Verse forty of Daniel chapter eleven, represents one of the most profound verses of God’s Word. The prophetic histories that are represented therein are where the wheels within the wheels of Ezekiel’s vision are brought together. With the time of the end of the Millerite movement in 1798, and also the time of the end of the movement of the third angel in 1989, the internal and external histories of God’s people of the last days are portrayed. Within the verse is the announcement of the approaching judgment which arrived with the first angel in 1798, all the way until the Sunday law of verse forty-one. The verse therefore represents the investigative judgment of God’s church beginning with the dead, through to the sealing of the one hundred and forty-four thousand, and God spewing Laodicean Adventism out of His mouth.

Ayat kaopat puluh tina Daniel pasal sabelas ngagambarkeun salah sahiji ayat anu pangjero jeung pangagungna dina Firman Allah. Sajarah-sajarah nubuat anu diwakilan di jerona téh mangrupa tempat dihijikeunana roda di jero roda tina titingalian Ézékiel. Kalawan mangsa ahir gerakan Millerite dina taun 1798, sarta deui mangsa ahir gerakan malaikat katilu dina taun 1989, sajarah internal jeung eksternal umat Allah dina poé-poé panungtungan dipintonkeun. Di jero ayat éta aya pangumuman ngeunaan pangadilan anu geus deukeut, anu sumping babarengan jeung malaikat kahiji dina taun 1798, nepi ka hukum Minggu dina ayat kaopat puluh hiji. Ku kituna, ayat éta ngagambarkeun pangadilan panalungtikan ka garéja Allah anu dimimitian ku anu paéh, nepi ka panyegelan saratus opat puluh opat rébu, sarta Allah ngaluarkeun Adventisme Laodikea tina sungut-Na.

The history where the papacy received its deadly wound in 1798, until the deadly wound is healed in verse forty-one is represented in the history of the verse. Verse forty-one onward is set within the context of the escalating executive judgments of God, which begin in that verse. In this prophetic sense, verse forty is the end of Daniel chapter eleven, and verses one and two, of the chapter are the beginning. Chapter eleven presents the rebellion of the antichrist, and chapter ten represents the beginning of the Hiddekel River vision, and chapter twelve represents the end. Chapters ten and twelve represent the first and the last, and chapter eleven is the rebellion in the middle.

Sajarah nalika kapausan nampi tatu nu matak paéh dina taun 1798, nepi ka tatu nu matak paéh éta cageur dina ayat opat puluh hiji, digambarkeun dina sajarah ayat éta. Ti ayat opat puluh hiji saterusna ditempatkeun dina kontéks hukuman-hukuman éksékutip Allah nu beuki ngaronjat, anu dimimitian dina ayat éta. Dina harti profétis ieu, ayat opat puluh téh mangrupa ahir Daniel pasal sabelas, sedengkeun ayat hiji jeung dua tina pasal salajengna téh mangrupa awalna. Pasal sabelas nembongkeun pemberontakan antikristus, pasal sapuluh ngagambarkeun awal tetenjoan Walungan Hiddekel, jeung pasal dua belas ngagambarkeun tungtungna. Pasal sapuluh jeung dua belas ngagambarkeun nu kahiji jeung nu panungtung, sedengkeun pasal sabelas téh pemberontakan di tengahna.

Chapters ten and twelve are the same, for, unlike chapter eleven, they represent Daniel’s experience in relation to the vision, and chapter eleven is the vision. Chapter ten is the first letter of the Hebrew alphabet, chapter eleven is the thirteenth rebellious letter of the Hebrew alphabet, and chapter twelve is the last letter of the alphabet. The Hiddekel River vision is the “Truth.”

Bab sapuluh jeung dua welas téh sarua, sabab, béda jeung bab sabelas, éta ngagambarkeun pangalaman Daniel patali jeung éta titingalian, sedengkeun bab sabelas téh nyaéta éta titingalian. Bab sapuluh nyaéta hurup kahiji dina alfabét Ibrani, bab sabelas nyaéta hurup katilu welas anu barontak dina alfabét Ibrani, jeung bab dua welas nyaéta hurup panungtung dina alfabét. Titingalian Walungan Hiddekel téh “Kaleresan.”

In chapter eleven, the beginning illustrates the end, for Christ never changes. The final history represented in verse forty, is the testing time of the image of the beast. That testing time concludes with the mark of the beast, which is represented in verse forty-one. Verses one and two, must therefore address the sealing time of the one hundred and forty-four thousand, for that period of time is also the period of the formation of the image of the beast.

Dina pasal sabelas, awalna ngagambarkeun ahirna, sabab Kristus henteu kungsi robah. Sajarah panungtungan anu digambarkeun dina ayat opat puluh, nyaéta mangsa pangudagna gambaran sato galak. Mangsa pangudagna éta ditungtungan ku tanda sato galak, anu digambarkeun dina ayat opat puluh hiji. Ku sabab kitu, ayat hiji jeung dua tangtu nyangkem mangsa pamaséhan pikeun saratus opat puluh opat rébu, sabab mangsa éta ogé mangsa kabentukna gambaran sato galak.

“The Lord has shown me clearly that the image of the beast will be formed before probation closes; for it is to be the great test for the people of God, by which their eternal destiny will be decided. . ..

“Gusti parantos nuduhkeun ka abdi kalayan écés yén gambar sato galak éta bakal diwujudkeun saméméh masa pangrojong kasempetan ditutup; sabab éta bakal jadi ujian anu agung pikeun umat Allah, anu ku dinya nasib maranéhna anu langgeng bakal dipastikeun....

“This is the test that the people of God must have before they are sealed.” Manuscript Releases, volume 15, 15.

“Ieu téh mangrupa ujian anu kudu kaalaman ku umat Allah saméméh maranéhna disegel.” Manuscript Releases, jilid 15, 15.

There are always two waymarks that identify a time of the end. In the reform movement of Moses, it was Aaron’s birth followed three years later with Moses’ birth. In the reform movement to come out of Babylon and rebuild the temple it was king Darius, followed by king Cyrus. In the reform movement of Christ, it was the birth of John the Baptist, followed in six months by the birth of Christ. In the reform movement of the Millerites it was the death of the papal system in 1798, followed by the death of the pope in 1799. In the reform movement of the third angel, it was president Reagan and president Bush the first, who both represented 1989. In Daniel chapter ten, verse one, we find king Cyrus identified.

Sok aya salawasna dua tanda jalan anu nandakeun hiji waktu ahir. Dina gerakan reformasi Musa, éta nya éta kalahiran Harun, tuluy tilu taun sanggeusna kalahiran Musa. Dina gerakan reformasi pikeun kaluar ti Babul sarta ngawangun deui Bait Allah, éta nya éta raja Darius, dituturkeun ku raja Koresy. Dina gerakan reformasi Kristus, éta nya éta kalahiran Yohanes Pembaptis, dituturkeun genep bulan saterusna ku kalahiran Kristus. Dina gerakan reformasi kaum Millerit, éta nya éta maotna sistem kapapaan dina taun 1798, dituturkeun ku maotna paus dina taun 1799. Dina gerakan reformasi malaikat katilu, éta nya éta présidén Reagan jeung présidén Bush nu kahiji, anu duanana ngawakilan taun 1989. Dina Daniel pasal sapuluh, ayat hiji, urang manggihan raja Koresy diidéntifikasi.

In the third year of Cyrus king of Persia a thing was revealed unto Daniel, whose name was called Belteshazzar; and the thing was true, but the time appointed was long: and he understood the thing, and had understanding of the vision. Daniel 10:1.

Dina taun katilu pamaréntahan Koresy raja Persia, aya hiji perkara anu diungkabkeun ka Daniél, anu ngaranna disebut Béltesasar; sarta perkara éta enya, nanging waktu anu geus ditangtukeun téh panjang; sarta manéhna ngartos kana éta perkara, jeung meunang pangartian kana éta titingalian. Daniel 10:1.

In the following verses of chapter ten, we see the experience of Daniel represented in advance of Gabriel delivering the vision of prophetic history in chapter eleven. Cyrus marks the time of the end, for previously Cyrus, Darius’ nephew, had been Darius’ general who slew Belshazzar, thus marking the end of the seventy years of captivity, which typified the twelve-hundred and sixty-year captivity of spiritual Israel in spiritual Babylon from 538 unto 1798.

Dina ayat-ayat saterusna dina pasal sapuluh, urang ningali pangalaman Daniel anu digambarkeun ti heula saméméh Jibril nepikeun titingalian ngeunaan sajarah nubuat dina pasal sabelas. Kores nandaan mangsa ahir, sabab saméméhna Kores, kemenakan Darius, kungsi jadi panglima Darius anu maéhan Belsyasar, ku kituna nandaan ahirna tujuh puluh taun pangasingan, anu jadi pralambang pangasingan salila sarébu dua ratus genep puluh taun pikeun Israél rohani di Babul rohani ti taun 538 nepi ka 1798.

“God’s church on earth was as verily in captivity during this long period of relentless persecution as were the children of Israel held captive in Babylon during the period of the exile.” Prophets and Kings, 714.

“Garéja Allah di bumi ieu saéstuna aya dina panangkaran salila mangsa panjang panganiayaan anu taya eureunna ieu, sakumaha saéstuna urang Israil aya dina panangkaran di Babul salila mangsa pembuangan.” Prophets and Kings, 714.

The end of the twelve hundred and sixty years in 1798, marked the time of the end, so the end of the seventy years marked the “time of the end” for that history. Both Darius and Cyrus are represented at the death of Belshazzar and end of the kingdom of Babylon, for as Darius’s general who accomplished the work, Cyrus was representing Darius. When George Bush the first was inaugurated on January 20, 1989, Reagan had been president for the first nineteen days of 1989.

Panutupna sarébu dua ratus genep puluh taun dina taun 1798 nandaan waktu ahir, ku kituna panutupna tujuh puluh taun ogé nandaan “waktu ahir” pikeun sajarah éta. Boh Darius boh Cyrus dipidangkeun dina pupusna Belshazzar jeung ahir karajaan Babul, sabab Cyrus, minangka panglima Darius anu ngalaksanakeun éta pancén, ngawakilan Darius. Nalika George Bush nu kahiji dilantik dina 20 Januari 1989, Reagan geus jadi présidén salila salapan belas poé kahiji dina taun 1989.

The vision of the Hiddekel began at the time of the end, in the third year of Cyrus. When Gabriel begins to unfold to Daniel the prophetic history of chapter eleven, he first references the first year of Darius, to establish clearly that the vision of prophetic history that he was about to present to Daniel begins in the last time of the end, in 1989, for all the prophets speak more of the last days than the days in which they lived.

Titingalian Hiddekel mimiti dina mangsa ahir, dina taun katilu pamaréntahan Koresyus. Nalika Jibril ngamimitian ngécéskeun ka Daniel sajarah nubuat dina pasal sabelas, anjeunna heula nyebut taun kahiji Darius, sangkan écés netelakeun yén titingalian ngeunaan sajarah nubuat anu badé ditepikeun ka Daniel dimimitian dina mangsa ahir panungtungan, dina taun 1989, sabab sakabéh nabi leuwih loba nyarita ngeunaan poé-poé panungtungan tibatan poé-poé jaman maranéhna hirup.

But I will show thee that which is noted in the scripture of truth: and there is none that holdeth with me in these things, but Michael your prince. Also I in the first year of Darius the Mede, even I, stood to confirm and to strengthen him. Daniel 10:21, 11:1.

Tapi Kami akan némbongkeun ka maranéh anu kacatet dina Kitab Kayaktian; jeung teu aya saurang ogé anu nangtung babarengan jeung Kami dina perkara-perkara ieu, iwal Mikail, pangéran maranéh. Kitu deui, dina taun kahiji Daríus urang Média, nya Kami kénéh, nangtung pikeun ngukuhkeun jeung nguatkeun anjeunna. Daniel 10:21, 11:1.

In the first year of Darius, which represents the time of the end in 1989, Gabriel “stood”, thus identifying that at a “time of the end”, an angel arrives. In 1798 the first angel arrived, and in 1989, the third angel arrived. It wasn’t until the message of the third angel was empowered in 2001 that the sealing of the third angel began, but the movement of the third angel arriving in 1989, is represented by Gabriel standing at the time of the end. Gabriel is going to show Daniel “that which is noted in the scripture of truth,” and the vision of the Hiddekel possesses the signature of “Truth,” which Gabriel is about to set forth.

Dina taun kahiji pamaréntahan Darius, anu ngalambangkeun waktu ahir dina taun 1989, Gabriel “nangtung”, ku kituna nandakeun yén dina hiji “waktu ahir”, hiji malaikat sumping. Dina taun 1798 malaikat kahiji sumping, sarta dina taun 1989, malaikat katilu sumping. Nepi ka talatah malaikat katilu dipaparin kakawasaan dina taun 2001, pangmeteraian ku malaikat katilu can dimimitian; nanging gerakan datangna malaikat katilu dina taun 1989, dilambangkeun ku Gabriel nangtung dina waktu ahir. Gabriel baris némbongkeun ka Daniel “anu kacatet dina kitab kayaktian,” sarta titingalian ngeunaan Hiddekel ngandung ciri “Kayaktian,” anu rek dipidangkeun ku Gabriel.

In verse fourteen of chapter ten Gabriel had already informed Daniel that what he was addressing in the vision of the Hiddekel was “what would happen to God’s people in the last days.”

Dina ayat opat belas pasal sapuluh, Jibril geus ngawartosan ka Daniel yén perkara anu keur dipedar ku anjeunna dina tetenjoan ngeunaan Hiddekel téh nya éta “naon anu bakal kajadian ka umat Allah dina poé-poé panungtungan.”

Now I am come to make thee understand what shall befall thy people in the latter days: for yet the vision is for many days. Daniel 10:14.

Ayeuna Kami sumping pikeun ngajadikeun anjeun ngartos naon anu bakal tumiba ka umat anjeun dina poe-poe panungtungan; sabab ieu tetenjoan téh masih pikeun loba poe kénéh. Daniel 10:14.

Verse two of Daniel chapter eleven represents the knowledge that was unsealed at the time of the end in 1989, and which identifies what “shall befall” God’s people “in the latter days”.

Ayat kadua tina pasal sabelas kitab Daniel ngagambarkeun pangaweruh anu dibuka segelna dina mangsa ahir taun 1989, sarta anu ngaidentifikasi naon anu “bakal tumiba” ka umat Allah “dina poe-poe panungtungan”.

And now will I show thee the truth. Behold, there shall stand up yet three kings in Persia; and the fourth shall be far richer than they all: and by his strength through his riches he shall stir up all against the realm of Grecia. Daniel 11:2.

Ayeuna kaula bade nembongkeun ka aranjeun bebeneran. Tenjo, bakal aya kénéh tilu raja nu nangtung di Pérsia; jeung nu kaopat bakal jauh leuwih beunghar ti maranéhna kabéh; sarta ku kakawasaanana lantaran kabeungharanana, manéhna bakal ngagerakkeun sakumna jalma ngalawan karajaan Grécia. Daniel 11:2.

Cyrus prefigures the second king since 1989. He is the king of the Medo-Persian Empire, which represents the kingdom of Bible prophecy in the last days that is made up of two horns, represented by the Medes and the Persians. After the second king of the kingdom of the two-horned earth beast at the time of the end in 1989, there would yet be three kings (Clinton, Bush the last, Obama), and then there would be a king that was far richer than they all were. The three kings that followed Bush the first, got wealthy after their presidencies, and only because they had become president. Trump, the fourth that was far richer, and was the wealthiest president ever, did not make his money because he had been president, but primarily through his work in real estate investments, well before he ran for president.

Kores ngalambangkeun raja kadua saprak taun 1989. Anjeunna téh raja Kakaisaran Mado-Pérsia, anu ngawakilan karajaan dina nubuat Alkitab dina poé-poé panungtungan, anu diwangun ku dua tanduk, dilambangkeun ku urang Madai jeung urang Pérsia. Sanggeus raja kadua tina karajaan sato galak bumi anu tandukna dua dina waktu ahir taun 1989, masih bakal aya tilu raja deui (Clinton, Bush nu panungtung, Obama), tuluy bakal aya saurang raja anu jauh leuwih beunghar ti maranéhna kabéh. Tilu raja anu nuturkeun Bush nu kahiji jadi beunghar sanggeus kapersidenanana, sarta ngan ku sabab maranéhna geus jadi présidén. Trump, anu kaopat, anu jauh leuwih beunghar, sarta anu pangbeungharna di antara sakabéh présidén, henteu nyieun kabeungharanana ku sabab anjeunna kungsi jadi présidén, tapi utamana ngaliwatan pagawéanana dina investasi perumahan, jauh saméméh anjeunna nyalonkeun diri jadi présidén.

Formerly the richest president in American history, relatively speaking, was the first president of the United States. Prior to Donald Trump, George Washington was the richest president in American history, and he made his money as did Donald Trump, through real estate investments. Both Washington and Trump came to the presidency from non-traditional political backgrounds. Washington was primarily a military leader before becoming president, and Trump was a businessman and television personality, who like unto Washington was without any prior political experience.

Baheula présidén nu pangbeungharna dina sajarah Amérika, lamun ditilik sacara rélatif, nyaéta présidén kahiji Amérika Sarikat. Saméméh Donald Trump, George Washington nyaéta présidén nu pangbeungharna dina sajarah Amérika, sarta anjeunna meunangkeun kakayaanana, saperti Donald Trump, ngaliwatan investasi harta tanah. Boh Washington boh Trump sumping kana kalungguhan kaprésidénan tina latar pulitik nu teu tradisional. Washington utamana mangrupa pamingpin militér saméméh janten présidén, sedengkeun Trump mangrupa pangusaha jeung kapribadian télévisi, anu saperti Washington, teu miboga pangalaman pulitik saméméhna.

Both presidents were known for their strong personalities and leadership styles, although they manifested these traits quite differently. Washington was known for his stoic, calm, and confident leadership and unifying presence during the Revolutionary War and the early years of the Republic, while Trump is known for his assertive approach to leadership and governance. Both Washington and Trump were figures of significant controversy, albeit for very different reasons. Washington, while widely revered, faced criticism during his time for various issues, including his views on slavery. Trump’s presidency was marked by numerous controversies, including his use of “mean tweets” on social media, his America-first policy decisions, and his own self-awareness.

Kadua présidén éta dipikawanoh ku kapribadian anu kuat jeung gaya kapamingpinan maranéhna, sanajan sipat-sipat éta nembonganana kacida béda-bédana. Washington dipikawanoh ku kapamingpinanana anu stoik, tenang, jeung pinuh kayakinan, ogé ku ayana dirina anu ngahijikeun dina mangsa Perang Révolusionér jeung taun-taun awal Républik, ari Trump dipikawanoh ku pendekatanana anu tegas dina kapamingpinan jeung pamaréntahan. Boh Washington boh Trump mangrupa tokoh anu ngabalukarkeun kontroversi anu gedé, sanajan ku alesan anu kacida béda-bédana. Washington, sanajan kacida dipupujina, dina mangsana nyanghareupan kritik dina rupa-rupa perkara, kaasup pandanganana ngeunaan perbudakan. Kaprésidénan Trump dicirian ku rupa-rupa kontroversi, kaasup pamakéan “mean tweets”-na dina média sosial, kaputusan-kaputusan kawijakanana anu ngautamakeun America-first, jeung kasadaran-dirina sorangan.

The richest and sixth president was to stir up the globalist dragon powers. When we lay the history of verse two of chapter eleven, upon the history of the period of 1776, 1789, and 1798, we find further information addressing the last president of the earth beast, for Jesus illustrates the end with the beginning. The first two periods represented by 1776, and 1789, provide two witnesses that the final president, will be the eighth president, who was of the seven. Trump was the sixth president after Reagan, and as the eighth president, he will be “of the seven”. The final, and eighth president will rule when the United States forms the image “to and of” the beast.

Présidén anu kagenep nu pangleungharna téh kudu ngagerakkeun kakawasaan naga globalis. Lamun sajarah ayat kadua tina pasal sabelas dipaparkeun kana sajarah mangsa 1776, 1789, jeung 1798, urang manggihan katerangan salajengna nu nyangking perkara présidén panungtung tina sato bumi, sabab Isa ngagambarkeun tungtung ku awal. Dua mangsa kahiji nu dilambangkeun ku 1776 jeung 1789 nyayagikeun dua saksi yén présidén panungtung téh bakal jadi présidén kagenep? Wait correction needed.

The president who rules when the image of the beast is formed by the United States, must be the eighth, that is of the seven, as witnessed to by Peyton Randolph, and John Hancock. The papacy is the eighth head that was of the seven, and it received a prophetic deadly wound. To be an image of the papacy, the eighth president that is of the seven, must also have a prophetic identification of being prophetically “wounded” or “killed”.

Présidén anu maréntah nalika gambar sato galak dibentuk ku Amérika Sarikat, kudu jadi anu kadalapan, nyaéta anu asalna tina tujuh, sakumaha disaksian ku Peyton Randolph jeung John Hancock. Kapausan téh nyaéta sirah anu kadalapan, anu asalna tina tujuh, sarta éta nampa tatu maot anu sipatna nubuat. Pikeun jadi gambar tina kapausan, présidén anu kadalapan, anu asalna tina tujuh, ogé kudu miboga idéntifikasi nubuat salaku anu sacara nubuat “katatu” atawa “dipaéhan”.

The papacy received its deadly wound from a dragon power (France), a dragon power who the papacy had been struggling against since the time when Paul identified that, the mystery of iniquity (the man of sin), did already work at that time. The dragon of paganism was restraining the papacy from taking the throne, which it did in 538.

Kapapaan narima tatu maotna ti hiji kakawasaan naga (Perancis), hiji kakawasaan naga anu geus lila dilawan ku kapapaan ti saprak mangsa Paulus nandakeun yén rusiah kajahatan éta—jalma dosa—geus jalan dina mangsa harita. Naga kapir keur nahan kapapaan supaya teu nyekel tahta, anu ahirna dipigawé ku éta dina taun 538.

From the beginning of the papacy unto its final demise it struggles against dragon powers. An image of the papacy requires that the image struggles with a dragon power. In Revelation seventeen the papacy, who is the eighth head, that is of the seven heads, is ultimately burned with fire and her flesh is eaten by the ten kings. In both deaths (1798 and the last days), the papal beast is killed by a dragon power. In order for the United States to form an image of the beast, the eighth president would also need to be killed by a dragon power that it was at war with, and the sixth king after the time of the end in 1989, is the king that stirred up all the dragon powers.

Ti awalna kapausan nepi ka karuntuhanana nu pungkasan, éta salawasna bajoang ngalawan kakawasaan naga. Hiji gambar papasi nungtut yén gambar éta bajoang jeung hiji kakawasaan naga. Dina Wahyu tujuh welas papasi, anu mangrupakeun sirah ka dalapan, nyaéta anu asalna tina tujuh sirah, tungtungna diduruk ku seuneu sarta dagingna didahar ku sapuluh raja. Dina duanana maotna (1798 jeung poé-poé panungtungan), sato galak kapausan dipaéhan ku hiji kakawasaan naga. Sangkan Amérika Sarikat ngabentuk hiji gambar tina sato galak, présidén ka dalapan ogé kudu dipaéhan ku hiji kakawasaan naga anu keur diparangan ku dirina, sarta raja ka genep sanggeus mangsa ahir dina 1989, nyaéta raja anu ngagerakkeun sakumna kakawasaan naga.

Ronald Reagan was an apostate Protestant, but George Bush the first, was a classic globalist. One of his famous quotes is where he lied by saying, on August 18, 1988, “And I’m the one who will not raise taxes. My opponent now says he’ll raise them as a last resort, or a third resort. But when a politician talks like that, you know that’s one resort he’ll be checking into. My opponent won’t rule out raising taxes. But I will. And the Congress will push me to raise taxes and I’ll say no. And they’ll push, and I’ll say no, and they’ll push again, and all I can say to them is: read my lips: no new taxes.”

Ronald Reagan téh saurang Protestan murtad, ari George Bush nu kahiji mah saurang globalis klasik. Salah sahiji cutatanana nu kasohor nyaéta nalika anjeunna ngabohong ku nyebutkeun, dina 18 Agustus 1988, “And I’m the one who will not raise taxes. My opponent now says he’ll raise them as a last resort, or a third resort. But when a politician talks like that, you know that’s one resort he’ll be checking into. My opponent won’t rule out raising taxes. But I will. And the Congress will push me to raise taxes and I’ll say no. And they’ll push, and I’ll say no, and they’ll push again, and all I can say to them is: read my lips: no new taxes.”

Other than that public lie, which is an attribute of a representative of the dragon power, his most famous quote was at a joint session of Congress on September 11, 1990, where he said, “Now, we can see a new world coming into view. A world in which there is the very real prospect of a new world order. In the words of Winston Churchill, a ‘world order’ in which ‘the principles of justice and fair play … protect the weak against the strong …’ A world where the United Nations, freed from cold war stalemate, is poised to fulfill the historic vision of its founders.” Bush the senior was a globalist, even if he identified as a Republican.

Salain ti éta bohong umum, anu mangrupakeun sipat hiji wakil tina kakawasaan naga, kutipan anjeunna anu pangsohorna nyaéta dina sidang gabungan Kongrés tanggal 11 Séptémber 1990, nalika anjeunna nyarios, “Ayeuna, urang tiasa ningali hiji dunya anyar mimiti katempo. Hiji dunya anu di jerona aya kamungkinan anu kacida nyata pikeun hiji tatanan dunya anyar. Dina kecap-kecap Winston Churchill, hiji ‘tatanan dunya’ anu di jerona ‘prinsip-prinsip kaadilan jeung kaulinan anu adil … ngajaga anu lemah tina anu kuat …’ Hiji dunya tempat Perserikatan Bangsa-Bangsa, sanggeus dibébaskeun tina kabuntuan perang tiis, geus siap pikeun ngalaksanakeun visi sajarah para pangadegna.” Bush nu kolot téh saurang globalis, sanajan anjeunna ngaidentifikasi dirina salaku saurang Républikan.

Bill Clinton was the first president to hold his inauguration ceremony at the Lincoln Memorial, which means he turned his back to Lincoln and faced the obelisk of Washington’s monument, an obelisk that is internally filled with symbols of Freemasonry. Both the obelisk and the symbols of Freemasonry he chose to face as he falsely swore his allegiance to the Constitution, represented not only that he had turned his back upon the anti-slavery symbol of the Lincoln Memorial, but Clintons’ chosen historic positioning, agrees with his acceptance speech, where he praised a professor whom he had studied under in the Jesuit University that he had attended.

Bill Clinton nyaéta présidén kahiji anu ngayakeun upacara pelantikanna di Lincoln Memorial, anu hartina anjeunna nyanghareupkeun tonggongna ka Lincoln sarta nyanghareup ka obelisk Monumén Washington, hiji obelisk anu sacara jero pinuh ku lambang-lambang Freemasonry. Boh obelisk éta boh lambang-lambang Freemasonry anu dipilih ku anjeunna pikeun dipapay nalika anjeunna sacara palsu ngucapkeun sumpah kasatiaanna ka Konstitusi, ngagambarkeun lain waé yén anjeunna geus ngabalingkeun tonggongna ka lambang anti-perbudakan, nyaéta Lincoln Memorial, tapi ogé yén posisi sajarah anu dipilih ku Clinton saluyu jeung pidato panarimaanna, tempat anjeunna muji saurang profesor anu kungsi ngajar anjeunna di Universitas Jesuit anu kungsi dihadiranna.

That professor, Carroll Quigley, wrote the book: Tragedy and Hope: A History of the World in Our Time, which was published in 1966, and is correctly and widely understood to represent “the Bible for globalist ideas”. As the Koran is to Islam, and as Morals and Dogma of the Ancient and Accepted Scottish Rite of Freemasonry, written by Albert Pike, and published in 1871, is considered the most comprehensive exposition of the esoteric teachings of Freemasonry; or as The Book of Mormon is to the Latter Day Saints, Quigley’s book is the Bible of globalist philosophy. Most would have known if Clinton praised Mohammed of the Koran, or if he praised Joseph Smith of The Book of Mormon, and some would have known who Albert Pike was, but few knew that Clinton’s praise of Quigley was consistent with his own globalist agenda, and his rejection of the principles represented by Abraham Lincoln.

Eta profesor, Carroll Quigley, nulis buku: Tragedy and Hope: A History of the World in Our Time, nu diterbitkeun taun 1966, sarta sacara leres jeung lega dipikaharti minangka “Bibél pikeun gagasan globalis”. Sakumaha Al-Qur’an pikeun Islam, jeung sakumaha Morals and Dogma of the Ancient and Accepted Scottish Rite of Freemasonry, nu ditulis ku Albert Pike, sarta diterbitkeun taun 1871, dianggap minangka paparan anu panglengkepna ngeunaan ajaran-ajaran ésotérik Freemasonry; atawa sakumaha The Book of Mormon pikeun para Latter Day Saints, buku Quigley téh mangrupa Bibél filsafat globalis. Kalolobaan jalma tangtu bakal nyaho upama Clinton muji Muhammad tina Al-Qur’an, atawa upama manéhna muji Joseph Smith tina The Book of Mormon, sarta sabagian bakal nyaho saha Albert Pike téh, tapi ngan saeutik anu nyaho yén pujian Clinton ka Quigley saluyu jeung agénda globalisna sorangan, sarta panolakanana kana prinsip-prinsip anu diwakilan ku Abraham Lincoln.

In the speech, Clinton said: “As a teenager, I heard John Kennedy’s summons to citizenship. And then, as a student at Georgetown, I heard that call clarified by a professor named Carroll Quigley, who said to us that America was the greatest nation in history because our people have always believed in two things: that tomorrow can be better than today and that every one of us has a personal moral responsibility to make it so.” Carroll Quigley’s idea on how to “make America great again”, was for the United States to surrender its national sovereignty to the United Nations. Clinton was a Democrat, globalist, representative of the dragon.

Dina éta biantara, Clinton nyarios: “Nalika keur rumaja, kuring ngadangu panggero John Kennedy kana kawarganagaraan. Tuluy, nalika jadi mahasiswa di Georgetown, kuring ngadangu éta panggero dijentrekeun ku saurang profesor nu ngaranna Carroll Quigley, anu nyarios ka kami yén Amérika téh bangsa pangagungna dina sajarah sabab rahayat urang salawasna percaya kana dua hal: yén isukan bisa leuwih hade tibatan poé ieu jeung yén masing-masing urang miboga tanggung jawab moral pribadi pikeun ngajadikeun éta kajadian.” Gagasan Carroll Quigley ngeunaan kumaha “ngajadikeun Amérika agung deui”, nyaéta supaya Amérika Sarikat nyerahkeun kadaulatan nasionalna ka Perserikatan Bangsa-Bangsa. Clinton téh saurang Démokrat, globalis, wawakil naga.

“Like father, like son”, George Bush the last, was a globalist, and just as was his father, a globalist who professed to be Republican. The apple does not fall far from the tree. The Bible raises the rhetorical question, “Can two walk together, except they be agreed?” One simply needs to track the many enterprises that Bush the last, accomplished together with Bill and Hillary Clinton to see who Bush the last agreed with.

“Bapa siga anakna”, George Bush nu panungtungan téh saurang globalis, sarta sarua jeung bapana, saurang globalis anu ngaku dirina Républikan. Buah apel moal ragrag jauh ti tangkalna. Alkitab ngangkat patalékan rétoris, “Naha dua jalma bisa leumpang babarengan, iwal lamun maranéhna sapamadegan?” Jalma ngan saukur perlu ngalacak réa-réa usaha anu dihontal ku Bush nu panungtungan babarengan jeung Bill jeung Hillary Clinton pikeun ningali jeung saha Bush nu panungtungan sapamadegan.

Barack Hussein Obama made a statement about fundamentally transforming the United States during a campaign rally shortly before he was elected as President. On October 30, 2008, in Columbia, Missouri, Obama said: “We are five days away from fundamentally transforming the United States of America.” The statement was part of Obama’s broader message of “hope and change”, which was a central theme of his 2008 presidential campaign, emphasizing his commitment to significant policy reforms and a different direction for the country. The direction he turned the country was into the dragon policies of globalism, anti-white, pro-abortion, anti-carbon fuels, anti-America pro-globalism, Diversity, Equity, Inclusion, the false history of Critical Race Theory, and on and on. Obama was not simply a community organizer; he was and still is a representative of the dragon power’s globalist agenda.

Barack Hussein Obama nyatakeun hiji pernyataan ngeunaan ngarobah Amérika Sarikat sacara dasariah dina hiji rapat kampanye teu lila saméméh anjeunna kapilih jadi Présidén. Dina tanggal 30 Oktober 2008, di Columbia, Missouri, Obama nyarios: “We are five days away from fundamentally transforming the United States of America.” Pernyataan éta mangrupa bagian tina pesen Obama anu leuwih jembar ngeunaan “hope and change”, anu jadi téma puseur dina kampanye kapersidénan taun 2008, nekenkeun komitmenna kana réformasi kawijakan anu signifikan jeung hiji arah anu béda pikeun nagara éta. Arah anu dipalingkeun ku anjeunna pikeun nagara éta nyaéta kana kawijakan naga globalisme, anti-bodas, pro-aborsi, anti-bahan bakar karbon, anti-Amérika pro-globalisme, Diversity, Equity, Inclusion, sajarah palsu tina Critical Race Theory, jeung sajabana terus. Obama lain saukur saurang pangatur komunitas; anjeunna harita jeung nepi ka ayeuna téh mangrupa wawakil tina agenda globalis kakawasaan naga.

Trump however, unlike a typical modern politician, kept more promises than all the other seven presidents in the period beginning in 1989, combined. He was committed to making America great again, and in so attempting, he stirred up the globalist powers that be, not only in the United States, but in the entire world.

Nanging Trump, béda jeung pulitikus modéren anu ilahar, leuwih loba nyumponan jangjina batan gabungan sakumna tujuh présidén séjén dina mangsa nu dimimitian taun 1989. Anjeunna satia kana komitmén pikeun ngajadikeun Amérika agung deui, sarta dina usaha éta, anjeunna ngagugah kakuatan-kakuatan globalis anu keur nyekel kakawasaan, lain ngan di Amérika Sarikat wungkul, tapi ogé di sakuliah dunya.

Joe Biden has no evidence whatsoever that he is anything other than another globalist.

Joe Biden teu gaduh bukti nanaon pisan yén manéhna téh lain nanaon iwal ti saurang globalis deui.

The beast of Catholicism waged a long-drawn-out war with the dragon powers, and the president that is reigning when the United States forms an image of the papacy, will, of prophetic necessity, be in a struggle with the dragon powers. None of the living presidents, other than Donald Trump, would wage war with the dragon powers, for the Democrats are openly globalist (dragons), and George Bush the last, was, as his father was (a professed Republican, that is actually a globalist dragon), for Jesus always illustrates the last with the first.

Sato galak Katolik ngalakonan perang anu panjang jeung berkepanjangan jeung kakawasaan naga, sarta présidén anu keur maréntah dina waktu Amérika Sarikat ngawangun hiji gambaran tina kapausan, ku kabutuhan nubuat, bakal aya dina hiji perjuangan ngalawan kakawasaan naga. Teu aya sahiji ogé ti antara présidén-présidén anu masih hirup, iwal ti Donald Trump, anu bakal ngalakonan perang jeung kakawasaan naga, sabab Demokrat téh sacara kabuka globalis (naga), jeung George Bush anu panungtung, nyaéta, saperti bapana ogé (saurang Républikan anu ngaku kitu, padahal sabenerna naga globalis), sabab Isa salawasna ngagambarkeun anu panungtung ku anu kahiji.

We will continue this study in the next article.

Urang baris neraskeun ieu pangajaran dina artikel salajengna.

“A great crisis awaits the people of God. A crisis awaits the world. The most momentous struggle of all the ages is just before us. Events which for more than forty years we have upon the authority of the prophetic word declared to be impending are now taking place before our eyes. Already the question of an amendment to the Constitution restricting liberty of conscience has been urged upon the legislators of the nation. The question of enforcing Sunday observance has become one of national interest and importance. We well know what the result of this movement will be. But are we ready for the issue? Have we faithfully discharged the duty which God has committed to us of giving the people warning of the danger before them?

“Hiji krisis anu gedé ngantosan umat Allah. Hiji krisis ngantosan dunya. Perjuangan anu pangmangpaatna dina sakabéh jaman geus caket pisan di hareupeun urang. Kajadian-kajadian anu salila leuwih ti opat puluh taun, dumasar kana kawibawaan firman nubuat, ku urang geus dinyatakeun baris datang, ayeuna keur lumangsung di hareupeun panon urang. Geus aya dorongan ka para anggota législatif bangsa ieu ngeunaan perkara amandemen kana Konstitusi anu ngawatesan kabébasan nurani. Perkara maksa pangreksaan poé Minggu geus jadi salah sahiji hal anu dipikaresep jeung penting sacara nasional. Urang terang pisan naon hasil tina gerakan ieu bakal jadi. Tapi naha urang geus siap nyanghareupan éta? Naha urang geus satia ngalaksanakeun kawajiban anu ku Allah geus dipercayakeun ka urang, nyaéta méré pangéling ka jalma-jalma ngeunaan bahaya anu aya di hareupeun maranéhna?”

“There are many, even of those engaged in this movement for Sunday enforcement, who are blinded to the results which will follow this action. They do not see that they are striking directly against religious liberty. There are many who have never understood the claims of the Bible Sabbath and the false foundation upon which the Sunday institution rests. Any movement in favor of religious legislation is really an act of concession to the papacy, which for so many ages has steadily warred against liberty of conscience. Sunday observance owes its existence as a so-called Christian institution to ‘the mystery of iniquity;’ and its enforcement will be a virtual recognition of the principles which are the very cornerstone of Romanism. When our nation shall so abjure the principles of its government as to enact a Sunday law, Protestantism will in this act join hands with popery; it will be nothing else than giving life to the tyranny which has long been eagerly watching its opportunity to spring again into active despotism.

“Aya loba, malah di antara jalma-jalma anu keur ngalibet dina gerakan ieu pikeun maksa pangregepkeun poe Minggu, anu kabur ku hasil-hasil anu bakal nuturkeun tina ieu léngkah. Maranéhna henteu ningali yén maranéhna keur langsung nyerang kana kabébasan agama. Aya loba anu can kungsi ngartos kana tuntutan Sabat Alkitab jeung kana pondasi palsu anu jadi tumpuan lembaga poe Minggu. Sagala gerakan anu ngarojong panerapan agama saéstuna mangrupa hiji kalakuan ngéléhkeun diri ka kapausan, anu salila mangsa-mangsa anu kacida lilana terus-terusan perang ngalawan kabébasan nurani. Pangregepkeun poe Minggu ngahutang ayana minangka hiji lembaga anu disebut Kristen ka ‘rahasia kajahatan;’ sarta paksaanana bakal jadi pangakuan anu nyata kana asas-asas anu jadi batu juru pisan tina Romanisme. Lamun bangsa urang nepi ka kitu jauh nampik asas-asas pamaréntahanana nepi ka netepkeun hiji undang-undang poe Minggu, dina ieu kalakuan Protestanisme bakal ngajabat leungeun jeung kapopéan; éta moal lain iwal ti méré hirup ka kajaliman anu geus lila kalawan kacida hayangna ngawas-ngawas kasempetanana pikeun ngaluncat deui kana kakawasaan lalim anu aktif.”

“The National Reform movement, exercising the power of religious legislation, will, when fully developed, manifest the same intolerance and oppression that have prevailed in past ages. Human councils then assumed the prerogatives of Deity, crushing under their despotic power liberty of conscience; and imprisonment, exile, and death followed for those who opposed their dictates. If popery or its principles shall again be legislated into power, the fires of persecution will be rekindled against those who will not sacrifice conscience and the truth in deference to popular errors. This evil is on the point of realization.

“Gerakan Reformasi Nasional, anu ngalaksanakeun kakawasaan panerapan kaagamaan, bakal, lamun geus mekar sapinuhna, nembongkeun kateu-sabaran jeung panindasan anu sarua jeung nu kungsi marajalela dina jaman-jaman baheula. Déwan-déwan manusa harita ngarebut hak-hak istiméwa anu kagungan Kaallahan, ngaremuk kabébasan nurani ku kakawasaanana anu lalim; sarta panjara, pangasingan, jeung pati ngudag jalma-jalma anu ngalawan kana parentah-parentah maranéhna. Lamun kapausan atawa prinsip-prinsipna deuih dipasrahkeun kana kakawasaan ku jalan panerapan, seuneu panganiayaan bakal hurung deui ngalawan jalma-jalma anu moal ngorbankeun nurani jeung bebeneran demi nurut kana kasalahan-kasalahan anu dipikaresep ku balaréa. Kajahatan ieu geus aya dina ambang kajadian.”

“When God has given us light showing the dangers before us, how can we stand clear in His sight if we neglect to put forth every effort in our power to bring it before the people? Can we be content to leave them to meet this momentous issue unwarned?” Testimonies, volume 5, 711, 712.

“Nalika Allah parantos maparin ka urang terang nu némbongkeun bahaya-bahaya nu aya di hareupeun urang, kumaha urang tiasa katémbong beresih di payuneun Anjeunna lamun urang ngalalaworakeun pikeun ngaluarkeun unggal upaya anu aya dina kakawasaan urang sangkan éta dibawa ka hareupeun jalma-jalma? Naha urang tiasa ngarasa cukup lamun ninggalkeun maranéhna nyanghareupan perkara anu pohara penting ieu tanpa dipépéling?” Testimonies, jilid 5, 711, 712.