt ant Jwif yo ak Women yo, anvan Kris 161, rive nan tan kote Wòm te fin pran dominasyon inivèsèl. Vèsè ki devan nou an kounye a mete devan je nou yon kanpay vanyan kont wa sid la, peyi Lejip, ansanm ak rive yon batay remakab ant gwo lame pisan. Èske evènman konsa te rive vre nan listwa Wòm nan epòk sa a? — Wi, yo te rive. Lagè a se te lagè ant peyi Lejip ak Wòm; epi batay la se te batay Aktiyòm nan. Annou pran yon kout je tou kout sou sikonstans ki te mennen nan konfli sa a.”
“[Marc] Antony, Augustus Caesar, and Lepidus constituted the triumvirate which had sworn to avenge the death of Julius Caesar. This Antony became the brother-in-law of Augustus by marrying his sister, Octavia. Antony was sent into Egypt on government business, but fell a victim to the arts and charms of Cleopatra, Egypt’s dissolute queen. So strong was the passion he conceived for her, that he finally espoused the Egyptian interests, rejected his wife, Octavia, to please Cleopatra, bestowed province after province upon the latter to gratify her avarice, celebrated a triumph at Alexandria instead of Rome, and otherwise so affronted the Roman people that Augustus had no difficulty in leading them to engage heartily in a war against this enemy of their country. This war was ostensibly against Egypt and Cleopatra; but it was really against Antony, who now stood at the head of Egyptian affairs. And the true cause of their controversy was, says Prideaux, that neither of them could be content with only half of the Roman empire; for Lepidus having been deposed from the triumvirate, it now lay between them, and each being determined to possess the whole, they cast the die of war for its possession.” Uriah Smith, Daniel and the Revelation, 273.
«Antony [Marc], Auguste César, ak Lepidus te fòme triyonvira ki te sèmante pou vanje lanmò Jil Seza. Antony sa a te vin bofrè Auguste lè li te marye ak sè li, Oktavi. Yo te voye Antony ann Ejip pou zafè gouvènman an, men li tonbe viktim anba atizay ak cham Kléopat, rèn debòche Ejip la. Pasyon li te vin genyen pou li a te tèlman fò, ke finalman li te pran pati enterè Ejipsyen yo, li te rejte madanm li, Oktavi, pou fè Kléopat plezi, li te bay li pwovens sou pwovens pou satisfè avaris li, li te selebre yon triyonf nan Aleksandri olye lavil Wòm, epi li te, nan lòt fason ankò, tèlman ofanse pèp Women an, ke Auguste pa t gen okenn difikilte pou mennen yo angaje yo ak tout kè yo nan yon lagè kont lènmi sa a peyi yo. Lagè sa a, dapre aparans, te kont Ejip ak Kléopat; men an reyalite se te kont Antony, ki kounye a te kanpe alatèt zafè Ejipsyen yo. E vrè koz konfli yo a se te, jan Prideaux di l, ke ni youn ni lòt pa t kapab kontante yo ak sèlman mwatye anpi Women an; paske Lepidus te fin depoze nan triyonvira a, sa te kounye a rete ant yo toude, epi chak ladan yo te detèmine pou posede tout antye a, yo te jete zo lagè a pou posesyon li.» Uriah Smith, Daniel and the Revelation, 273.
Prophetically the battle of Actium identifies the Sunday law, for it represented the third conquering of the three geographical obstacles which established pagan Rome’s “universal dominion,” as Smith describes it. As with pagan Rome, it was when the third obstacle of papal Rome was driven from the city of Rome that the “universal dominion” of papal Rome began in 538. Those two witnesses address the Sunday law where and when modern Rome overcomes both the sixth and seventh kingdoms of Bible prophecy, and in doing so, overcomes its third obstacle; thus, establishing “universal dominion” for forty-two symbolic months.
Nan fason pwofetik, batay Aktiyòm nan idantifye lwa dimanch lan, paske li te reprezante twazyèm konkeri twa obstak jewografik yo ki te etabli “dominyon inivèsèl” Wòm payen an, jan Smith dekri sa. Menm jan ak Wòm payen an, se lè twazyèm obstak Wòm papal la te chase kite vil Wòm nan “dominyon inivèsèl” Wòm papal la te kòmanse an 538. De temwen sa yo pale sou lwa dimanch lan kote ak lè Wòm modèn lan ranpòte viktwa sou tou de sizyèm ak setyèm wayòm pwofesi biblik la, epi, lè li fè sa, li ranpòte viktwa sou twazyèm obstak li; konsa, li etabli “dominyon inivèsèl” pandan karann-de mwa senbolik.
And there was given unto him a mouth speaking great things and blasphemies; and power was given unto him to continue forty and two months. Revelation 13:5.
E yo te ba li yon bouch pou l pale gwo bagay ak blasfèm; e yo te ba li pouvwa pou l kontinye pandan karannnde mwa. Revelasyon 13:5.
Rome Against Egypt
Wòm Kont Ejip
The prophetic dynamics of the war of Augustus of Rome, against Egypt and Cleopatra was motivated by the rebellion of Marc Antony, and those prophetic dynamics must of prophetic necessity represent the prophetic dynamics that are represented at the Sunday law.
Dinamik pwofetik lagè Awògis lavil Wòm te fè kont Ejip ak Kléopat te motive pa rebelyon Mak Antwàn, epi dinamik pwofetik sa yo dwe, pa nesesite pwofetik, reprezante dinamik pwofetik yo ki reprezante nan lwa dimanch la.
At Actium Rome conquered Egypt, a power which consisted of an alliance between a rebellious man and an unholy woman. The alliance of Antony and Cleopatra is the combination of church and state. At Actium, Augustine’s Rome conquered a power represented by an unholy combination of church and state.
Nan Actium, Wòm te konkeri Lejip, yon pouvwa ki te fòme ak yon alyans ant yon gason rebèl ak yon fanm san. Alyans Antwàn ak Kleyopat la se konbinezon legliz ak leta. Nan Actium, Wòm Ogisten an te konkeri yon pouvwa ki te reprezante pa yon konbinezon enpi ant legliz ak leta.
Image of the Beast
Imaj Bèt la
Cleopatra represents a corrupted church aligned with Antony, a symbol of Rome. Cleopatra was the ruler over their relationship, as represented by Uriah Smith, when he stated that Antony “fell a victim to the arts and charms of Cleopatra, Egypt’s dissolute queen.” The alliance of church and state represented by Antony and Cleopatra identified Cleopatra as the power ruling in the relationship; so, the combination of church and state represented by their relationship meets the definition of the image of the beast—which is the combination of church and state with the woman in control of the relationship. Actium typified the soon-coming Sunday law.
Kleopat reprezante yon legliz kòwonpi ki alye ak Antwàn, yon senbòl Wòm. Kleopat te chèf nan relasyon yo a, jan Ouriya Smith te montre sa lè li te deklare ke Antwàn “te tonbe viktim devan atizay ak cham Kleopat, larenn deboche peyi Lejip la.” Alyans legliz ak leta Antwàn ak Kleopat reprezante a te idantifye Kleopat kòm pouvwa k ap dirije nan relasyon an; konsa, konbinezon legliz ak leta relasyon yo a reprezante a satisfè definisyon imaj bèt la—ki se konbinezon legliz ak leta kote fanm nan kenbe kontwòl relasyon an. Aktiyòm te tipifye lwa dimanch ki pral vini talè a.
Augustus, represents the papal power conquering the United States at the soon-coming Sunday law. Marc Antony is the Republican horn of the earth beast and Cleopatra is the Protestant horn. Antony and Cleopatra come together and speak as a dragon at the soon-coming Sunday law. Both Cleopatra and Antony are symbols of a dragon power, and when they are fully joined together at the Sunday law—they speak as a dragon.
Ogis, reprezante pouvwa papal la k ap konkeri Etazini nan lwa dimanch ki pral vini byento an. Mak Antwàn se kòn Repibliken bèt latè a, epi Kléopat se kòn Pwotestan an. Antwàn ak Kléopat mete tèt yo ansanm epi yo pale tankou yon dragon nan lwa dimanch ki pral vini byento an. Ni Kléopat ni Antwàn se senbòl yon pouvwa dragon, epi lè yo fin ini nèt ansanm nan lwa dimanch lan—yo pale tankou yon dragon.
Dragons
Dragon yo
Both Greece and Egypt prophetically represent a dragon power, and Antony also represented a dragon power. Egypt was the south in Daniel eleven and Greece was the west. Egypt was taken by Ptolemy I after Alexander’s kingdom divided into four parts. Ptolemy I then became the first prophetic king of the south and Cleopatra was the last Ptolemaic ruler in Egypt. Ptolemy was born in Macedon, the birth place of Alexander the Great.
Tou de Grès ak Lejip, nan sans pwofetik, reprezante yon pouvwa dragon, e Antwàn tou te reprezante yon pouvwa dragon. Lejip te sid la nan Danyèl onz, epi Lagrès te lwès la. Lejip te pran pa Ptolemey I apre wayòm Aleksann nan te divize an kat pati. Apre sa, Ptolemey I te vin premye wa pwofetik sid la, epi Kléopat te dènye chèf ptolemayik nan Lejip. Ptolemey te fèt nan Masedwàn, kote Aleksann Legran te fèt.
Macedon was in northern Greece, and claimed their ancestral origins were from Greek mythical heroes. The southern Greek city-states considered the Macedonians as more barbaric than the Hellenists of southern Greece. The Macedonians were a monarchy, and the southern city-states (poleis) like Athens, Sparta, Thebes, Corinth, etc., were in southern and central Greece and the Aegean islands. These poleis often had democratic, oligarchic, or mixed governments, while Macedon was a centralized monarchy with a strong royal dynasty (the Argeads). Still, they were all Hellenists, and when Rome came into history, they labelled the Hellenists Greek. Cleopatra was the last Ptolemaic ruler, which represented the northern kingdom’s monarchial tribe of Greeks from the area of Macedon, or northern Greece.
Masedwàn te nan nò peyi Lagrès, e yo te deklare orijin zansèt yo soti nan ewo mitolojik grèk yo. Vil-eta grèk ki nan sid yo te konsidere Masedwanyen yo kòm pi barbar pase Elenis sid peyi Lagrès yo. Masedwàn te yon monachi, tandiske vil-eta sid yo (poleis) tankou Atèn, Espat, Tèb, Korent, elatriye, te nan sid ak sant peyi Lagrès ansanm ak zile Lanmè Eje yo. Poleis sa yo te souvan gen gouvènman demokratik, oligachik, oswa melanje, tandiske Masedwàn te yon monachi santralize avèk yon dinasti wayal pwisan (Argead yo). Men, yo tout te Elenis, e lè Wòm te antre nan listwa, yo te klase Elenis yo kòm Grèk. Kléopat se te dènye chèf Ptolemeyik la, ki te reprezante tribi monachik grèk wayòm nò a, ki soti nan rejyon Masedwàn, oswa nò peyi Lagrès.
King of the South
Wa Sid la Sid
Cleopatra was the final ruler of the Ptolemaic kingdom that began with Ptolemy I when Alexander’s kingdom divided into four. At the battle of Actium the Ptolemaic kingdom, the literal king of the south, reached its end. The next king of the south would be spiritual Egypt, represented by atheistic France during the French Revolution history.
Klèopat te dènye chèf wayòm Ptolemeyèn nan ki te kòmanse avèk Ptolome I lè wayòm Aleksann lan te divize an kat. Nan batay Aktyòm nan, wayòm Ptolemeyèn nan, wa sid la nan sans literal la, te rive nan fen li. Pwochen wa sid la t ap vin Ejip espirityèl, ke Lafrans ate a te reprezante pandan istwa Revolisyon franse a.
And their dead bodies shall lie in the street of the great city, which spiritually is called Sodom and Egypt, where also our Lord was crucified. Revelation 11:8.
Epi kadav yo va kouche nan lari gwo vil la, vil yo rele espirityèlman Sodòm ak Lejip, kote tou Seyè nou an te kloure sou kwa a. Revelasyon 11:8.
Literal Egypt was the literal king of the south as related to the division of Alexander’s kingdom, but spiritual Egypt is represented as the king of the south by the prophetic attributes of Egypt, not a literal direction.
Le littéral Égypte était littéralement le roi du midi en rapport avec la division du royaume d’Alexandre, mais l’Égypte spirituelle est représentée comme le roi du midi par les attributs prophétiques de l’Égypte, et non par une direction littérale.
South and West
Sid ak Lwès
Cleopatra being the last Ptolemaic ruler of the kingdom was prophetically a twofold power of Greek (west) and Egypt (south), whereas; the next, and then spiritual king of the south would be France, also a twofold power represented in Revelation eleven as Egypt and Sodom. The licentiousness of Sodom aligns with the licentiousness of Cleopatra of the west, and Cleopatra of the south aligns with the atheism of Egypt. The last literal king of the south’s twofold nature aligned with the first spiritual king of the south.
Kléopat kòm dènye souvrènn ptolemeyen wayòm nan te, nan sans pwofetik, yon pouvwa doub: Grèk (lwès) ak Ejip (sid); tandiske pwochen wa sid la, epi ansuit wa espirityèl sid la, t ap Lafrans, li menm tou yon pouvwa doub ki reprezante nan Revelasyon onz kòm Ejip ak Sodòm. Debòch Sodòm nan ann amoni ak debòch Kléopat ki soti nan lwès la, epi Kléopat sid la ann amoni ak ateyis Ejip la. Nati doub dènye wa literal sid la te ann amoni ak premye wa espirityèl sid la.
The battle of Actium was the unholy alliance of Antony’s dragon of Rome and Cleopatra’s dragon of the south and west. Antony and Cleopatra represent a church and a state, so the conquering of Actium by Augustus of Rome, represents a conquering where Rome prevails over an unholy twofold union typifying the image of the beast. Three hundred and sixty years later, in fulfillment of Daniel 11:24, Constantine divided Rome into east and west, leaving the woman of Rome in the west and moving the man of Rome to the east. A conquering of south and west typified the division of east and west after a “time” of three hundred and sixty years, at the battle of Actium. In an earlier encounter Antony was given eastern Rome and Augustus the west, so Actium brought together east and west, but only for a “time.”
Batay Aktsyòm lan se te alyans pwofan ant dragon Wòm Antwàn nan ak dragon sid ak lwès Kléopat la. Antwàn ak Kléopat reprezante yon legliz ak yon leta; konsa, viktwa Ogis Wòm nan sou Aktsyòm reprezante yon konkèt kote Wòm ranpòte laviktwa sou yon inyon pwofan doub ki sèvi kòm tip imaj bèt la. Twa san swasant ane apre, nan akonplisman Danyèl 11:24, Konstanten te divize Wòm an lès ak lwès, li kite fanm Wòm nan nan lwès epi li deplase nonm Wòm nan al nan lès. Yon konkèt sou sid ak lwès te sèvi kòm tip divizyon lès ak lwès apre yon “tan” twa san swasant ane, nan batay Aktsyòm lan. Nan yon rankont pi bonè, yo te bay Antwàn Wòm lès la epi Ogis te resevwa lwès la; konsa, Aktsyòm te reyini lès ak lwès, men se te sèlman pou yon “tan.”
31 BC and 330
31 av. J.-K. ak 330
Jesus always illustrates the end with the beginning, so the conquering of Actium in 31 BC typifies the division of the empire into east and west in 330. Actium of 31 BC was the alpha of the omega in the 360 years that concluded in 330. Both 31 BC and 330 typify the soon-coming Sunday law as represented in verse sixteen and forty-one of Daniel eleven.
Jezi toujou ilistre fen an avèk kòmansman an; konsa, viktwa Aktiyòm nan 31 anvan Kris la se yon tip divizyon anpi a an lès ak lwès nan 330. Aktiyòm nan 31 anvan Kris la te alfa omega a nan 360 ane ki te rive nan bout yo an 330. Ni 31 anvan Kris la ni 330 se tip lwa dimanch ki pral vini talè a, jan sa reprezante nan vèsè sèz ak karant-e-yon nan Danyèl onz.
Another Symbol
Yon Lòt Senbòl
Antony of Rome, aligned with Cleopatra of the south and of the west represents a threefold alliance within their twofold union of the image of the beast. The cross also aligns with the Sunday law, and therefore with Actium and 330. At the cross a twofold union of church and state is represented by the Jews (corrupted church) joining with Rome (state) to murder Christ. The third party in the union at the cross is represented by Barabbas, a false Christ, whose name means “son of the father.” Barabbas is symbolically a false prophet when contrasted with Christ as the true prophet. Rome was Antony, and Cleopatra of the south and west represented the Jews and Barabbas.
Antoni nan Wòm, ki aliyen ak Kléopat nan sid la ak nan lwès la, reprezante yon alyans twa-fwa andedan inyon de-fwa yo nan imaj bèt la. Kwa a tou aliyen ak lwa dimanch lan, e poutèt sa, ak Actium ak 330. Sou kwa a, yon inyon de-fwa ant legliz ak leta reprezante pa Jwif yo (legliz kòwonpi a) ki mete tèt yo ansanm ak Wòm (leta) pou touye Kris la. Twazyèm pati nan inyon an sou kwa a reprezante pa Barabas, yon fo Kris, ki gen non li ki vle di “pitit papa a.” Sou plan senbolik, Barabas se yon fo pwofèt lè yo mete l an kontrast ak Kris la kòm vrè pwofèt la. Wòm te Antoni, epi Kléopat nan sid la ak nan lwès la te reprezante Jwif yo ak Barabas.
The cross also aligns with Elijah on Mount Carmel where the choice was over who was the true or false prophet. The false prophet then was a twofold symbol consisting of the prophets of Baal and the priests of the grove. Baal is a male deity and the priests of the grove represented Ashtaroth, a female deity. The Jews at the cross were Ashtaroth, the female deity and Barabbas, the counterfeit of the Man of Sorrows, was the male deity Baal.
Kwa a osi, a kwa-a na Eliya sou Mòn Kamèl la, kote chwa a te konsène kiyès ki te vrè pwofèt la oswa fo pwofèt la. Fo pwofèt la, lè sa a, te yon senbòl doub ki te gen ladan l pwofèt Baal yo ansanm ak prèt bwa sakre yo. Baal se yon divinite gason, epi prèt bwa sakre yo te reprezante Astaròt, yon divinite fi. Jwif yo bò kwa a te Astaròt, divinite fi a, epi Barabas, ki te fo kopi Nonm Doulè a, te divinite gason an, Baal.
Cleopatra was both the queen of the south and the queen of the west. Antony was the image of Rome, part of the threefold triumvirate sworn to avenge the assassination of Julius. Julius death by twenty-three wounds represented the papacies deadly wound in 1798, in fulfillment of verse forty of Daniel eleven. Augustine at Actium represents the healing of that deadly wound. The wound is healed when Antony and Cleopatra die. Antony and Cleopatra represent the image of the beast in the United States that is a threefold prophetic entity, consisting of the earth beast and its two horns. Antony is one part and Cleopatra represents the other two parts. Whether it is Antony’s Rome, or Cleopatra’s Egypt and Greece, they die together at the Sunday law when the sixth kingdom of Bible prophecy ends. Prophetically Cleopatra in relation to Antony is the mixture of church craft and statecraft, with the church craft seducing and controlling the statecraft.
Kleopat te alafwa rèn sid la ak rèn lwès la. Antony te imaj Wòm, yon pati nan triyonvira twa-fwa a ki te sèmante pou vanje asasina Julius la. Lanmò Julius la pa venntwa blesi te reprezante blesi mòtèl papote a an 1798, nan akonplisman vèsè karant nan Danyèl onz. Ougisten nan Aktiyòm reprezante gerizon blesi mòtèl sa a. Blesi a geri lè Antony ak Kleopat mouri. Antony ak Kleopat reprezante imaj bèt la Ozetazini, ki se yon antite pwofetik twa-fwa, ki gen ladann bèt tè a ak de kòn li yo. Antony se yon pati, epi Kleopat reprezante de lòt pati yo. Kit se Wòm Antony a, oswa Lejip ak Lagrès Kleopat la, yo mouri ansanm nan lwa dimanch la lè sizyèm wayòm pwofesi Bib la fini. Pwofetikman, Kleopat an rapò ak Antony se melanj atizana legliz ak atizana leta, kote atizana legliz la sedui epi kontwole atizana leta a.
The Second Death Typified
Dezyèm Lanmò a Prefigire
At another prophetic level Cleopatra’s relation to Julius Caesar and Marc Antony represents two times that the church craft of Cleopatra is in a relationship with the statecraft of the Roman Empire. She was left by Julius in 1798 at her first symbolic death, in fulfillment of verse forty of Daniel eleven; and then she comes to her end with none to help, at Actium in fulfillment of verse forty-five of Daniel eleven. Verse forty is the alpha of her first deadly wound that is to be healed and the omega of verse forty-five is where she receives her second and final death.
Nan yon lòt nivo pwofetik, relasyon Kléopat ak Jil Sèza ansanm ak Mak Antwàn reprezante de moman kote atizana legliz Kléopat la antre nan yon relasyon ak atizana leta Anpi Wòm nan. Jil te kite l an 1798 nan premye lanmò senbolik li, an akonplisman vèsè karant nan Danyèl onz; epi apre sa li rive nan finisman li san pèsonn pou ede l, nan Aktiyòm, an akonplisman vèsè karannsenk nan Danyèl onz. Vèsè karant se alfa premye blesi mòtèl li a ki gen pou geri, epi omega vèsè karannsenk la se kote li resevwa dezyèm ak dènye lanmò li.
As with the four Roman powers of verse sixteen through twenty-two, Cleopatra as a biblical symbol has more than one meaning, based upon the context. Julius left her in 1798 when kingly support was removed, and then her deadly wound is healed at the Sunday law, but the ten kings of Revelation seventeen ultimately destroy her with fire, when she meets her second and final death.
Menm jan ak kat pouvwa women yo nan vèsè sèz rive vennnde a, Kléopat kòm yon senbòl biblik gen plis pase yon siyifikasyon, selon kontèks la. Jilyis te kite li an 1798 lè sipò wayal la te retire, epi apre sa blesi mòtèl li a geri nan lwa dimanch lan; men dis wa Revelasyon disèt yo finalman detwi li ak dife, lè li rankontre dezyèm ak dènye lanmò li.
Cleopatra is a symbol of the twofold nature represented by the atheism of Pharoah’s Egypt, and the religious philosophy of Greece. Her twofold nature represents the statecraft of Egypt and the church craft of Greece. Greek religious philosophy is represented by the Greek goddess Athena, who was enshrined as a statue in her temple, called the Parthenon. Athena is the symbol of wisdom, and as a woman she represents a religion of human education, in contrast with Divine education.
Kleopatra se yon senbòl nati doub la ki reprezante pa ateyis Lejip Farawon an, ansanm ak filozofi relijye Lagrès la. Nati doub li a reprezante atizana politik Lejip la ak atizana legliz Lagrès la. Filozofi relijye grèk la reprezante pa deyès grèk Atena, ki te konsakre kòm yon estati nan tanp li a, yo rele Parthenon an. Atena se senbòl sajès; e kòm yon fanm, li reprezante yon relijyon edikasyon imen, an kontrast ak edikasyon Diven an.
The two horns of the United States are Republicanism and Protestantism, which were typified in France by Egypt and Sodom. Egypt is statecraft and Sodom is church craft; thus, Republicanism aligns with Egypt and Protestantism with Sodom. Republicanism is Egypt and Protestantism is Sodom and Greece. The symbol of human education is the Greek goddess Athena, whose temple was the Parthenon that finds its modern twin in Nashville, Tennessee’s Parthenon temple. The symbol of the corrupt church that aligns with the Republican horn in the United States at the Sunday law is represented as Cleopatra, Ashtaroth, Salome and Sodom.
De kòn Etazini yo se Repiblikanis ak Pwotestantris, ki te tipifye an Frans pa Ejip ak Sodòm. Ejip se atizay leta, epi Sodòm se atizay legliz; konsa, Repiblikanis ann amoni ak Ejip, epi Pwotestantris ak Sodòm. Repiblikanis se Ejip, epi Pwotestantris se Sodòm ak Lagrès. Senbòl edikasyon imen an se deyès grèk Atena, ki tanp li te Parthenon an, ki jwenn jimo modèn li nan tanp Parthenon Nashville, Tennessee a. Senbòl legliz koripsyon an ki vin ann amoni ak kòn repibliken an nan Etazini nan lwa dimanch lan reprezante kòm Kléopat, Ashtaròt, Salome ak Sodòm.
Cleopatra portrays the atheism of Pharoah and the religion of the Greeks. The religion that accompanies the philosophy of atheism is the worship of Greek education. Jesus always illustrates the end with the beginning and the tree in the garden that was forbidden to eat was the tree of the knowledge of good and evil, typifying the religion of Greek philosophy that Sister White calls, “higher education.” It identifies and emphasizes Cleopatra’s Greek religion of wisdom as the corrupted and counterfeit of true education in the great controversy between Christ and Satan.
Kleyopat dekri ateyis Farawon an ansanm ak relijyon Grèk yo. Relijyon ki mache avèk filozofi ateyis la se adorasyon edikasyon grèk la. Jezi toujou montre fen an atravè kòmansman an, epi pyebwa ki te nan jaden an, yo te entèdi manje ladan l lan, se te pyebwa konesans byen ak mal la, ki senbolize relijyon filozofi grèk la ke Sè White rele “edikasyon siperyè.” Sa idantifye epi mete aksan sou relijyon sajès grèk Kleyopat la kòm fòm kòripsyon ak fo kontrefason vrè edikasyon an nan gwo konfli ant Kris ak Satan.
Nashville, Tennessee is called the “Athens of the south,” and Cleopatra was the last literal queen of the south. The last queen of the south typified the next and first spiritual king of the south, fulfilled by atheistic France. Atheistic France typifies the United States, where in Nashville, Tennessee, “Athens of the south” the Parthenon temple for the goddess Athena is symbolically represented. The temple is located at 2500 West End in Nashville. The number twenty-five represents the closed door of Matthew twenty-five’s three parables. Cleopatra as both the queen of the “south” and “west” comes to her “end” in Athens of the south.
Nashville, Tennessee rele “Athèn Sid la,” epi Kléopat te dènye rèn literal Sid la. Dènye rèn Sid la te yon tip pwofetik ki te prefigire pwochen an ak premye wa espirityèl Sid la, ki te akonpli pa Lafrans ateyis la. Lafrans ateyis la se yon tip Etazini yo, kote nan Nashville, Tennessee, “Athèn Sid la,” tanp Parthenon pou dyez Athena a reprezante nan sans senbolik. Tanp lan sitiye nan 2500 West End, nan Nashville. Nimewo vennsenk la reprezante pòt fèmen an nan twa parabòl Matye vennsenk yo. Kléopat, kòm rèn ni “Sid” la ni “Lwès” la, rive nan “fen” li nan Athèn Sid la.
With these considerations of Actium, Cleopatra, Augustus and Antony we return to verse twenty-four through verse thirty of Daniel eleven. Perhaps, the vaguest part of the passage is when they speak lies at one table.
Avèk konsiderasyon sa yo sou Actium, Cléopâtre, Auguste ak Antoine, nou retounen nan vèsè vennkat rive nan vèsè trant nan Danyèl onz. Petèt, pati ki pi vag nan pasaj la se lè yo pale manti sou menm tab la.
And both these kings’ hearts shall be to do mischief, and they shall speak lies at one table; but it shall not prosper: for yet the end shall be at the time appointed. Daniel 11:27.
Epi toude, kardia toude wa de wa yo pou fè mechanste, e y ap pale manti sou menm tab la; men sa p ap reyisi, paske fen an ap toujou rive nan tan ki fikse a. Danyèl 11:27.
The time appointed in the verse is 330, the end of the “time” of verse twenty-four. The time appointed represents the Sunday law for the United States and it also represents the close of human probation for the world. Before the Sunday law the two kings, whose hearts were to do mischief will speak lies to one another at one table. Before the Sunday law of verses sixteen and forty-one of Daniel eleven, two kings will speak lies at one table, but their lies do not prosper. Who are the two kings that speak lies to one another? Before we answer that thought, I will remind us of some symbolism we have previously addressed in this series.
Tan fikse nan vèsè a se 330, fen “tan” vèsè vennkat la. Tan fikse a reprezante lwa dimanch pou Etazini, epi li reprezante tou fen tan gras lèzòm pou lemonn. Anvan lwa dimanch lan, de wa yo, ki te gen kè yo pou fè mechanste, pral di youn lòt manti sou menm tab la. Anvan lwa dimanch vèsè sèz ak karanteyen nan Danyèl onz la, de wa pral di youn lòt manti sou yon sèl tab, men manti yo pa reyisi. Ki moun de wa sa yo ki di youn lòt manti? Anvan nou reponn panse sa a, m ap fè nou sonje kèk senbòl nou te deja trete nan seri sa a.
The four Roman rulers represent a variety of prophetic symbols depending on what context they are considered. Though Roman rulers, as a symbol they essentially represent the prophetic history of ancient Judah as they transitioned from the Seleucid domination into the domination of the Romans.
Kat chèf women yo reprezante yon varyete senbòl pwofetik selon kontèks kote yo konsidere yo. Malgre yo se chèf women, antanke yon senbòl, yo esansyèlman reprezante istwa pwofetik ansyen Jida pandan li t ap pase soti anba dominasyon Seleusid yo pou antre anba dominasyon Women yo.
Pompey was a general and the next three Roman rulers were all Caesars. Julius in relation to Augustus represented two threefold unions with the two triumvirates, the first unofficial, the second official. All four rulers represent the Sunday law in certain contexts. Pompey conquered the glorious land, Julius, represented by twenty-three stab wounds is the first angel, for he is the first Caesar, and he typifies the third angel, which was Tiberias. Tiberias at the cross, which is the Sunday law is also represented by twenty-three, for twenty-three represents the at-one-ment; and the cross is a most essential part of the work of Christ in combining His Divinity with our humanity. So, Julius and Tiberias are the first and third message, represented by twenty-three.
Pompée te yon jeneral, epi twa pwochen chèf women yo te tout Seza. Jiliyis, an rapò ak Ogis, te reprezante de inyon twa-fwa ak de triyonvira yo, premye a pa t ofisyèl, dezyèm nan te ofisyèl. Nan sèten kontèks, kat chèf sa yo tout reprezante lwa dimanch lan. Pompée te konkeri peyi bèl pouvwa a; Jiliyis, ki reprezante pa venn-twa kout kouto, se premye zanj lan, paske li se premye Seza a, epi li tipifye twazyèm zanj lan, ki te Tiberias. Tiberias nan kwa a, ki se lwa dimanch lan, reprezante tou pa venn-twa, paske venn-twa reprezante atonman an; epi kwa a se yon pati ki pi esansyèl nan travay Kris la nan ini Divinite Li ak limanite pa nou an. Konsa, Jiliyis ak Tiberias se premye ak twazyèm mesaj la, yo reprezante pa venn-twa.
Julius was not the romantic figure he is often portrayed as in Hollywood lore; he was a ruthless man bent on power. Tiberias was worse than Julius, for his vileness is even addressed in the verse, for the last letter of the Hebrew alphabet is twenty-two and the first letter is one. The alpha is smaller than the omega and Tiberias’ vileness is located in verse twenty-two, which is the last letter of the Hebrew alphabet, and in between the two vile persons represented by Julius and Tiberias was Augustus. Augustus represents the height of the glory of Rome’s power and prestige. As the opposite of the first and third message he is represented by the letter thirteen, which is a symbol of rebellion. Augustus secured his kingdom by subduing the rebellion of Antony and Cleopatra, the most famous rebellion of Rome’s history.
Julius pa t figi amoure jan yo souvan prezante l nan lejand Hollywood yo; li te yon nonm san pitye ki te fikse sou pouvwa. Tiberias te pi mal pase Julius, paske mechanste li menm adrese nan vèsè a, paske dènye lèt alfabè ebre a se vennnde e premye lèt la se youn. Alfa a pi piti pase omega a, epi mechanste Tiberias la chita nan vèsè vennnde, ki se dènye lèt alfabè ebre a; epi ant de moun mechan sa yo, ki reprezante pa Julius ak Tiberias, te genyen Augustus. Augustus reprezante somè laglwa pouvwa ak prestij Wòm. Kòm kontrè premye ak twazyèm mesaj la, li reprezante pa lèt trèz la, ki se yon senbòl rebelyon. Augustus te asire wayòm li a lè li te soumèt rebelyon Antony ak Cleopatra, rebelyon ki pi popilè nan istwa Wòm.
Augustus is the Roman power who conquered the third obstacle and in doing so he represented the Sunday law, and the Roman power who reigns during the forty-two symbolic months of Revelation thirteen’s chapter of rebellion. When placed before the Sunday law Pompey is both 1798 and 1989, making Pompey a symbol of Antiochus Magnus ending the fourth Syrian War from 219 unto 217 BC, in fulfillment of verse ten of chapter eleven. Julius Caesar is then aligned with verses eleven and twelve and the battle of the borderline, the battle of Raphia in 217 BC. There Julius is also Antiochus Magnus, and Augustus Caesar is also Antiochus Magnus in verse fifteen’s battle of Panium. Then in verse sixteen Tiberias is the Sunday law, but he is not Antiochus Magnus, for there he is Pompey, for Jesus always illustrates the end with the beginning. The verse marks the end of the Seleucid Empire typifying the end of the United States as the sixth kingdom of Bible prophecy.
Ogis se pisans women an ki te konkeri twazyèm obstak la, e lè li te fè sa li te reprezante lwa dimanch lan, ansanm ak pisans women an ki gouvène pandan karantde mwa senbolik rebelyon chapit trèz Revelasyon an. Lè yo mete Pompey anvan lwa dimanch lan, li se ni 1798 ni 1989, sa ki fè Pompey tounen yon senbòl Antyokis Magnus k ap mete fen nan katriyèm lagè Siri a soti 219 rive 217 anvan Kris, nan akonplisman vèsè dis nan chapit onz la. Apre sa, Julius Caesar aliyen ak vèsè onz ak douz yo ansanm ak batay fwontyè a, batay Raphia an 217 anvan Kris. La a, Julius se Antyokis Magnus tou, epi Ogis Seza se Antyokis Magnus tou nan batay Panyòm vèsè kenz la. Apre sa, nan vèsè sèz la, Tiberyad se lwa dimanch lan, men li pa Antyokis Magnus, paske la a li se Pompey, paske Jezi toujou ilistre fen an avèk kòmansman an. Vèsè a make fen Anpi Selesid la kòm tip fen Etazini antanke sizyèm wayòm pwofesi biblik la.
There are more alignments to be made of the four Roman rulers, and the line represents the hidden history of verse forty. The Maccabean line of verse twenty-three also illustrates the hidden history of verse forty. Then in verses twenty-four, the story of pagan Imperial Rome is represented by a time—three hundred and sixty years. The line of Roman history represented from verse twenty-four through to verse thirty is also an illustration of the hidden history of verse forty. It ends in verse thirty-one when the subject changes from pagan to papal Rome. Pagan Rome is still in the verse, but there it is not represented as the fourth kingdom of Bible prophecy, but as the political power that placed the papacy on the throne in 538. In 538 the papacy passed a Sunday law, so verse thirty-one is aligning with verses sixteen and forty-one. Verse twenty-four introduced the battle of Actium and the history associated with the line.
Gen lòt alinyasyon ankò ki dwe fèt konsènan kat chèf women yo, epi liy lan reprezante listwa kache vèsè karant lan. Liy Makkabe yo nan vèsè venn-twa a tou ilistre listwa kache vèsè karant lan. Apre sa, nan vèsè venn-kat la, istwa Wòm enperyal payen an reprezante pa yon peryòd tan—twa san swasant ane. Liy listwa women an ki reprezante depi vèsè venn-kat rive jouk vèsè trant lan se tou yon ilistrasyon listwa kache vèsè karant lan. Li fini nan vèsè trant-yon lè sijè a chanje soti nan Wòm payen pou rive nan Wòm papal. Wòm payen an toujou nan vèsè a, men la li pa reprezante kòm katriyèm wayòm pwofesi biblik la, men kòm pouvwa politik ki te mete papote a sou twòn nan an 538. Nan 538 papote a te pase yon lwa dimanch, konsa vèsè trant-yon an ap aliyen ak vèsè sèz ak karant-yon yo. Vèsè venn-kat la te prezante batay Aktiyòm nan ansanm ak listwa ki asosye avèk liy lan.
Verse twenty-four is identifying when pagan Rome began to rule supremely for three hundred and sixty years, and then in verse thirty-one papal Rome begins to rule supremely for twelve hundred and sixty-years. The beginning and ending of the line bear the signature of Christ, the Alpha and Omega. In the verses we have the history of Marc Antony, Cleopatra and Augustus Caesar. In verse sixteen pagan Rome conquered the Seleucid Empire in 65 BC, and then Judah in 63 BC. The third obstacle of Actium in 31 BC identified the end of the kingdom of Egypt, as typified by the first obstacles of the Seleucid’s in 65 BC. Once again, we find the signature of the First and the Last. 65 BC was the first of three obstacles and it represented the conquering of the king of the north and 31 BC represented the third of three obstacles and it represented the conquering of the king of the south. Judah, as the middle obstacle of the three obstacles, was having a civil war within the walls of Jerusalem when Pompey arrived in 63 BC. The second obstacle is a symbol of rebellion.
Vèsè vennkat la idantifye moman kote Wòm payen an te kòmanse gouvène avèk pouvwa siprèm pandan twasan swasant ane, epi apre sa, nan vèsè tranteyen an, Wòm papal la kòmanse gouvène avèk pouvwa siprèm pandan mil desan swasant ane. Kòmansman ak fen liy lan pote siyati Kris la, Alfa ak Omega a. Nan vèsè sa yo, nou jwenn istwa Mak Antwàn, Kléopat ak Ogis Siza. Nan vèsè sèz la, Wòm payen an te konkeri Anpi Seleusid la an 65 av. J.-K., epi apre sa Jida an 63 av. J.-K. Twazyèm obstak Aktiyòm lan an 31 av. J.-K. te idantifye fen wayòm peyi Lejip la, jan premye obstak Seleusid yo te prefigire sa an 65 av. J.-K. Yon lòt fwa ankò, nou jwenn siyati Premye a ak Dènye a. Ane 65 av. J.-K. te premye nan twa obstak yo, epi li te reprezante konkèt wa nò a; epi ane 31 av. J.-K. te twazyèm nan twa obstak yo, epi li te reprezante konkèt wa sid la. Jida, kòm obstak mitan an nan twa obstak yo, t ap sibi yon lagè sivil andedan miray Jerizalèm yo lè Pompèy te rive an 63 av. J.-K. Dezyèm obstak la se yon senbòl rebelyon.
In 538, the third obstacle for papal Rome was driven out of the City of Rome. That obstacle was the Goths, and there the fifth kingdom of Bible prophecy began; right where the fourth kingdom ended. And just as the fourth kingdom began at its third obstacle, the kingdom of Egypt was defeated, as had been typified in the first obstacle of the Seleucid kingdom. This identifies that the prophetic testimony found in verses twenty-four through to verse thirty, represent a line that is also to be located in the hidden history of verse forty. For this reason, it is essential to consider the various prophetic relationships that are represented by Marc Antony, Cleopatra, Julius Caesar, Pompey and Augustus Caesar.
Nan ane 538, twazyèm obstak pou Wòm papal la te chase soti nan Vil Wòm. Obstak sa a se te Got yo, e se la senkyèm wayòm pwofesi biblik la te kòmanse; egzakteman kote katriyèm wayòm nan te fini. E menm jan katriyèm wayòm nan te kòmanse nan twazyèm obstak li a, wayòm Lejip la te bat, jan sa te deja senbolize nan premye obstak wayòm Seleusid la. Sa idantifye temwayaj pwofetik yo jwenn nan vèsè vennkat rive nan vèsè trant lan kòm yon liy ki dwe tou lokalize nan istwa kache vèsè karant lan. Se poutèt sa, li esansyèl pou konsidere divès relasyon pwofetik ki reprezante pa Mak Antony, Kléopatra, Jilyis Sèza, Pompée ak Ogis Sèza.
So is the vaguest part of the passage of verse twenty-four unto thirty, when they speak lies at one table?
Se konsa, èske pati ki pi vag nan pasaj la, soti nan vèsè vennkat rive trant, se lè yo pale manti bò yon sèl tab?
And both these kings’ hearts shall be to do mischief, and they shall speak lies at one table; but it shall not prosper: for yet the end shall be at the time appointed. Daniel 11:27.
Epi kè de wa sa yo va gen kè yo pou fè sa ki mal, e yo va pale manti sou menm tab la; men sa p ap reyisi, paske fen an poko rive, eksepte nan tan ki fikse a. Danyèl 11:27.
Uriah Smith identifies the two kings as Marc Antony and Augustus Caesar.
Uriya Smith idantifye de wa yo kòm Marc Antony ak Ogis Seza.
“Verse twenty-seven quoted
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“Antony and Caesar were formerly in alliance. Yet under the garb of friendship they were both aspiring and intriguing for universal dominion. Their protestations of deference to, and friendship for, each other, were the utterances of hypocrites. They spoke lies at one table. Octavia, the wife of Antony and sister of Caesar, declared to the people of Rome at the time Antony divorced her, that she had consented to marry him solely with the hope that it would prove a pledge of union between Caesar and Antony. But that counsel did not prosper. The rupture came; and in the conflict that ensued, Caesar came off entirely victorious.” Uriah Smith, Daniel and the Revelation, 276.
“Antony ak Caesar te ansyen alye. Men, anba aparans amitye, yo toude t ap chèche epi fè konplo pou dominasyon inivèsèl. Deklarasyon yo te fè kòm si yo te gen konsiderasyon youn pou lòt, epi kòm si yo te zanmi youn ak lòt, se te pawòl ipokrit. Yo t ap pale manti sou yon sèl tab. Octavia, madanm Antony a ak sè Caesar, te deklare devan pèp Wòm nan, lè Antony te divòse avè l, ke li te dakò marye avè l sèlman ak espwa sa a, pou sa ta sèvi kòm yon garanti inyon ant Caesar ak Antony. Men konsèy sa a pa t reyisi. Separasyon an rive; epi nan konfli ki te swiv la, Caesar te sòti nèt ale viktorye.” Uriah Smith, Daniel and the Revelation, 276.
When Octavia identified that her marriage to Antony was as a pledge of union, it identified the marital alliance which had been typified earlier in chapter eleven with the Hellenistic-era marriage of Berenice to the Seleucid king Antiochus II Theos around 252 BC. Berenice was the daughter of Ptolemy II Philadelphus. Octavia and Berenice represent diplomatic marriages or prophetically, treaties. Verses five through ten identify the history of the diplomatic marriage between the southern and northern kingdoms, and when Marc Antony and Octavian, later known as Augustus Caesar, arranged the marriage, they also divided the kingdom into east and west.
Lè Octavia te idantifye maryaj li ak Antony kòm yon angajman inyon, sa te idantifye alyans matrimonyal ki te deja tipifye pi bonè nan chapit onz la pa maryaj Berenice, nan epòk elenistik la, ak wa seleusid Antiochus II Theos anviwon 252 av. J.-K. Berenice te pitit fi Ptolemy II Philadelphus. Octavia ak Berenice reprezante maryaj diplomatik oswa, nan sans pwofetik, trete. Vèsè senk rive dis yo idantifye istwa maryaj diplomatik ant wayòm sid la ak wayòm nò a, epi lè Marc Antony ak Octavian, ki pita te rele Augustus Caesar, te ranje maryaj la, yo te divize wayòm nan tou an lès ak lwès.
The Pact of Brundisium (40 BC) was a negotiated settlement between Marc Antony and Octavian (later Augustus) to resolve tensions in the Second Triumvirate after near-civil war. It involved dividing Roman territories (Antony east, Octavian west) and was sealed by Antony’s marriage to Octavia (Octavian’s sister). In 39 BC the original five-year Triumvirate term expired, Antony sailed to Italy with 300+ ships that were initially denied to land at Brundisium, so they ultimately docked at Tarentum. Octavian met him there after prolonged mediations produced by an unwillingness of Antony’s army to fight with Octavian’s army and vise versa. Octavia played a key mediating role, persuading Antony to support Octavian against Sextus Pompey. They renewed the Triumvirate for another five years (to 32 BC), with Antony providing Octavian 120 ships in exchange for promised troops (which Octavian later withheld).
Pak Brundisium nan ane 40 anvan Kris la te yon antant negosye ant Mak Antony ak Oktavyen (ki pita te vin Ogis) pou rezoud tansyon ki te genyen nan Dezyèm Triyonvira a apre yon sitiyasyon ki te prèske tounen lagè sivil. Li te gen ladan l divizyon teritwa women yo (Antony nan lès, Oktavyen nan lwès), epi yo te sele l pa maryaj Antony ak Oktavya (sè Oktavyen). Nan ane 39 anvan Kris la, premye manda senk ane Triyonvira a te ekspire; Antony te pran lanmè pou Itali ak plis pase 300 bato, men okòmansman yo te refize l debake Brundisium, konsa finalman yo te akoste Tarentum. Oktavyen te rankontre l la apre medyasyon ki te dire lontan, ki te fèt akoz lame Antony a pa t vle goumen ak lame Oktavyen an, e visvèsa. Oktavya te jwe yon wòl medyatris enpòtan, lè li te konvenk Antony pou soutni Oktavyen kont Sèkstis Pompèy. Yo te renouvle Triyonvira a pou yon lòt peryòd senk ane ankò (rive jouk ane 32 anvan Kris la), avèk Antony ki te bay Oktavyen 120 bato an echanj pou twoup yo te pwomèt li yo (ke pita Oktavyen te kenbe pou li).
In 32 BC there was an open break between the two antagonists. Relations had deteriorated through propaganda, Antony’s eastern focus (with Cleopatra), and Octavian’s consolidation in the west. Octavian rejected later conference proposals from Antony before Actium.
Nan ane 32 anvan Kris la, te gen yon separasyon ouvèt ant de advèsè yo. Relasyon yo te vin deteryore anba enfliyans pwopagann, oryantasyon Antwàn sou Lès la (ansanm ak Kléopat), ak konsolidasyon Oktavyen nan Lwès la. Oktavyen te rejte pwopozisyon pou yon konferans Antwàn te fè pi ta anvan Actium.
In the diplomatic marriage with the king of the north (Antiochus) and the king of the south (Ptolemy), it was the southern king that supplied the bride, with the diplomatic marriage of Antony (the east) and Octavian (the west); the bride was supplied by the west. Both diplomatic marriages failed and the supplier of the daughter or sister was ultimately victorious over the power who broke the treaty.
Nan maryaj diplomatik ant wa nò a (Antiochus) ak wa sid la (Ptolemy), se wa sid la ki te bay lamarye a; men nan maryaj diplomatik ant Antony (lès la) ak Octavian (lwès la), se lwès la ki te bay lamarye a. Toude maryaj diplomatik sa yo te echwe, epi moun ki te bay pitit fi a oswa sè a te finalman genyen viktwa sou pouvwa ki te kraze trete a.
The Testimony of Three
Temwayaj Twa yo
At the end of the Seleucid Empire there was a third treaty where lies were spoke at one table. This occurred in the context of the Fifth Syrian War (202–195 BC), when Antiochus III Magnus exploited the weakness of the Ptolemaic Kingdom after Ptolemy IV Philopator’s death in 204 BC. Ptolemy V Epiphanes (Ptolemy V) ascended the throne as a child (around age 5–6), leaving Egypt under regents and vulnerable to internal chaos, native revolts, and external threats.
Nan fen Anpi Selesid la, te gen yon twazyèm trete kote yo te pale manti sou yon sèl tab. Sa te rive nan kontèks Senkyèm Lagè Siri a (202–195 av. J.-K.), lè Antiochus III Magnus te pwofite feblès Wayòm Ptolemaik la apre lanmò Ptolemy IV Philopator an 204 av. J.-K. Ptolemy V Epiphanes (Ptolemy V) te monte sou twòn nan kòm yon timoun piti (apeprè 5–6 an), sa ki te kite Ejip anba rejans epi vilnerab devan dezòd entèn, revòlt natif natal yo, ak menas ki soti deyò.
Antiochus Magnus had already invaded and seized much of the Ptolemaic territories in Coele-Syria, Palestine, and Asia Minor after victories like the Battle of Panium (200 BC). Rather than fully conquering Egypt (which risked Roman intervention, as Rome was pressuring him to stay out of certain areas), he pursued a diplomatic marriage alliance as a “protector” figure. In 197/195 BC, as part of the peace treaty ending the war, Antiochus Magnus betrothed and then married his young daughter Cleopatra I Syra (also called Cleopatra Syra) to the child Ptolemy V (the marriage took place in 193 BC at Raphia; Ptolemy was 16, Cleopatra 10).
Antiochus Magnus te deja anvayi epi sezi yon gwo pati nan teritwa Ptolemaik yo nan Coele-Siri, Palestin, ak Azi Minè apre viktwa tankou Batay Panium nan (200 av. J.-K.). Olye li te konkeri Lejip nèt ale (sa ki te ka lakòz entèvansyon Wòm, paske Wòm t ap fè presyon sou li pou l rete lwen kèk zòn), li te pousuiv yon alyans maryaj diplomatik kòm yon figi “pwotektè”. Nan ane 197/195 av. J.-K., kòm yon pati nan trete lapè ki te mete fen nan lagè a, Antiochus Magnus te fiyanse epi answit marye jèn pitit fi li Cleopatra I Syra (yo rele l tou Cleopatra Syra) ak timoun nan, Ptolemy V (maryaj la te fèt an 193 av. J.-K. nan Raphia; Ptolemy te gen 16 an, Cleopatra 10).
This was framed as a generous gesture: Antiochus positioned himself as an ally and “protector” of the young king, securing peace while retaining gains in Asia. The marriage gave him indirect influence over Egypt through his daughter (he hoped she would remain loyal to her Seleucid roots and act as a pro-Syrian voice in the Ptolemaic court). The ploy backfired for Cleopatra sided with her husband and Egypt, not her father, undermining Antiochus’s long-term control. This mirrors the Pact of Brundisium (40 BC) and related to Roman events in several ways.
Sa te prezante kòm yon jès jenere: Antiochus te mete tèt li kòm yon alye ak “pwotektè” jèn wa a, pandan li t ap garanti lapè tout pandan li t ap konsève sa li te genyen ann Azi. Maryaj la te ba li yon enfliyans endirèk sou Lejip pa mwayen pitit fi li a (li te espere li t ap rete fidèl ak rasin Seleusid li yo epi aji kòm yon vwa pwo-Siryen nan lakou Ptolemeyen an). Konplo a te vire kont li, paske Cleopatra te pran pati mari li ak Lejip, non pa papa li, sa ki te febli kontwòl alontèm Antiochus la. Sa fè eko Pak Brundisium nan (40 av. J.-K.) epi li te gen rapò ak evènman women yo sou plizyè plan.
Just as Antony married Octavia (sister of Octavian) to bind rival powers after near-war, Antiochus used his daughter’s marriage to Ptolemy V to formalize a temporary peace and territorial division (Seleucids kept conquests in the north, Ptolemy retained Egypt the south).
Menm jan Antwàn te marye ak Oktaviya (sè Oktavyen) pou mare pouvwa rival yo apre yon lagè ki te prèske eklate, Antiòkis te sèvi ak maryaj pitit fi li ak Ptoleme V pou ofisyalize yon lapè tanporè ak yon pataj teritoryal (Selesid yo te kenbe konkèt yo nan nò a, Ptoleme te konsève peyi Lejip nan sid la).
Antiochus acted as a de facto guardian over the child-king Ptolemy V (via family ties), similar to how Octavian (and the Triumvirate) positioned themselves amid power vacuums or rivalries. In both cases, the “stronger” figure (Antiochus/Octavian) sought leverage over a vulnerable counterpart through kinship. Both arrangements brought short-term stability but ‘did not prosper’ long-term due to underlying distrust—Cleopatra favored Egypt (undermining Antiochus), while Antony’s eastern focus (Cleopatra VII) led to the breakdown with Octavian.
Antyokis te aji kòm yon gadyen de facto sou wa-timoun Ptolome V la (atravè lyen fanmi), menm jan ak fason Oktavyen (ak Triyomvira a) te plase tèt yo nan mitan vid pouvwa oswa rivalite. Nan toude ka yo, figi ki “pi fò” a (Antyokis/Oktavyen) te chèche jwenn enfliyans sou yon patnè vilnerab atravè fanmi. Toude aranjman yo te pote yon estabilite pou yon ti tan, men yo “pa t reyisi” alontèm poutèt mefyans ki te kache anba yo—Kleopatra te favorize Ejip (sa ki te febli Antyokis), tandiske oryantasyon Antoniy sou bò lès la (Kleopatra VII) te mennen nan kraze relasyon li ak Oktavyen.
Ptolemy V’s minority under regents parallels the instability after Julius Caesar’s death (leading to the Triumvirate’s formation and power struggles). The marriage of Berenice to Antiochus marked the beginning of the Seleucid Empire’s history in Daniel eleven, and the marriage of Antiochus Magnus daughter to the Egyptian child king, marked the ending of the Seleucid Empire. The ending of the marriage of Marc Antony to Octavia marked the ending of the Ptolemaic kingdom. The ending of Judah as God’s covenant people took place at the cross, and that Judean kingdom began with the Maccabees and the league they made with Rome. All of these prophetic lines are represented within the narrative of Daniel chapter eleven, and they all align with the hidden history of verse forty. Beginning in verse five we have the treaty of Berenice, that leads to Antiochus the Great and the treaty of his daughter Cleopatra Syra, that takes place in the history of the Maccabees of verse twenty-three. The Maccabees become part of the line based upon their rebellion against Antiochus Epiphanes, one of the last of the Seleucid Dynasty.
Minè Ptolémée V anba rejans yo koresponn ak enstabilite ki te vini apre lanmò Jil Siza a (sa ki mennen nan fòmasyon Trivira a ak lit pou pouvwa). Maryaj Berenis ak Antiyòk make kòmansman istwa Anpi Seleusid la nan Danyèl onz, epi maryaj pitit fi Antiyòk Magnus la ak wa timoun peyi Lejip la make fen Anpi Seleusid la. Fen maryaj Mak Antwàn ak Oktavi make fen wayòm Ptolemeyen an. Fen Jida kòm pèp alyans Bondye a te fèt sou kwa a, epi wayòm Jideyen sa a te kòmanse ak Makabe yo ak lig yo te fè ak Wòm. Tout liy pwofetik sa yo reprezante andedan naratif chapit onz Danyèl la, epi yo tout aliyen ak istwa kache vèsè karant lan. Kòmanse nan vèsè senk nou gen trete Berenis la, ki mennen nan Antiyòk Gran an ak trete pitit fi li a, Kleopat Sira, ki fèt nan istwa Makabe yo nan vèsè venntwa. Makabe yo vin fè pati liy lan sou baz rebelyon yo kont Antiyòk Epifan, youn nan dènye manm Dinasti Seleusid la.
Antiochus Epiphanes is the Antiochus who was in Egypt in 168 BC near Alexandria during the Sixth Syrian War. Antiochus Epiphanes had invaded Egypt and was on the verge of capturing Alexandria. The Ptolemaic rulers appealed to Rome for help. Rome sent Popillius Laenas (with just a small entourage—no army) to deliver an ultimatum from the Senate; Antiochus must immediately withdraw from Egypt and Cyprus, or face war with Rome. When Antiochus received the letter and asked for time to consult his advisors, Popillius—described as stern and imperious—took his walking stick and drew a circle in the sand around the king’s feet. He then declared, “Before you step out of that circle, give me a reply to lay before the Senate.”
Antiochus Épiphane se Antiochus ki te ann Ejip an 168 anvan Jezi Kris, toupre Aleksandri, pandan Sizyèm Lagè Siri a. Antiochus Épiphane te anvayi Ejip e li te prèske pran Aleksandri. Chèf ptolomeyen yo te mande Wòm èd. Wòm te voye Popillius Laenas (ak sèlman yon ti swit—san okenn lame) pou remèt yon iltimatòm Sena a; Antiochus te dwe retire kò l imedyatman kite Ejip ak Chip, sinon li t ap fè fas ak lagè kont Wòm. Lè Antiochus te resevwa lèt la e li te mande tan pou konsilte konseye li yo, Popillius—yo dekri li kòm sevè e enperyè—te pran baton li epi li te trase yon sèk nan sab la toutotou pye wa a. Apre sa, li te deklare: “Anvan ou soti nan sèk sa a, ban mwen yon repons pou m prezante devan Sena a.”
The implication was clear; Antiochus could not leave the circle without committing to Rome’s demands—crossing it without agreement would mean war. Stunned and humiliated, Antiochus hesitated briefly but then agreed to comply, withdrew his forces from Egypt, and returned to Syria. This bold act of diplomacy (backed by Rome’s growing reputation for power) forced the retreat without a battle, showcasing Rome’s emerging dominance in the eastern Mediterranean. It’s widely cited as an origin for the phrase “drawing a line in the sand” (though it was literally a circle).
Sans la moindre ambiguïté, l’implication était claire : Antiochus ne pouvait quitter le cercle sans s’engager à se conformer aux exigences de Rome — le franchir sans accord signifierait la guerre. Saisi de stupeur et profondément humilié, Antiochus hésita brièvement, puis consentit à obtempérer, retira ses forces d’Égypte et retourna en Syrie. Cet acte audacieux de diplomatie (soutenu par la réputation croissante de puissance de Rome) imposa la retraite sans combat, manifestant la domination naissante de Rome dans la Méditerranée orientale. On le cite largement comme étant à l’origine de l’expression « tracer une ligne dans le sable » (bien qu’il s’agît littéralement d’un cercle).
Antiochus Epiphanes also became the Protestant understanding of the power that exalts himself, falls and establishes the vision in verse fourteen of Daniel eleven.
Antyòk Epifan te vin tou konpreyansyon pwotestan sou pouvwa ki egzalte tèt li, ki tonbe epi ki tabli vizyon an nan vèsè katòz nan Danyèl onz.
And in those times there shall many stand up against the king of the south: also the robbers of thy people shall exalt themselves to establish the vision; but they shall fall. Daniel 11:14.
Epi nan tan sa yo, anpil moun pral leve kont wa sid la; e vòlè pami pèp ou a va leve tèt yo pou yo tabli vizyon an; men yo pral tonbe. Dànyèl 11:14.
Antiochus IV Epiphanes reigned 175–164 BC, and was the eighth of thirteen Seleucid kings. He sought to impose Hellenistic culture and unify his empire under Greek religious practices. He plundered the Temple in 169 BC, banned Jewish practices (circumcision, Sabbath observance, Torah study), and forced sacrifices to pagan gods. In December 167 BC he erected a pagan altar (to Zeus) on top of the Jewish altar of burnt offerings in the Temple and sacrificed a pig, along with other profane acts. The desecration was the final straw for observant Jews, who saw it as the ultimate violation of the Temple’s sanctity and God’s law. It sparked immediate resistance when Mattathias (a priest from Modein) refused a Seleucid officer’s order to sacrifice to pagan gods and killed an apostate Jew and the officer, then fled to the hills with his sons (the future Maccabees). This ignited guerrilla warfare and revolt from 167–160 BC which aimed to restore Jewish worship, leading to the rededication of the Temple (Hanukkah) in 164 BC under Judas Maccabeus.
Anntyòk IV Épifan te renye soti 175 rive 164 anvan Jezikri, e li te wityèm nan trèz wa Selesid yo. Li t ap chèche enpoze kilti elenis la epi ini anpi li a anba pratik relijye grèk yo. Li te piye Tanp lan an 169 anvan Jezikri, li te entèdi pratik jwif yo (sikonsizyon, obsèvans Saba a, etid Tora a), epi li te fòse yo ofri sakrifis bay dye payen yo. Nan mwa desanm 167 anvan Jezikri, li te drese yon lotèl payen (pou Zeyis) sou tèt lotèl jwif la pou ofrann boule yo nan Tanp lan, epi li te sakrifye yon kochon, ansanm ak lòt zak pwofan. Pwofanasyon sa a te dènye gout la pou jwif ki te fidèl nan obsèvans yo, ki te wè sa kòm vyolasyon final la kont sentete Tanp lan ak lalwa Bondye a. Sa te pwovoke yon rezistans imedya lè Matatya (yon prèt ki soti Modeyin) te refize lòd yon ofisye Selesid ki te mande l pou li sakrifye bay dye payen yo; li te touye yon jwif aposta ansanm ak ofisye a, epi answit li te sove al nan mòn yo ak pitit gason li yo (Makkabe yo nan lavni). Sa te limen lagè geriya ak revòlt la soti 167 rive 160 anvan Jezikri, ki te vize retabli adorasyon jwif la, e sa te mennen nan rededikasyon Tanp lan (Hanouka) an 164 anvan Jezikri anba Jida Makkabe.
At the beginning and ending of the Seleucid Empire there was a significant treaty represented by a diplomatic marriage that possessed the element of division of either east and west, or north and south. As the Seleucid Empire waned Antiochus Epiphanes becomes the symbol of the rising Roman power, and the focus of the Maccabean’s indignation. Later in history he becomes the counterfeit of the prophetic symbol that establishes the vision. The power in verse twenty-two of chapter eleven is broken when the prince of the covenant was broken.
Nan kòmansman ak nan fen Anpi Seleusid la, te gen yon trete enpòtan ki te reprezante pa yon maryaj diplomatik ki te genyen eleman divizyon swa ant lès ak lwès, oswa ant nò ak sid. Pandan Anpi Seleusid la t ap depafini, Antiochus Epiphane vin tounen senbòl pouvwa women an k ap leve, ansanm ak sant indignasyon Makkabe yo. Pita nan listwa, li vin tounen kontrefè senbòl pwofetik la ki etabli vizyon an. Pouvwa ki nan vèsè vennde nan chapit onz la kraze lè chèf alyans lan te kraze.
And with the arms of a flood shall they be overflown from before him, and shall be broken; yea, also the prince of the covenant. Daniel 11:22.
Epi avèk bra yon inondasyon y ap baleye yo devan li, epi y ap kraze; wi, menm chèf alyans lan tou. Danyèl 11:22.
Antiochus Epiphanes’ reign ended in 164 BC, almost two hundred years before Christ, “the prince of the covenant” was “broken” at the cross. What we wish to note here is that the Seleucid Empire began and ended with a diplomatic treaty marriage where the deceit between the two parties is a matter of the historical record. During the reign of Antiochus Epiphanes, the Maccabean revolt began, which typified the American Revolution. In the history of the Maccabees their struggle to throw off the Seleucid power included a significant treaty with Rome. The verse that identifies the treaty directly identifies Rome as working deceitfully, or telling lies at the treaty table.
Rèy Antiochus Épiphane a te fini an 164 anvan Jezikri, prèske de san ane anvan Kris, lè “chèf alyans lan” te “kraze” sou kwa a. Sa nou vle fè remake isit la, se ke Anpi Seleusid la te kòmanse epi li te fini ak yon maryaj diplomatik pa trete, kote twonpri ki te genyen ant de pati yo se yon kestyon ki byen tabli nan dosye istorik la. Pandan rèy Antiochus Épiphane, revòlt Makabe yo te kòmanse, revòlt sa a te prefigire Revolisyon Ameriken an. Nan istwa Makabe yo, lit yo pou debarase yo de pouvwa Seleusid la te gen ladan l yon trete enpòtan avèk Wòm. Vèsè ki idantifye trete a dirèkteman idantifye Wòm kòm yon pouvwa k ap aji avèk twonpri, oswa k ap di manti bò tab trete a.
And after the league made with him he shall work deceitfully: for he shall come up, and shall become strong with a small people. Daniel 11:23.
Epi apre alyans ki fèt avèk li a, li va aji avèk twonpri; paske li va monte, epi li va vin gen fòs avèk yon ti pèp. Dànyèl 11:23.
Every prophetic line that precedes the time of the end in verse forty contains a broken treaty. Uriah Smith commenting on verse thirty’s “them that forsake the holy covenant” records the following:
Chak liy pwofetik ki vini anvan tan lafen an nan vèsè karant lan gen yon trete ki kraze. Uriah Smith, lè l ap fè kòmantè sou “moun ki abandone alyans sen an” nan vèsè trant lan, ekri sa ki annapre yo:
“‘Indignation against the covenant;’ that is, the Holy Scriptures, the book of the covenant. A revolution of this nature was accomplished in Rome. The Heruli, Goths, and Vandals, who conquered Rome, embraced the Arian faith, and became enemies of the Catholic Church. It was especially for the purpose of exterminating this heresy that Justinian decreed the pope to be the head of the church and the corrector of heretics. The Bible soon came to be regarded as a dangerous book that should not be read by the common people, but all questions in dispute were to be submitted to the pope. Thus was indignity heaped upon God’s word. And the emperors of Rome, the eastern division of which still continued, had intelligence, or connived with the Church of Rome, which had forsaken the covenant, and constituted the great apostasy, for the purpose of putting down ‘heresy.’ The man of sin was raised to his presumptuous throne by the defeat of the Arian Goths, who then held possession of Rome, in A.D.538.” Uriah Smith, Daniel and the Revelation, 281.
«Kòlè kont alyans lan»; sa vle di, Ekriti Sen yo, liv alyans lan. Yon revolisyon konsa te akonpli nan Wòm. Eril yo, Got yo, ak Vandal yo, ki te konkeri Wòm, te anbrase lafwa Aryèn nan, epi yo te vin lènmi Legliz Katolik la. Se te sitou nan bi pou detwi erezi sa a Justinien te dekrete pap la kòm tèt legliz la ak korèktè eretik yo. Byento yo te vin konsidere Bib la kòm yon liv danjere ke pèp òdinè a pa t dwe li, men tout kestyon ki te an diskisyon te dwe soumèt bay pap la. Konsa yo te fè gwo denigrasyon sou pawòl Bondye a. Epi anperè Wòm yo, ki pati lès li a te toujou kontinye egziste, te gen entèlijans, oswa te fè konivans avèk Legliz Wòm nan, ki te abandone alyans lan, e ki te konstitye gran apostazi a, nan bi pou yo te konbat «erezi». Nonm peche a te leve sou twòn odasye li a pa defèt Got Aryèn yo, ki lè sa a te kenbe posesyon Wòm, nan ane 538 aprè Jezikri.» Uriah Smith, Daniel and the Revelation, 281.
Verse five of Daniel eleven identifies the line of history where the king of the south provides a diplomatic bride as a symbol of a treaty that was thereafter broken by the king of the north. The retaliation of the king of the south typified the retaliation of Napoleon’s spiritual king of the south against the papal king of the north in 1798. The broken treaty of verses five through nine typified Napoleon’s broken treaty of Tolentino, which typified Putin’s claim of a broken treaty by NATO. The retaliation of Napoleon typified the retaliation of Putin against the Ukraine in 2014. Verse ten’s retaliation of Antiochus Magnus ending the fourth Syrian War aligns with Napoleon in 1798 and also Putin in 2014. Following verse fifteen’s battle of Panium n 200 BC, Antiochus arranged a diplomatic marriage with the hidden intent of taking Egypt under his command without employing military boots on the ground. Antiochus Magnus throne was passed to his son, who was assassinated which brought Antiochus Magnus’s youngest son, Antiochus Epiphanes to the throne. His actions in implementing Greek customs and religion brought about the Maccabean revolt, that led to the deceitful treaty with Rome in verse twenty-three. Verse twenty-four introduces pagan Rome and identifies Antony and Augustus’s table of lies. In verse thirty pagan Rome enters into dialogue with the papal church, who are noted as them that had broken the holy covenant.
Vèsè senk nan Danyèl onz la idantifye liy listwa kote wa sid la bay yon lamarye diplomatik kòm yon senbòl yon trete ke wa nò a te vin kraze apre sa. Vanjans wa sid la te prefigire vanjans wa sid espirityèl Napoleyon an kont wa nò papal la an 1798. Trete ki te kraze a nan vèsè senk rive nèf yo te prefigire trete Tolentino Napoleyon an ki te kraze, ki te prefigire pretansyon Poutin sou yon trete NATO te kraze. Vanjans Napoleyon an te prefigire vanjans Poutin kont Ikrèn an 2014. Vanjans Antyòkis Magnus nan vèsè dis la, ki fini katriyèm lagè Siri a, aliyen ak Napoleyon an 1798 epi tou ak Poutin an 2014. Apre batay Panyòm nan vèsè kenz la an 200 anvan Jezikri, Antyòkis te òganize yon maryaj diplomatik ak entansyon kache pou mete Ejip anba kòmandman li san li pa itilize sòlda sou tè a. Twòn Antyòkis Magnus la te pase bay pitit gason li a, yo te asasinen li, sa ki te mennen pi piti pitit gason Antyòkis Magnus la, Antyòkis Epifan, sou twòn nan. Aksyon li yo nan mete koutim ak relijyon grèk yo an aplikasyon te lakòz rebelyon Makabe yo, ki te mennen nan trete twonpè ak Wòm nan vèsè venntwa. Vèsè vennkat la entwodui Wòm payen epi li idantifye tab manti Antwàn ak Ogis la. Nan vèsè trant, Wòm payen antre nan dyalòg ak legliz papal la, ki make kòm sila yo ki te kraze alyans sen an.
Verses twenty-four to thirty is the testimony of pagan Rome and verses thirty-one to forty provide the testimony of papal Rome. Every line of Daniel eleven verse one on through verse forty represents a line of prophecy that is applied in the hidden history of verse forty. The line of the Seleucid kingdom, the line of the Ptolemaic kingdom, the line of the Judean kingdom of the Maccabees, the line of pagan Rome and the line of papal Rome all illustrate the history of 1989 unto the Sunday law. Each of those lines identify a broken treaty as a major element of the history.
Vèsè vennkat rive trant yo se temwayaj Wòm payen an, epi vèsè trantyonn rive karant yo bay temwayaj Wòm papal la. Chak liy nan Danyèl onz, depi vèsè youn jiska vèsè karant, reprezante yon liy pwofesi ki aplike nan istwa kache vèsè karant lan. Liy wayòm Seleusid la, liy wayòm Ptolemeyik la, liy wayòm Jideyen Makabe yo, liy Wòm payen an, ak liy Wòm papal la, tout montre istwa 1989 rive jouk lwa dimanch lan. Chak nan liy sa yo idantifye yon trete kraze kòm yon eleman majè nan istwa a.
It is Rome that establishes the vision of Daniel eleven, and both pagan and papal Rome’s prophetic treaties of deceit are marked as progressive and as occurring before Rome ruled supremely for their respective and distinct prophetic periods. Both powers marked the beginning of the prophetic period of supremacy as beginning when their third obstacle was overcome. Before the soon coming Sunday law in the United States there will be a treaty of deceit between two powers. Four times the two powers have been the kings of the south and the north, once between the glorious land of Judah and Rome, once between two parts of the Roman triumvirate and once between pagan and papal Rome. In both deceitful treaties concerning Rome it amounted to a treaty between one half of the Roman empire, whether Antony of the east, Augustus of the west, or pagan Rome of the east and papal Rome of the west. Four treaties of deceit between the kings of the north and south, two between the kings of the east and west and one between the soon-to-be king of the north and the glorious land.
Se Wòm ki tabli vizyon Danyèl onz la, e ni trete pwofetik twonpri Wòm payen an ni sa Wòm papal la make kòm pwogresif epi kòm bagay ki rive anvan Wòm te gouvène avèk sipremasi pandan peryòd pwofetik pa yo, ki separe e diferan. Toude pisans yo te make kòmansman peryòd pwofetik sipremasi a kòm kòmanse lè twazyèm obstak yo te venk. Anvan lwa dimanch ki pral vini byento Ozetazini an, pral gen yon trete twonpri ant de pisans. Kat fwa de pisans sa yo te wa sid la ak wa nò a: yon fwa ant peyi gloriye Jida a ak Wòm, yon fwa ant de pati nan triyonvira Women an, epi yon fwa ant Wòm payen ak Wòm papal. Nan toude trete twonpri ki gen rapò ak Wòm yo, sa te vin tounen yon trete ant yon mwatye nan anpi women an, kit se Antwàn nan lès la, Ogis nan lwès la, oswa Wòm payen nan lès la ak Wòm papal nan lwès la. Kat trete twonpri ant wa nò a ak wa sid la; de ant wa lès la ak wa lwès la; epi youn ant sila a ki pral byento wa nò a ak peyi gloriye a.
This concludes our initial presentation of the book of Daniel. The Panium series represents the conclusion of the series on the book of Daniel, which is the introduction to the hidden history of verse forty which we will continue to consider in the next article.
Sa a mete fen nan premye prezantasyon nou sou liv Danyèl la. Seri Panium nan reprezante konklizyon seri sou liv Danyèl la, ki se entwodiksyon nan istwa kache vèsè karant la, ke nou pral kontinye egzamine nan pwochen atik la.