Uriah Smith wrote, “Rome became connected with the people of God, the Jews, by alliance, BC 162.” Most modern historians mark the date as 161 BC, and Smith twice references 161 BC, in the same book. My assumption is that this reference to 162 BC, is a typo.

Nanoratra i Uriah Smith hoe: “Nifandray tamin’ny vahoakan’Andriamanitra, dia ny Jiosy, tamin’ny alalan’ny fifanekena i Roma, tamin’ny 162 tal. J.K.” Ny ankamaroan’ny mpahay tantara maoderina dia mametra io daty io ho 161 tal. J.K., ary i Smith dia indroa miresaka momba ny 161 tal. J.K. ao amin’io boky io ihany. Ny fiheverako dia hoe hadisoam-panoratana ity filazana ny 162 tal. J.K. ity.

“By verses 23 and 24 we are brought down this side of the league between the Jews and the Romans, BC 161, to the time when Rome had acquired universal dominion.” Uriah Smith, Daniel and the Revelation, 273.

“Amin’ny andininy faha-23 sy faha-24 dia entina midina hatreo an-dafin’ilay fanekena natao teo amin’ny Jiosy sy ny Romana isika, tamin’ny 161 tal. J.K., ka hatramin’ny fotoana nahazoan’i Roma fanapahana maneran-tany.” Uriah Smith, Daniel and the Revelation, 273.

Verses eleven and twelve, identify the victory and aftermath of the Battle of Raphia, which occurred in 217 BC, between the Seleucid Empire, led by Antiochus III the Great, and the Ptolemaic Kingdom of Egypt, led by King Ptolemy IV Philopator.

Andininy faha-iraika ambin’ny folo sy faha-roa ambin’ny folo dia manondro ny fandresena sy ny vokatr’izay nanaraka ny Adin’i Raphia, izay nitranga tamin’ny taona 217 talohan’i Kristy, teo amin’ny Fanjakana Seleokida, notarihin’i Antiokosy III Lehibe, sy ny Fanjakana Ptolemaika tao Ejipta, notarihin’i Mpanjaka Ptolemaiosy IV Philopator.

The Battle of Panium, which occurred seventeen years later in 200 BC, was again between the Seleucid kingdom, and the Ptolemaic kingdom.

Ny Adin’i Panium, izay nitranga fito ambin’ny folo taona tatỳ aoriana, tamin’ny 200 tal. J.K., dia indray teo amin’ny fanjakana Seleokida sy ny fanjakana Ptolemaika.

The Maccabean Revolt, began in 167 BC, and was the Jewish rebellion against the Seleucid Empire’s attempts to suppress Jewish religious practices and impose Greek culture.

Ny fikomian’ny Makabeana, izay nanomboka tamin’ny 167 talohan’i Kristy, dia fikomian’ny Jiosy nanohitra ny fiezahan’ny Fanjakana Seleokida hanafoana ny fanaon’ny Jiosy eo amin’ny fivavahana sy hampanjaka ny kolontsaina grika.

The rededication of the Second Temple in Jerusalem, which marks the historical event celebrated during Hanukkah, occurred in 164 BC, three years before the “league” of verse twenty-three. This event followed the successful military campaign of the Maccabees against the forces of the Seleucid Empire, led by the infamous Antiochus IV Epiphanes, who had desecrated the Temple and outlawed Jewish religious practices. Antiochus IV Epiphanes died shortly after the victory that is commemorated by Hanukkah, and marks the descent of Syrian power from that point onward in history.

Ny fanokanana indray ny Tempoly Faharoa tao Jerosalema, izay manamarika ny zava-nitranga ara-tantara ankalazaina mandritra ny Hanukkah, dia niseho tamin’ny 164 talohan’i Kristy, telo taona mialoha ny “fanekena” ao amin’ny andininy faha-telo amby roa-polo. Io zava-nitranga io dia nanaraka ny fandresen’ny Makkabeo tamin’ny fampielezan-kevitra ara-tafika nataony nanohitra ny herin’ny Empira Seleokida, notarihin’ilay Antiokosy IV Epifana ratsy laza, izay nandoto ny Tempoly sady nandrara ny fanao ara-pivavahana jiosy. Antiokosy IV Epifana dia maty fotoana fohy taorian’ilay fandresena izay tsarovana amin’ny Hanukkah, ary izany no manamarika ny fitotongan’ny fahefana sy ny herin’i Siria manomboka amin’izay teboka izay ao amin’ny tantara.

In 200 BC, (which was also the time of the Battle of Panium), Rome, for the first time inserted itself into the prophetic history of Daniel chapter eleven. There is the symbol which establishes the vision. Its purposeful influence in that history identifies the work of Jezebel, a symbol of a church that pulls strings from behind the scenes. Jezebel was home in Samaria when her husband Ahab watched her prophets get slain by Elijah. Herodias was not at Herod’s birthday party, where her daughter Salome seduced Herod. In the history of the United States, the papacy, represented by the whore of Tyre, is forgotten, until the end of the symbolic seventy years. She then begins to sing her songs of deception to the kings of the earth. The year 200 BC typifies when she begins to openly sing to the kings in the last days, just before the soon coming Sunday law, as represented in verse sixteen.

Tamin’ny taona 200 tal. J.K., (izay koa no fotoanan’ny Adin’i Panium), i Roma, sambany, no niditra an-tsehatra tao amin’ny tantara ara-paminanian’i Daniela toko faha‑iraika ambin’ny folo. Eo no misy ilay tandindona izay mametraka ny fahitana. Ny fitaomana kendrena asehony ao amin’izany tantara izany no manondro ny asan’i Jezebela, tandindon’ny fiangonana iray izay misintona tady avy any ambadika. Tao Samaria no nitoeran’i Jezebela raha nijery ny namonoan’i Elia ny mpaminaniny kosa i Ahaba vadiny. Tsy tao amin’ny fanasan’ny tsingerintaonan’i Heroda i Herodiasa, izay toerana namitahan’i Salome zanany vavy an’i Heroda. Ao amin’ny tantaran’i Etazonia, ny papa, asehon’ilay vehivavy janga avy any Tyro, dia hadino mandra-pahatongan’ny faran’ireo fitopolo taona ara-tandindona. Avy eo izy dia manomboka mihira ny hiram-pamitahany amin’ireo mpanjakan’ny tany. Ny taona 200 tal. J.K. dia tandindon’ny fotoana hanombohany mihira ampahibemaso amin’ireo mpanjaka amin’ny andro farany, mialoha indrindra ny lalàn’ny Alahady izay ho avy tsy ho ela, araka ny aseho ao amin’ny andininy faha‑enina ambin’ny folo.

Before the “league” of the Jews in 161 BC to 158 BC, the Maccabees rededicated the temple, as is commemorated by Hanukkah in 164 BC. Then three years later, still in an ongoing struggle with the Syrians, the Maccabean Jews reached out to Rome for support. The “league” with Rome that was then formed becomes a prophetic test for God’s last-day students of prophecy.

Talohan’ilay “fifanekena” nataon’ny Jiosy tamin’ny taona 161 tal. J.K. ka hatramin’ny 158 tal. J.K., dia nanokana indray ny tempoly ny Makabeo, araka ny tsaroan’ny Hanokà izany tamin’ny taona 164 tal. J.K. Avy eo, telo taona tatỳ aoriana, raha mbola tao anatin’ny ady nitohy tamin’ny Syriana ihany izy ireo, dia nitady fanohanana tamin’i Roma ny Jiosy Makabeana. Ilay “fifanekena” tamin’i Roma izay niforona tamin’izany no tonga fitsapana ara-paminaniana ho an’ny mpianatr’Andriamanitra ny faminaniana amin’ny andro farany.

History identifies 161 BC as the point where the “league” took place, but the pioneers identify that history as 158 BC. Was Miller right, or are the modern historians right? Miller added six hundred and sixty-six years (666), to the year 158 BC, and arrived at the year 508, when “the daily” was taken away. Search as you might, it will be extremely difficult, if not actually impossible to find a historical support for 158 BC as the league between the Jews and the Romans.

Ny tantara dia manondro ny taona 161 talohan’i Kristy ho fotoana nanaovana ny “fanekena”, fa ny mpisava lalana kosa dia manondro izany tantara izany ho 158 talohan’i Kristy. Marina ve i Miller, sa marina ny mpahay tantara maoderina? Nampiana enin-jato sy enina amby enimpolo taona (666) tamin’ny taona 158 talohan’i Kristy i Miller, ka tonga tamin’ny taona 508, izay fotoana nanesorana ny “isan’andro”. Na dia hikaroka fatratra aza ianao, dia ho sarotra indrindra izany, raha tsy hoe tena tsy ho azo atao mihitsy aza, ny mahita fanohanana ara-tantara momba ny taona 158 talohan’i Kristy ho toy ny fanekena natao teo amin’ny Jiosy sy ny Romanina.

Verse sixteen is the Sunday law, but before that history Rome enters into history to establish the vision in the year 200 BC. The Maccabean revolt began at Modein in 167 BC, and eventually they rededicated the temple in 164 BC. Then from 161 BC, to 158 BC, the Jews enter into a covenant with the Roman power. 161 BC to 158 BC represents a period of time which was required to establish the “league.” This understanding identifies the “league” in agreement with the historians’ testimony, and also with the chart that was directed by the hand of the Lord and should not be altered.

Ny andininy fahenina ambin’ny folo dia ny lalàn’ny Alahady, nefa alohan’izany tantara izany dia miditra eo amin’ny tantara i Roma mba hampiorina ny fahitana tamin’ny taona 200 tal. J.K. Ny fikomian’ny Makabeo dia nanomboka tao Modein tamin’ny 167 tal. J.K., ary tamin’ny farany dia nanokana indray ny tempoly izy ireo tamin’ny 164 tal. J.K. Avy eo, hatramin’ny 161 tal. J.K. ka hatramin’ny 158 tal. J.K., ny Jiosy dia niditra tao amin’ny fanekena iray niaraka tamin’ny fahefana romana. Ny 161 tal. J.K. ka hatramin’ny 158 tal. J.K. dia maneho fe-potoana iray izay nilaina mba hampiorina ilay “fanekena.” Izany fahatakarana izany dia mamantatra ilay “fanekena” mifanaraka amin’ny fijoroana vavolombelon’ny mpahay tantara, ary koa amin’ilay tabilao izay notarihin’ny tanan’ny Tompo ka tsy tokony hovaina.

The historians inform us that the process of negotiating treaties between ancient nations like Judah and Rome in the second century BC, varied depending on the specific circumstances, diplomatic protocols, and power dynamics involved. Typically, the process would begin with one party expressing interest in establishing a treaty or alliance with the other. In the case of Judah and Rome, Judah initiated contact with Rome to propose a formal alliance.

Амбарaн’ny mpahay tantara antsika fa ny fizotry ny fifampiraharahana hanaovana fanekena teo amin’ireo firenena fahiny tahaka an’i Joda sy Roma tamin’ny taonjato faharoa talohan’i Kristy dia niovaova arakaraka ny toe-javatra manokana, ny fombafomba ara-diplaomatika, ary ny fifandanjan-kery nifandraika tamin’izany. Amin’ny ankapobeny, dia manomboka amin’ny fanehoan’ny antoko iray fahavononana hanorina fanekena na firaisana amin’ny ankilany ny dingana. Tamin’ny raharahan’i Joda sy Roma, i Joda no nanomboka nifandray tamin’i Roma mba hanolotra firaisana ara-pomba ofisialy.

Diplomatic channels would have been utilized to convey the proposal and initiate negotiations. This had to involve sending ambassadors or envoys to Rome to meet with its leaders or representatives. Once negotiations commenced, both parties would discuss the terms of the proposed treaty. This could involve a series of meetings, exchanges of diplomatic messages, and possibly the involvement of intermediaries or mediators to facilitate discussions. During negotiations, each party would consider the terms proposed by the other and may offer counter-proposals or seek amendments to certain terms. This process could involve careful deliberation, consultation with advisors, and assessments of the potential benefits and drawbacks of the proposed treaty.

នីតិវិធីការទូតនានា​នឹងត្រូវបានប្រើប្រាស់ដើម្បីបញ្ជូនសំណើនោះ និងចាប់ផ្តើមការចរចា។ ការនេះចាំបាច់ត្រូវពាក់ព័ន្ធនឹងការបញ្ជូនឯកអគ្គរាជទូត ឬបេសកជនទៅកាន់ទីក្រុងរ៉ូម ដើម្បីជួបជាមួយមេដឹកនាំ ឬតំណាងរបស់វា។ នៅពេលការចរចាបានចាប់ផ្តើម ភាគីទាំងពីរនឹងពិភាក្សាអំពីលក្ខខណ្ឌនៃសន្ធិសញ្ញាដែលបានស្នើឡើង។ ការនេះអាចពាក់ព័ន្ធនឹងកិច្ចប្រជុំជាបន្តបន្ទាប់ ការផ្លាស់ប្តូរសារការទូត និងអាចមានការចូលរួមពីអន្តរការី ឬអ្នកសម្របសម្រួល ដើម្បីជួយសម្រួលដល់ការពិភាក្សា។ ក្នុងអំឡុងពេលចរចា ភាគីនីមួយៗនឹងពិចារណាលក្ខខណ្ឌដែលបានស្នើដោយភាគីម្ខាងទៀត ហើយអាចនឹងផ្តល់សំណើប្រឆាំង ឬស្វែងរកការកែប្រែលើលក្ខខណ្ឌខ្លះៗ។ ដំណើរការនេះអាចពាក់ព័ន្ធនឹងការពិចារណាយ៉ាងប្រុងប្រយ័ត្ន ការពិគ្រោះយោបល់ជាមួយទីប្រឹក្សា និងការវាយតម្លៃអំពីអត្ថប្រយោជន៍ និងគុណវិបត្តិដែលអាចកើតមានពីសន្ធិសញ្ញាដែលបានស្នើឡើង។

If both parties reached an agreement on the terms of the treaty, formal documentation would be prepared outlining the terms and conditions agreed upon by both sides. The treaty would then need to be ratified by the respective authorities of each nation. In the case of Rome, this might involve approval by the Senate or other governing bodies. Similarly, in Judah, the treaty would likely require approval by its leadership or governing council. Once ratified, the treaty would be implemented, and both parties would be expected to adhere to its terms. This might involve various forms of cooperation, mutual defense agreements, trade relations, or other forms of diplomatic engagement outlined in the treaty.

Raha samy tonga tamin’ny fifanarahana momba ny fepetran’ilay fanekena ny andaniny sy ny ankilany, dia homanina ny taratasy ara-dalàna mirakitra an-tsipiriany ny fepetra sy ny didy nifanarahan’ny roa tonta. Avy eo dia tsy maintsy hohamafisin’ny manam-pahefana avy amin’ny firenena tsirairay ilay fanekena. Raha ny amin’i Roma, izany dia mety hahatafiditra ny fankatoavan’ny Antenimieran-doholona na ny rafi-pitantanana hafa. Toy izany koa, tao Joda, dia azo inoana fa nitaky ny fankatoavan’ny mpitondra na ny filankevi-pitantanana ao aminy ilay fanekena. Rehefa voahamarina izany, dia hampiharina ilay fanekena, ary andrasana ny andaniny sy ny ankilany samy hanaraka ny fepetra ao aminy. Mety hahatafiditra endrika isan-karazany amin’ny fiaraha-miasa izany, toy ny fifanarahana fiarovana ifanampiana, ny fifandraisana ara-barotra, na endrika hafa amin’ny fifandraisana ara-diplômasia voafaritra ao amin’ilay fanekena.

In the second century BC, travel from Judea (located in the eastern Mediterranean region) to Rome (located in central Italy) would have been a challenging and time-consuming endeavor, especially considering the limitations of ancient transportation methods. The distance between Judea and Rome is approximately 1,500 to 2,000 kilometers (930 to 1,240 miles) depending on the specific route taken. Sea travel was often faster and more efficient than overland travel in ancient times, but sea travel was subject to the prevailing winds. Traveling by ship from a port in Judea to a port in Italy (such as Ostia, the port of Rome) could take several weeks, depending on factors like wind conditions, sea currents, and the type of vessel used.

Tamin’ny taonjato faharoa talohan’i Kristy, ny dia avy any Jodia (izay miorina ao amin’ny faritra atsinanan’ny Ranomasina Mediteranea) ho any Roma (izay miorina ao afovoan’i Italia) dia ho ezaka sarotra sy mandany fotoana, indrindra raha heverina ny fetran’ny fitaovam-pitaterana tamin’ny andro fahiny. Ny elanelana eo amin’i Jodia sy Roma dia eo ho eo amin’ny 1.500 ka hatramin’ny 2.000 kilometatra (930 ka hatramin’ny 1.240 miles), arakaraka ny lalana manokana nizorana. Ny dia an-dranomasina dia matetika haingana kokoa sy nahomby kokoa noho ny dia an-tanety tamin’ny andro fahiny, nefa ny dia an-dranomasina dia niankina tamin’ny rivotra manjaka. Ny fandehanana an-tsambo avy amin’ny seranan-tsambo iray tao Jodia ho any amin’ny seranan-tsambo iray tao Italia (toy ny Ostia, seranan-tsambon’i Roma) dia mety haharitra herinandro maromaro, arakaraka ny anton-javatra toy ny toetry ny rivotra, ny fikorianan’ny ranomasina, ary ny karazana sambo nampiasaina.

Overland travel from Judea to Rome would have been slower and more arduous. Travelers would have to navigate through various terrains, including mountains, valleys, and rivers, and contend with obstacles such as bandits and hostile territories. It’s estimated that travel by foot or by horse-drawn carriage could take several months. Travel time would have also been influenced by factors such as the condition of roads, availability of accommodations and rest stops, and the need to rest and resupply along the way.

Ny fandehanana an-tanety avy any Jodia ho any Roma dia ho miadana kokoa sady feno fahasahiranana bebe kokoa. Ny mpandeha dia tsy maintsy mamakivaky karazan-tany samihafa, anisan’izany ny tendrombohitra sy lohasaha ary ony, sady miatrika sakana toy ny jiolahy sy faritra feno fankahalana. Tombanana fa ny dia an-tongotra na amin’ny kalesy tarihina soavaly dia mety haharitra volana maromaro. Ny faharetan’ny dia dia mbola voakasiky ny anton-javatra toy ny toetry ny lalana, ny fisian’ny toeram-pandraisana vahiny sy toeram-pitsaharana, ary ny filàna mijanona hiala sasatra sy hameno indray izay ilaina eny an-dalana.

When the Maccabean Jews sought a league with Rome, they would have needed to send ambassadors to Rome. Once those ambassadors were received by the Roman authorities, there would be a period of negotiation. In historical theory, for no precise record is available, once a treaty was formalized, it would need to be taken back to Judea for confirmation, and then probably it would need to be returned to Rome to confirm the acceptance of the Jews. It is almost impossible to believe that the process of forming an alliance in that period of time would have been accomplished in one year, so the understanding that the “league” represents a process from 161 BC to 158 BC fits other lines of prophecy that identify the history that leads to the Sunday law of verse sixteen.

Rehefa nitady fanekem-pihavanana tamin’i Roma ny Jiosy Makkabeana, dia tsy maintsy nandefa iraka ho any Roma izy ireo. Raha vantany vao noraisin’ny manam-pahefana romana ireo iraka ireo, dia hisy vanim-potoana fifampiraharahana. Araka ny teoria ara-tantara, satria tsy misy firaketana mazava voatahiry, raha vantany vao nohamarinina tamin’ny fomba ofisialy ny fifanekena, dia tsy maintsy nentina niverina tany Jodia izany mba hankatoavina, ary avy eo, azo inoana, dia tsy maintsy naverina tany Roma mba hanamafisana ny faneken’ny Jiosy azy. Saika tsy azo inoana mihitsy ny hinoana fa ny fizotry ny fananganana firaisana tamin’izany vanim-potoana izany dia ho tanteraka tao anatin’ny herintaona monja; noho izany, ny fahatakarana fa ny “fanekem-pihavanana” dia maneho fizotra iray nanomboka tamin’ny 161 tal. J.K. ka hatramin’ny 158 tal. J.K. dia mifanaraka amin’ireo tsipika hafa amin’ny faminaniana izay manondro ny tantara mitarika ho amin’ny lalàn’ny Alahady ao amin’ny andininy fahaenina ambin’ny folo.

A “league” that all historians agree was initiated by the Maccabean Jews, began in Judea in 161 BC. The purpose was that the Jews wanted support against the Syrians who they had been struggling with since their revolt began in 167 BC. The revolt was sparked by the efforts of Mattathias, a Jewish priest, and his five sons, particularly Judas Maccabee, to resist the Hellenization policies imposed by the Seleucid ruler Antiochus IV Epiphanes. These policies included attempts to suppress Jewish religious practices and force the adoption of Greek customs and beliefs.

Nisy “fifanarahana” izay eken’ny mpahay tantara rehetra fa natomboky ny Jiosy Makabeana, no niforona tany Jodia tamin’ny 161 tal. J.K. Ny tanjona tamin’izany dia satria nitady fanohanana hanoherana ny Syriana ny Jiosy, izay efa niadiany hatramin’ny nanombohan’ny fikomiany tamin’ny 167 tal. J.K. Nateraky ny ezaka nataon’i Matatiasy, mpisorona jiosy, sy ny zanany dimy, indrindra fa i Jodasy Makabeo, hanoherana ny politikan’ny fanhelenizàna nampiharin’i Antiokosy IV Epifana, mpanapaka Seleokida, izany fikomiana izany. Tafiditra tao anatin’ireo politika ireo ny fiezahana hanafoana ny fanao ara-pivavahana jiosy sy hanery ny fanekena ny fomba amam-panao sy ny finoana grika.

The catalyst for the revolt was an incident in the village of Modein, where Mattathias refused to comply with a decree to offer a sacrifice to a Greek deity. “Modein” is derived from the Hebrew word “modi’a,” which means “to declare” or “to protest.” In his protest, Mattathias killed a Jewish apostate who was about to perform the sacrifice, and he and his sons fled to the hills, initiating a guerrilla warfare campaign against the Seleucid forces. The Maccabean Revolt lasted for several years, during which the Maccabees engaged in numerous battles against the Seleucids and their allies. Despite being vastly outnumbered and out-equipped, the Maccabees achieved several significant victories.

Ny antony nandrehitra ny fikomiana dia zava-nitranga iray tao amin’ny vohitra Modein, izay nandavan’i Matatiasy ny hankatò didy hanolotra fanatitra ho an’ny andriamanitra grika iray. “Modein” dia avy amin’ny teny hebreo hoe “modi’a,” izay midika hoe “manambara” na “manao fanoherana.” Tao amin’izany fanoherany izany, dia novonoin’i Matatiasy ny Jiosy mpivadika iray izay saika hanao ilay fanatitra, ary izy sy ny zanany lahy dia nandositra nankany an-tendrombohitra, ka nanomboka ady anaty akata hanoherana ny tafika Seleokida. Naharitra taona maro ny Fikomiana Makabeana, ary nandritra izany dia niady tamin’ny Seleokida sy ny mpiara-dia taminy tamin’ny ady maro ny Makabeo. Na dia tena vitsy lavitra aza izy ireo sady tsy ampy fitaovana lavitra noho ny fahavalo, dia nahazo fandresena lehibe maromaro ny Makabeo.

The Seleucid Empire was seeking to impose the religion of Greece upon the Jews, and the Greeks represent the globalists of the last days. Their religion is expressed in the woke-ism that is currently being forced upon the United States and the world, by the globalist forces of the banking system, the mainstream media, the educational centers, and the tearing down of national distinctions through the forced immigration of illegal aliens. When Antiochus Epiphanes was forcing the Greek religion upon the Jews, there were Jews who were cooperating with his efforts. The Maccabees represent one class of apostate Jews, who were resisting the religion of Greece, but there was also another class of apostate Jews who were supporting the work of enforcing the Greek religion.

Ny Fanjakana Seleokida dia nitady hampanjaka ny fivavahan’i Gresy tamin’ny Jiosy, ary ny Grika dia maneho ireo globalista amin’ny andro farany. Ny fivavahan’izy ireo dia miseho ao amin’ilay woke-isme izay ampiharina an-tery amin’izao fotoana izao amin’i Etazonia sy izao tontolo izao, amin’ny alalan’ny herin’ny globalista ao amin’ny rafitra banky, ny fampahalalam-baovao mahazatra, ny foibem-pampianarana, ary ny fandravana ny fanavahana ara-pirenena amin’ny alalan’ny fampidirana an-tery ireo vahiny tsy ara-dalàna. Fony i Antiokosy Epifana nanery ny fivavahana grika tamin’ny Jiosy, dia nisy Jiosy niara-niasa tamin’ny ezaka nataony. Ny Makabeo dia maneho antokon’ny Jiosy mpiodina iray, izay nanohitra ny fivavahan’i Gresy, nefa nisy koa antoko hafa amin’ny Jiosy mpiodina izay nanohana ny asa fampiharana ny fivavahana grika.

Verse sixteen is the soon coming Sunday law, and the threefold union of the dragon, the beast and false prophet. That history is preceded by verses thirteen through fifteen, where the three battles of verse forty occur from verse ten (1989), verses eleven and twelve (the Ukrainian war), and the Battle of Panium. The Battle of Panium represents a battle in which the two-horned earth beast prevails over the globalist’s religious and political philosophies.

Ny andininy fahenina ambin’ny folo dia ny lalàna Alahady izay ho avy tsy ho ela, sy ny firaisana telo sosona an’ilay dragona sy ilay bibidia ary ilay mpaminany sandoka. Io tantara io dia ialohavan’ny andininy fahatelo ambin’ny folo ka hatramin’ny fahadimy ambin’ny folo, izay isehoan’ireo ady telo ao amin’ny andininy faha-efapolo manomboka amin’ny andininy fahafolo (1989), ny andininy fahiraika ambin’ny folo sy faharoa ambin’ny folo (ny ady ao Okraina), ary ny Adin’i Panium. Ny Adin’i Panium dia maneho ady iray izay handresen’ilay bibidia an-tany manana tandroka roa ny filozofia ara-pivavahana sy ara-politikan’ny mpomba ny fanatontoloana.

In that battle the final president of the United States must deal with the aftermath of Putin’s victory and subsequent collapse represented in verses eleven and twelve. He will form an alliance with NATO, or the United Nations, in order to resolve the fallout from the collapse of Russia, and within the history of that alliance he will engage the United Nations in the Battle of Panium. The third battle of verse forty, will be as the first battle of verse forty. As the Soviet Union collapsed under the economic and military force of the United States, the globalists of the United Nations will be forced to repeat “perestroika” the key component of Gorbachev’s efforts to reform the Soviet Union, though they ultimately contributed to the unraveling of the Soviet system and the eventual dissolution of the Soviet Union.

Amin’izany ady izany, ny filoha farany ao Etazonia dia tsy maintsy hiatrika ny vokatra navelan’ny fandresen’i Putin sy ny firodanana nanaraka izany, izay aseho ao amin’ny andininy fahiraika ambin’ny folo sy faharoa ambin’ny folo. Hamorona firaisana amin’ny OTAN, na amin’ny Firenena Mikambana, izy mba handaminana ny vokatry ny firodanan’i Rosia; ary ao anatin’ny tantaran’izany firaisana izany dia hampiditra ny Firenena Mikambana ao amin’ny Adin’i Panium izy. Ny ady fahatelo ao amin’ny andininy fahaefapolo dia ho tahaka ny ady voalohany ao amin’ny andininy fahaefapolo. Tahaka ny nirodanan’ny Firaisana Sovietika teo ambanin’ny hery ara-toekarena sy ara-tafika an’i Etazonia, dia ho voatery hamerina ny “perestroika” — singa fototra tamin’ny ezaka nataon’i Gorbachev hanavaozana ny Firaisana Sovietika, na dia tamin’ny farany aza dia nandray anjara tamin’ny fikorontanan’ny rafitra sovietika sy ny fandravana tanteraka ny Firaisana Sovietika izany — ireo globalista ao amin’ny Firenena Mikambana.

The third battle is illustrated by the first battle, and through economics and military pressure Trump, as represented by Reagan, will force the United Nations into “perestroika,” which means restructuring or reformation. The restructuring will place the United States upon the head of the ten kings’ system that is the United Nations. In the battle the papacy will then introduce itself into history, claiming to be the defender of the system that Trump is then conquering.

Ny ady fahatelo dia asehon’ny ady voalohany an’ohatra, ary amin’ny alalan’ny toekarena sy ny tsindry ara-tafika, i Trump, araka izay asehon’i Reagan, dia hanery ny Firenena Mikambana hiditra ao amin’ny “perestroika,” izay midika hoe fanavaozana rafitra na fanarenana. Io fanavaozana rafitra io dia hametraka an’i Etazonia eo ambonin’ny lohan’ny rafitry ny mpanjaka folo, izay dia ny Firenena Mikambana. Ao anatin’izany ady izany dia hampiditra ny tenany ao amin’ny tantara ny fitondrana papaly amin’izay, ka hilaza fa izy no mpiaro ilay rafitra izay resin’i Trump tamin’izany fotoana izany.

In the same history Trump will face an internal Civil War that he will be forced to address, just as Abraham Lincoln was forced to address. The Civil War will be among two opposing apostate factions within the United States. One class represented by those who have accepted the religion and philosophy of woke-ism, who are the progressive globalists of both political parties. The other class (MAGA-ism) professes to be genuine Protestants, though they lost that mantle in 1844.

Amin’io tantara io ihany dia hiatrika ady an-trano anatiny i Trump, izay hoterena hokarakarainy, tahaka ny naneren’ny toe-javatra an’i Abraham Lincoln hiatrika izany. Hiseho eo amin’ny antoko mpivadi-pinoana roa mifanohitra ao anatin’i Etazonia izany ady an-trano izany. Ny sokajy iray dia asehon’ireo izay nanaiky ny fivavahana sy ny filozofian’ny woke-ism, dia ireo globalista mpandala ny fandrosoana ao amin’ny antoko politika roa tonta. Ny sokajy iray hafa kosa (MAGA-ism) dia milaza ho Protestanta marina, kanefa very izany anjara-boninahitra izany izy ireo tamin’ny taona 1844.

The President’s faction is represented by MAGA-ism, and is based upon the misguided claim of upholding true Protestantism and the Constitution. Woke-ism’s claim is the religion of Mother Earth, the New Age and the belief that the Constitution is applied by the existing circumstances of society’s norms, not by the archaic ideas of the founding fathers.

Ny antokon’ny Filoha dia asehon’ny MAGA-isma, ary miorina amin’ilay filazana diso fa izy no miaro ny tena Protestantisma sy ny Lalàm-panorenana. Ny fitakian’ny Woke-isma kosa dia ny fivavahan’i Reny Tany, ny New Age, ary ny finoana fa ny Lalàm-panorenana dia ampiharina araka ny toe-javatra misy sy ny fenitra eken’ny fiarahamonina amin’izao fotoana izao, fa tsy araka ireo hevitra lany andro navelan’ireo rainy mpanorina.

Mattathias (Trump) will end the attempts of the globalist-progressive Democrats within the United States as represented by the revolt that began in Modein in 167 BC. Trump will then repeat the history of 164 BC, when the Maccabees rededicated the temple, as commemorated by the observance of Hanukkah. Then in the period represented from 161 BC to 158 BC, Trump will begin the final push for erecting the image of the papacy, which is an image that identifies an illicit relationship between the religious power and the political power. In 158 BC the league will be implemented as the soon coming Sunday law of verse sixteen is enforced.

Matiasia (Trump) dia hampitsahatra ny ezaka ataon’ireo Demokraty globalista-mandroso ao anatin’i Etazonia, araka ny asehon’ilay fikomiana izay nanomboka tao Modein tamin’ny 167 tal. J.K. Avy eo Trump dia hamerina ny tantaran’ny 164 tal. J.K., tamin’izay nanokanan’ny Makabeo indray ny tempoly, araka ny tsarovana amin’ny fitandremana ny Hanukkah. Ary avy eo, ao anatin’ny vanim-potoana aseho amin’ny 161 tal. J.K. ka hatramin’ny 158 tal. J.K., dia hanomboka ny fanosehana farany ho amin’ny fananganana ny sarin’ny papa i Trump, dia sary iray izay manondro fifandraisana tsy ara-dalàna eo amin’ny fahefana ara-pivavahana sy ny fahefana ara-politika. Amin’ny 158 tal. J.K. dia hampiharina ilay firaisana, rehefa ampiharina ilay lalàn’ny Alahady izay ho avy tsy ho ela ao amin’ny andininy fahenina ambin’ny folo.

Daniel eleven first identifies how Rome politically takes control, and then Daniel repeats and enlarges the same history with a line identifying how Rome deals with God’s people in the very same history. From verse sixteen unto verse nineteen the three obstacles to pagan Rome taking control of the world are illustrated. In verse sixteen, Syria was conquered by pagan Rome in 65 BC, and then Judea was conquered by Pompey in 63 BC. Verse sixteen identifies when Rome was to stand in the glorious land, and in so doing is typifying the Sunday law of verse forty-one of the same chapter.

Daniella toko faha-iraika ambin’ny folo dia manondro voalohany ny fomba andraisan’i Roma ny fahefana ara-politika, ary avy eo dia averin’i Daniela sy velariny bebe kokoa io tantara io ihany amin’ny alalan’ny andalana iray izay manondro ny fomba ifandraisan’i Roma amin’ny vahoakan’Andriamanitra ao anatin’io tantara io ihany. Manomboka amin’ny andininy faha-enina ambin’ny folo ka hatramin’ny andininy faha-sivy ambin’ny folo no anehoana ireo sakana telo nanohitra ny fahazoan’i Roma jentilisa ny fifehezana izao tontolo izao. Ao amin’ny andininy faha-enina ambin’ny folo, dia resin’i Roma jentilisa i Syria tamin’ny 65 BC, ary avy eo dia resin’i Pompey i Jodia tamin’ny 63 BC. Ny andininy faha-enina ambin’ny folo dia manondro ny fotoana izay nijoroan’i Roma tao amin’ilay tany be voninahitra, ary tamin’ny fanaovana izany dia maneho mialoha ny lalàna Alahady ao amin’ny andininy faha-efatra amby efapolo amin’ny toko io ihany.

It is important to note that the history of the conquering occurred in 63 BC [parallel to 1863], in the midst of a Civil War taking place within Jerusalem. Uriah Smith stated, “On Pompey’s return from his expedition against Mithridates, king of Pontus, two competitors, Hyrcanus and Aristobulus, were struggling for the crown of Judea.”

Zava-dehibe ny manamarika fa ny tantaran’ilay fandresena dia nitranga tamin’ny 63 tal. J.K. [mifanandrify amin’ny 1863], teo afovoan’ny Ady An-trano izay niseho tao Jerosalema. Hoy i Uriah Smith: “Tamin’ny fiverenan’i Pompey avy tamin’ny dia nataony hiady tamin’i Mithridates, mpanjakan’i Pontus, dia nisy mpifaninana roa, dia i Hyrcanus sy Aristobulus, nifandrombonana hahazo ny satro-boninahitr’i Jodia.”

The names “Hyrcanus” and “Aristobulus’ are both of Greek origin and have historical significance, particularly in the context of Jewish history during the Hellenistic period and the Hasmonean dynasty. “Hyrcanus” is derived from the Greek word “Hurkanos,” which likely originated from the word “hurkan,” meaning “wolf” in the Persian language. Hyrcanus was a name borne by several Hasmonean rulers. “Aristobulus” means “best counselor” or “best adviser.” Aristobulus was another name borne by several Hasmonean rulers. Both “Hyrcanus” and “Aristobulus” are names associated with significant figures in Jewish history during the Hasmonean period. They were rulers who played important roles in the governance and expansion of the Hasmonean Kingdom in Judea. The prophetic descendants and representatives of the Hasmonean kingdom in the time of Christ was the Pharisees.

Ny anarana hoe “Hyrcanus” sy “Aristobulus” dia samy avy amin’ny teny grika, ary manan-danja ara-tantara, indrindra eo amin’ny tontolon’ny tantaran’ny Jiosy nandritra ny vanim-potoana Helenistika sy ny tarana-mpanjaka Hasmoneana. Ny hoe “Hyrcanus” dia avy amin’ny teny grika hoe “Hurkanos,” izay azo inoana fa nipoitra avy amin’ny teny hoe “hurkan,” midika hoe “amboadia” amin’ny teny persiana. Hyrcanus dia anarana nentin’ny mpanjaka Hasmoneana maro. Ny hoe “Aristobulus” kosa dia midika hoe “mpanolo-tsaina tsara indrindra” na “mpanolotsaina tsara indrindra.” Aristobulus dia anarana iray hafa nentin’ny mpanjaka Hasmoneana maro. Samy anarana mifandray amin’ireo olo-malaza manan-danja teo amin’ny tantaran’ny Jiosy nandritra ny vanim-potoana Hasmoneana ny “Hyrcanus” sy “Aristobulus.” Izy ireo dia mpanjaka izay nanana anjara toerana lehibe teo amin’ny fitondrana sy ny fanitarana ny Fanjakana Hasmoneana tao Jodia. Ny taranaka ara-paminaniana sy ireo solontenan’ny fanjakana Hasmoneana tamin’ny andron’i Kristy dia ny Fariseo.

When Pompey conquered Jerusalem, two political parties both traced their origins back to the time of the revolt represented by Modein in 167 BC. Once Pompey was drawn into the rebellion, he determined to take Jerusalem and the political party of Aristobulus determined to resist him, but the party of Hyrcanus determined to open the gates to Pompey. Pompey then mounted his attack upon Jerusalem and three months later Jerusalem was forever under the jurisdiction of Rome.

Rehefa resin’i Pompey i Jerosalema, dia samy nanorina ny niaviany ho any amin’ny andron’ny fikomiana nasehon’i Modein tamin’ny 167 talohan’i Kristy ireo antoko politika roa. Raha vantany vao voasariky ny fikomiana i Pompey, dia tapa-kevitra handray an’i Jerosalema izy; ary ny antoko politikam-boninahitr’i Aristobulus kosa tapa-kevitra hanoitra azy, fa ny antokon’i Hyrcanus kosa tapa-kevitra hanokatra ny vavahady ho an’i Pompey. Dia nanomboka ny fanafihany an’i Jerosalema i Pompey, ary telo volana tatỳ aoriana dia tafiditra mandrakizay teo ambanin’ny fahefan’i Roma i Jerosalema.

By verse nineteen Egypt, the third and final obstacle, was taken by Rome. Then in verse twenty the birth of Christ is identified as Daniel begins to set forth how Rome would deal with God’s people in that history. In verses twenty-one and twenty-two Christ is crucified. In verse twenty-three, the league that began in 161 BC to 158 BC, is identified immediately after the verses that describe the cross where the apostate Jews proclaimed they “had no king, but Caesar.” The line of the apostate Jews, represented by the Maccabees, who had resisted the inroads of Greek religious philosophy, and in so doing formed an unholy relationship with Rome, follows the verse identifying the history of the cross, where the fruit of their unholy relationship was fully manifested.

Tamin’ny andininy fahasivy ambin’ny folo dia resin’i Roma i Egypta, izay sakana fahatelo sady farany. Avy eo, ao amin’ny andininy faha-roapolo, dia aseho ny nahaterahan’i Kristy, rehefa manomboka mametraka i Daniela ny amin’ny fomba hitondran’i Roma ny vahoakan’Andriamanitra ao amin’izany tantara izany. Ao amin’ny andininy faha-roa amby roapolo sy faha-roa amby roapolo dia nohomboana tamin’ny hazo fijaliana i Kristy. Ao amin’ny andininy faha-telo amby roapolo, ilay fifanekena izay nanomboka tamin’ny 161 BC ka hatramin’ny 158 BC dia aseho avy hatrany aorian’ireo andininy izay mamaritra ny hazo fijaliana, izay nanambaran’ireo Jiosy nihemotra fa “tsy manana mpanjaka afa-tsy Kaisara” izy ireo. Ny tsipik’ireo Jiosy nihemotra, izay soloin’ny Makkabeo tena, izay nanohitra ny fidiran’ny filozofia ara-pivavahana grika, ary tamin’izany no namoronany fifandraisana tsy masina tamin’i Roma, dia manaraka ilay andininy manondro ny tantaran’ny hazo fijaliana, izay nanehoana tanteraka ny vokatry ny fifandraisany tsy masina.

The Shekinah never returned to the temple that was erected after the seventy years of captivity. The last prophetic testimony, proclaimed by Malachi, was given about the middle of the fifth century BC. There had been no visible presence of God, nor any prophetic testimony for hundreds of years before the Maccabees stood up against the globalist Greek influence. At the beginning of their revolt, they accomplished the very rebellion that both Ptolemy and King Uzziah had attempted, when both kings sought to fulfill the role of priest and make an offering in the temple.

Ang Shekinah ay hindi kailanman nagbalik sa templong itinayo pagkaraan ng pitumpung taon ng pagkabihag. Ang huling patotoong makahula, na ipinahayag ni Malakias, ay ibinigay nang humigit-kumulang sa kalagitnaan ng ikalimang siglo BK. Sa loob ng daan-daang taon bago tumindig ang mga Macabeo laban sa globalistang impluwensiyang Griyego, wala nang nakikitang presensiya ng Diyos, ni anumang patotoong makahula. Sa pasimula ng kanilang paghihimagsik, isinagawa nila ang mismong paghihimagsik na kapwa sinikap nina Ptolomeo at Haring Uzias, nang kapwa hinangad ng dalawang haring gampanan ang tungkulin ng saserdote at maghandog sa templo.

Jonathan Apphus (also known as Jonathan Maccabeus), was one of the sons of Mattathias, who initiated the Maccabean Revolt, and he played a significant role in leading the Jewish rebellion against the Seleucid Empire. After the death of his brother Judas Maccabee in battle, Jonathan assumed leadership of the Maccabean forces. In addition to his military and political leadership, Jonathan also took on the role of high priest, serving as the spiritual leader of the Jewish people. Jonathan’s dual role as both leader and high priest marked a significant development in Jewish history, as it consolidated both political and religious authority within the Hasmonean dynasty. His leadership helped to strengthen Jewish autonomy and establish the Hasmonean rule in Judea.

Jonathana Apphusa (fantatra koa amin’ny anarana hoe Jonathana Makabeo) dia iray tamin’ireo zanak’i Matatia, izay nanomboka ny fikomiana Makabeana, ary nandray anjara lehibe tamin’ny fitarihana ny fikomian’ny Jiosy hanohitra ny Fanjakana Seleokida. Rehefa maty teo an’ady i Jodasy Makabeo rahalahiny, dia nandray ny fitarihana ny tafika Makabeana i Jonathana. Ankoatra ny fitarihana ara-tafika sy ara-politika nataony, dia noraisiny koa ny andraikitry ny mpisoronabe, ka nanompo ho mpitarika ara-panahin’ny vahoaka jiosy izy. Ny andraikitra roa notanan’i Jonathana, dia amin’ny maha-mpitarika sy amin’ny maha-mpisoronabe azy, no nanamarika fivoarana lehibe teo amin’ny tantaran’ny Jiosy, satria nampivondrona ny fahefana ara-politika sy ara-pivavahana tao anatin’ny tarana-mpanjaka Hasmoneana izany. Ny fitarihany dia nanampy tamin’ny fanamafisana ny fizakan-tenan’ny Jiosy sy tamin’ny fanorenana ny fanapahan’ny Hasmoneana tao Jodia.

The very sin which Ptolemy attempted after the victory of Raphia was accomplished at the very beginning of the revolt of the Maccabees. It was the same sin that was resisted by the priests in the time of king Uzziah, but the Maccabees’ professed defense of God’s temple services was a misguided and rebellious manifestation of the combination of church and state, and as such, typifies the rebellion of apostate Protestantism that is now rallying in support of Trump against the inroads of Biden’s globalist woke-ism.

Ny fahotana indrindra izay notadiavin’i Ptolemaiosy hatao taorian’ny fandresena tao Raphia dia tanteraka tamin’ny fiandohan’ny fikomian’ny Makabeo mihitsy. Ilay fahotana iray ihany no notoherin’ny mpisorona tamin’ny andron’i mpanjaka Ozia, kanefa ny fiarovana nambaran’ny Makabeo ho an’ny fanompoam-pivavahana tao amin’ny tempolin’Andriamanitra dia fanehoana diso lalana sy mpikomy ny fifangaroan’ny fiangonana sy ny fanjakana; ary noho izany, dia tandindon’ny fikomian’ny Protestanta nihemotra amin’ny finoana izay miara-mivondrona ankehitriny hanohana an’i Trump manoloana ny fandrosoan’ny woke-isme globalista an’i Biden.

The Bible teaches that you will know them by their fruits, and the Pharisees during the time of Christ were the final remnants of the Hasmonean dynasty that began with Mattathias. Mattathias, and the rebellion he began, bore the fruits of Pharisee-ism, as does the apostate Protestants that are supporting the concept of “Make America Great Again”. America was great when the Constitution was understood to keep church and state separated from each other, but at the counterfeit miracle represented by the victory that is commemorated by the feast of Hanukkah, the movement for Sunday legislation will come out into the open.

Ny Baiboly dia mampianatra fa “amin’ny voany no hahafantaranareo azy”; ary ny Fariseo tamin’ny andron’i Kristy dia ireo sisa tavela farany tamin’ny tarana-mpanjaka Hasmoneana izay nanomboka tamin’i Matatia. I Matatia, sy ilay fikomiana izay natombony, dia namoa ny vokatry ny Fariseisma, tahaka izany koa ireo Protestanta mpiodina izay manohana ny foto-kevitra hoe “Make America Great Again”. Lehibe i Amerika fony ny Lalàm-panorenana dia noheverina ho mitazona ny fiangonana sy ny fanjakana ho misaraka samy izy; nefa amin’ilay fahagagana sandoka izay asehon’ny fandresena ankalazaina amin’ny fetin’ny Hanukkah, dia hivoaka ampahibemaso ny hetsika ho amin’ny fanaovana lalàna momba ny Alahady.

We will continue this study in the next article.

Hohizintsika ao amin’ny lahatsoratra manaraka ity fianarana ity.

“Heretofore those who presented the truths of the third angel’s message have often been regarded as mere alarmists. Their predictions that religious intolerance would gain control in the United States, that church and state would unite to persecute those who keep the commandments of God, have been pronounced groundless and absurd. It has been confidently declared that this land could never become other than what it has been—the defender of religious freedom. But as the question of enforcing Sunday observance is widely agitated, the event so long doubted and disbelieved is seen to be approaching, and the third message will produce an effect which it could not have had before.

“Hatreto ireo izay naneho ny fahamarinan’ny hafatry ny anjely fahatelo dia matetika no noheverina ho mpanaitra fotsiny. Ny faminaniany fa hahazo fahefana any Etazonia ny tsy fandeferana ara-pivavahana, ka hiara-miray ny fiangonana sy ny fanjakana mba hanenjika ireo izay mitandrina ny didin’Andriamanitra, dia nambara ho tsy manan-kery sady tsy mitombina. Nambara tamim-pahatokiana fa ity tany ity dia tsy ho tonga ho zavatra hafa velively ankoatra izay efa naha-izy azy—dia mpiaro ny fahalalahana ara-pivavahana. Kanefa rehefa amporisihina fatratra sy aeleza patrana ny raharaha momba ny fampiharana ny fitandremana ny Alahady, dia hita fa manatona ilay toe-javatra izay efa ela no nisalasalana sy tsy ninoana; ary ny hafatra fahatelo dia hiteraka fiantraikany izay tsy ho azony nateraka taloha.”

In every generation God has sent His servants to rebuke sin, both in the world and in the church. But the people desire smooth things spoken to them, and the pure, unvarnished truth is not acceptable. Many reformers, in entering upon their work, determined to exercise great prudence in attacking the sins of the church and the nation. They hoped, by the example of a pure Christian life, to lead the people back to the doctrines of the Bible. But the Spirit of God came upon them as it came upon Elijah, moving him to rebuke the sins of a wicked king and an apostate people; they could not refrain from preaching the plain utterances of the Bible— doctrines which they had been reluctant to present. They were impelled to zealously declare the truth and the danger which threatened souls. The words which the Lord gave them they uttered, fearless of consequences, and the people were compelled to hear the warning.

“Tamin’ny taranaka rehetra dia nandefa ny mpanompony Andriamanitra hananatra ny ota, na eo amin’izao tontolo izao izany na eo amin’ny fiangonana. Kanefa ny olona maniry teny malefaka holazaina aminy, ary ny fahamarinana madio tsy voaravaka dia tsy ankasitrahiny. Maro tamin’ireo mpanavao, raha vao niditra tamin’ny asany, no tapa-kevitra hampiasa fahamalinana lehibe amin’ny famelezana ny fahotan’ny fiangonana sy ny firenena. Nanantena izy ireo fa, amin’ny alalan’ny ohatry ny fiainana kristiana madio, dia hitarika ny olona hiverina amin’ny fampianaran’ny Baiboly. Nefa ny Fanahin’Andriamanitra tonga taminy tahaka ny nahatongavany tamin’i Elia, ka nanosika azy hananatra ny fahotan’ny mpanjaka ratsy fanahy sy ny vahoaka nihemotra tamin’ny finoana; tsy azony nosakanana ny fitoriana ny fanambaran’ny Baiboly mivantana—dia fampianarana izay nisalasalan’izy ireo naseho. Voatery nambarany tamin-kafanam-po ny fahamarinana sy ny loza nandrahona ny fanahy. Ny teny izay nomen’ny Tompo azy no notononiny, tsy natahotra ny vokany, ary voatery nihaino ny fampitandremana ny olona.”

“Thus the message of the third angel will be proclaimed. As the time comes for it to be given with greatest power, the Lord will work through humble instruments, leading the minds of those who consecrate themselves to His service. The laborers will be qualified rather by the unction of His Spirit than by the training of literary institutions. Men of faith and prayer will be constrained to go forth with holy zeal, declaring the words which God gives them. The sins of Babylon will be laid open. The fearful results of enforcing the observances of the church by civil authority, the inroads of spiritualism, the stealthy but rapid progress of the papal power—all will be unmasked. By these solemn warnings the people will be stirred. Thousands upon thousands will listen who have never heard words like these. In amazement they hear the testimony that Babylon is the church, fallen because of her errors and sins, because of her rejection of the truth sent to her from heaven. As the people go to their former teachers with the eager inquiry, Are these things so? the ministers present fables, prophesy smooth things, to soothe their fears and quiet the awakened conscience. But since many refuse to be satisfied with the mere authority of men and demand a plain ‘Thus saith the Lord,’ the popular ministry, like the Pharisees of old, filled with anger as their authority is questioned, will denounce the message as of Satan and stir up the sin-loving multitudes to revile and persecute those who proclaim it.

“Koa izany no hanambarana ny hafatry ny anjely fahatelo. Rehefa tonga ny fotoana hanomezana azy amin’ny hery lehibe indrindra, dia hiasa amin’ny alalan’ny fitaovana manetry tena ny Tompo, ka hitarika ny sain’ireo izay manokana ny tenany ho amin’ny fanompoana Azy. Ny mpiasa dia ho voaomana kokoa amin’ny hosotry ny Fanahiny noho ny amin’ny fampiofanana avy amin’ny andrim-pampianarana momba ny haisoratra. Ny lehilahin’ny finoana sy ny vavaka dia ho voatery hivoaka amin’ny zotom-po masina, ka hanambara ny teny izay omen’Andriamanitra azy. Haseho miharihary ny fahotan’i Babylona. Ny vokatra mahatahotra ateraky ny fampiharana an-tery amin’ny alalan’ny fahefana sivily ny fitandremana ara-piangonana, ny fidiran’ny fanahy ratsy, ny fandrosoan’ny fahefan’ny papa izay mangingina nefa haingana—ireo rehetra ireo dia haesorina sarona. Amin’ireo fampitandremana manetriketrika ireo no hanetsiketsehana ny olona. Arivoarivo maro no hihaino, dia ireo izay tsy mbola nandre teny tahaka izao akory. Amin’ny fahagagana no handrenesany ny fijoroana vavolombelona fa Babylona dia ny fiangonana, lavo noho ny fahadisoany sy ny fahotany, noho ny nandavany ny fahamarinana nalefa taminy avy any an-danitra. Rehefa manatona ny mpampianatra azy taloha ny olona ka manontany amim-pahazotoana hoe: Marina va izany zavatra izany? dia anganon-diso no atolotry ny mpitandrina, ary faminaniana mandrobo no lazainy, mba hampitony ny tahony sy hampangina ny fieritreretana voafoha. Kanefa satria maro no mandà tsy hionona amin’ny fahefan’olombelona fotsiny ka mitaky mazava hoe: ‘Izao no lazain’i Jehovah,’ dia ny fitondram-pivavahana malaza, tahaka ny Fariseo fahiny, feno fahatezerana noho ny anontaniana ny fahefany, no hanameloka ny hafatra ho avy amin’i Satana, ary hamporisika ny vahoaka tia ota mba hanaratsy sy hanenjika ireo izay manambara izany.”

As the controversy extends into new fields and the minds of the people are called to God’s downtrodden law, Satan is astir. The power attending the message will only madden those who oppose it. The clergy will put forth almost superhuman efforts to shut away the light lest it should shine upon their flocks. By every means at their command they will endeavor to suppress the discussion of these vital questions. The church appeals to the strong arm of civil power, and, in this work, papists and Protestants unite. As the movement for Sunday enforcement becomes more bold and decided, the law will be invoked against commandment keepers. They will be threatened with fines and imprisonment, and some will be offered positions of influence, and other rewards and advantages, as inducements to renounce their faith. But their steadfast answer is: ‘Show us from the word of God our error’—the same plea that was made by Luther under similar circumstances. Those who are arraigned before the courts make a strong vindication of the truth, and some who hear them are led to take their stand to keep all the commandments of God. Thus light will be brought before thousands who otherwise would know nothing of these truths.” The Great Controversy, 605, 606.

“Raha miitatra any amin’ny sehatra vaovao ny fifanandrinana, ary ny sain’ny vahoaka dia tarihina ho amin’ny lalàn’Andriamanitra izay voahitsakitsaka, dia velona sy miasa mafy Satana. Ny hery manaraka ny hafatra dia tsy hitondra afa-tsy hatezerana lalina ao amin’ireo izay manohitra izany. Ny mpitondra fivavahana dia hanao ezaka saika mihoatra noho ny maha-olona mba hanakonana ny mazava, fandrao hamirapiratra amin’ny andian’ondriny izany. Amin’ny alalan’ny fomba rehetra eo am-pelatanany dia hiezaka hanafoana ny fifanakalozan-kevitra mikasika ireo fanontaniana manan-danja ireo izy. Miantso ny sandry maheryn’ny fahefam-panjakana ny fiangonana, ary amin’izany asa izany dia miray ny papista sy ny Protestanta. Raha vao mihamafy sy miharihary kokoa ny hetsika hampanjakana ny fitandremana ny Alahady, dia hantsoina hampiharina hanohitra ireo mpitandrina ny didy ny lalàna. Hampangaina amin’ny sazy vola sy fampidirana am-ponja izy ireo, ary ny sasany dia hatolotra toerana manan-kery, mbamin’ny valisoa sy tombontsoa hafa, ho fitaomana handà ny finoany. Kanefa izao no valin-teniny tsy miova: ‘Asehoy anay avy amin’ny tenin’Andriamanitra ny fahadisoanay’—izany ihany no fitakiana nataon’i Lotera teo ambanin’ny toe-javatra mitovy amin’izany. Ireo izay entina eo anatrehan’ny fitsarana dia manohana mafy ny fahamarinana, ary ny sasany amin’ireo izay mihaino azy dia tarihina hijoro hitandrina ny didin’Andriamanitra rehetra. Toy izany no hitondrana ny mazava eo anatrehan’ny olona an’arivony izay raha tsy izany dia tsy hahalala na inona na inona momba ireo fahamarinana ireo.” The Great Controversy, 605, 606.