Verse forty of Daniel chapter eleven, represents one of the most profound verses of God’s Word. The prophetic histories that are represented therein are where the wheels within the wheels of Ezekiel’s vision are brought together. With the time of the end of the Millerite movement in 1798, and also the time of the end of the movement of the third angel in 1989, the internal and external histories of God’s people of the last days are portrayed. Within the verse is the announcement of the approaching judgment which arrived with the first angel in 1798, all the way until the Sunday law of verse forty-one. The verse therefore represents the investigative judgment of God’s church beginning with the dead, through to the sealing of the one hundred and forty-four thousand, and God spewing Laodicean Adventism out of His mouth.
दनिय्येल अध्याय 11 का पद 40 परमेश्वर के वचन के अत्यन्त गम्भीर पदों में से एक का प्रतिनिधित्व करता है। उसमें निरूपित भविष्यद्वाणी-संबंधी इतिहास वही हैं जहाँ यहेजकेल के दर्शन के पहियों के भीतर के पहिए एक साथ मिलाए जाते हैं। 1798 में मिलेराइट आंदोलन के अन्त-समय के साथ, और 1989 में तीसरे स्वर्गदूत के आंदोलन के अन्त-समय के साथ भी, परमेश्वर की अन्तिम दिनों की प्रजा के आन्तरिक और बाह्य इतिहास चित्रित किए गए हैं। इस पद के भीतर उस निकटवर्ती न्याय की उद्घोषणा निहित है जो 1798 में पहले स्वर्गदूत के साथ आरम्भ होकर पद 41 के रविवार-व्यवस्था तक पहुँचती है। अतः यह पद परमेश्वर की कलीसिया के जाँच-पड़ताल संबंधी न्याय का प्रतिनिधित्व करता है, जो मरे हुओं से आरम्भ होकर एक लाख चवालीस हज़ार की मुहरबन्दी तक जाता है, और परमेश्वर द्वारा लाओदीकियाई ऐडवेंटवाद को अपने मुख से उगल देने तक।
The history where the papacy received its deadly wound in 1798, until the deadly wound is healed in verse forty-one is represented in the history of the verse. Verse forty-one onward is set within the context of the escalating executive judgments of God, which begin in that verse. In this prophetic sense, verse forty is the end of Daniel chapter eleven, and verses one and two, of the chapter are the beginning. Chapter eleven presents the rebellion of the antichrist, and chapter ten represents the beginning of the Hiddekel River vision, and chapter twelve represents the end. Chapters ten and twelve represent the first and the last, and chapter eleven is the rebellion in the middle.
L’histoire au cours de laquelle la papauté reçut sa blessure mortelle en 1798, jusqu’à ce que cette blessure mortelle soit guérie au verset quarante et un, est représentée dans l’histoire du verset. À partir du verset quarante et un, le texte se situe dans le contexte des jugements exécutifs croissants de Dieu, qui commencent dans ce verset. Dans ce sens prophétique, le verset quarante est la fin de Daniel chapitre onze, et les versets un et deux du chapitre en sont le commencement. Le chapitre onze présente la rébellion de l’antichrist, le chapitre dix représente le commencement de la vision du fleuve Hiddékel, et le chapitre douze en représente la fin. Les chapitres dix et douze représentent le premier et le dernier, et le chapitre onze est la rébellion au milieu.
Chapters ten and twelve are the same, for, unlike chapter eleven, they represent Daniel’s experience in relation to the vision, and chapter eleven is the vision. Chapter ten is the first letter of the Hebrew alphabet, chapter eleven is the thirteenth rebellious letter of the Hebrew alphabet, and chapter twelve is the last letter of the alphabet. The Hiddekel River vision is the “Truth.”
Les chapitres dix et douze sont identiques, car, à la différence du chapitre onze, ils représentent l’expérience de Daniel en relation avec la vision, tandis que le chapitre onze est la vision. Le chapitre dix est la première lettre de l’alphabet hébreu, le chapitre onze est la treizième lettre rebelle de l’alphabet hébreu, et le chapitre douze est la dernière lettre de l’alphabet. La vision du fleuve Hiddékel est la « Vérité ».
In chapter eleven, the beginning illustrates the end, for Christ never changes. The final history represented in verse forty, is the testing time of the image of the beast. That testing time concludes with the mark of the beast, which is represented in verse forty-one. Verses one and two, must therefore address the sealing time of the one hundred and forty-four thousand, for that period of time is also the period of the formation of the image of the beast.
Katika sura ya kumi na moja, mwanzo unaonyesha mwisho, kwa kuwa Kristo habadiliki kamwe. Historia ya mwisho inayowakilishwa katika aya ya arobaini ni wakati wa kujaribiwa wa sanamu ya mnyama. Wakati huo wa kujaribiwa unahitimishwa na alama ya mnyama, ambayo inawakilishwa katika aya ya arobaini na moja. Kwa hiyo, aya ya kwanza na ya pili lazima zihusu wakati wa kutiwa muhuri kwa wale mia moja na arobaini na nne elfu, kwa maana kipindi hicho cha wakati ndicho pia kipindi cha kuundwa kwa sanamu ya mnyama.
“The Lord has shown me clearly that the image of the beast will be formed before probation closes; for it is to be the great test for the people of God, by which their eternal destiny will be decided. . ..
« Le Seigneur m’a clairement montré que l’image de la bête sera formée avant la clôture du temps de grâce ; car elle doit être la grande épreuve pour le peuple de Dieu, par laquelle sa destinée éternelle sera décidée…. »
“This is the test that the people of God must have before they are sealed.” Manuscript Releases, volume 15, 15.
« Ceci est l’épreuve que le peuple de Dieu doit traverser avant d’être scellé. » Manuscript Releases, volume 15, p. 15.
There are always two waymarks that identify a time of the end. In the reform movement of Moses, it was Aaron’s birth followed three years later with Moses’ birth. In the reform movement to come out of Babylon and rebuild the temple it was king Darius, followed by king Cyrus. In the reform movement of Christ, it was the birth of John the Baptist, followed in six months by the birth of Christ. In the reform movement of the Millerites it was the death of the papal system in 1798, followed by the death of the pope in 1799. In the reform movement of the third angel, it was president Reagan and president Bush the first, who both represented 1989. In Daniel chapter ten, verse one, we find king Cyrus identified.
زبان «ff» مشخص نشده است. لطفاً زبان مقصد را تعیین کنید تا ترجمه را ارائه دهم.
In the third year of Cyrus king of Persia a thing was revealed unto Daniel, whose name was called Belteshazzar; and the thing was true, but the time appointed was long: and he understood the thing, and had understanding of the vision. Daniel 10:1.
در سال سومِ کوروش، پادشاهِ فارس، امری بر دانیال—که بِلْطَشَصَّر نامیده میشد—مکشوف گردید؛ و آن امر راست بود، اما زمانِ معیّن آن دراز؛ و او آن امر را دریافت و رؤیا را فهم کرد. دانیال ۱۰:۱
In the following verses of chapter ten, we see the experience of Daniel represented in advance of Gabriel delivering the vision of prophetic history in chapter eleven. Cyrus marks the time of the end, for previously Cyrus, Darius’ nephew, had been Darius’ general who slew Belshazzar, thus marking the end of the seventy years of captivity, which typified the twelve-hundred and sixty-year captivity of spiritual Israel in spiritual Babylon from 538 unto 1798.
Dans les versets suivants du chapitre dix, nous voyons l’expérience de Daniel présentée par anticipation avant que Gabriel ne communique, au chapitre onze, la vision de l’histoire prophétique. Cyrus marque le temps de la fin, car auparavant Cyrus, neveu de Darius, avait été le général de Darius qui tua Belshatsar, marquant ainsi la fin des soixante-dix années de captivité, lesquelles préfiguraient la captivité de douze cent soixante ans de l’Israël spirituel dans la Babylone spirituelle, de 538 à 1798.
“God’s church on earth was as verily in captivity during this long period of relentless persecution as were the children of Israel held captive in Babylon during the period of the exile.” Prophets and Kings, 714.
« L’Église de Dieu sur la terre était tout aussi véritablement en captivité durant cette longue période de persécution implacable que les enfants d’Israël retenus captifs à Babylone pendant le temps de l’exil. » Prophètes et rois, 714.
The end of the twelve hundred and sixty years in 1798, marked the time of the end, so the end of the seventy years marked the “time of the end” for that history. Both Darius and Cyrus are represented at the death of Belshazzar and end of the kingdom of Babylon, for as Darius’s general who accomplished the work, Cyrus was representing Darius. When George Bush the first was inaugurated on January 20, 1989, Reagan had been president for the first nineteen days of 1989.
١٧٩٨ ۾ هڪ هزار ٻه سئو سٺ ورهين جي پڄاڻي “وقتِ آخر” کي نشان زد ڪيو؛ اهڙيءَ طرح ستر ورهين جي پڄاڻي به انهيءَ تاريخ لاءِ “وقتِ آخر” کي نشان زد ڪيو. بيلشضر جي موت ۽ بابل جي بادشاهت جي پڄاڻيءَ وقت دارا ۽ سائرس ٻئي پيش ڪيا ويا آهن، ڇاڪاڻتہ دارا جي انهيءَ سپهه سالار جي حيثيت ۾، جنهن اهو ڪم سرانجام ڏنو، سائرس دارا جي نمائندگي ڪري رهيو هو. جڏهن جارج بُشِ اوّل 20 جنوري 1989 تي حلف کنيو، تڏهن 1989 جي پهرين اوڻيهه ڏينهن تائين ريگن صدر رهيو هو.
The vision of the Hiddekel began at the time of the end, in the third year of Cyrus. When Gabriel begins to unfold to Daniel the prophetic history of chapter eleven, he first references the first year of Darius, to establish clearly that the vision of prophetic history that he was about to present to Daniel begins in the last time of the end, in 1989, for all the prophets speak more of the last days than the days in which they lived.
Muqaddas daryoi Hiddekel haqidagi vahiy Kurushning uchinchi yilida, oxirzamon vaqtida boshlandi. Jabroil Doniyorga o‘n birinchi bobning bashoriy tarixini ochib bera boshlaganida, u avval Doro birinchi yilini tilga oladi; buning sababi shuki, u Doniyorga taqdim etmoqchi bo‘lgan bashoriy tarix vahyi haqiqatan ham oxirzamonning eng so‘nggi pallasida, 1989 yilda boshlanishini ravshan belgilab qo‘yishdir, chunki barcha payg‘ambarlar o‘zlari yashagan kunlardan ko‘ra ko‘proq oxirgi kunlar haqida so‘zlaydilar.
But I will show thee that which is noted in the scripture of truth: and there is none that holdeth with me in these things, but Michael your prince. Also I in the first year of Darius the Mede, even I, stood to confirm and to strengthen him. Daniel 10:21, 11:1.
Mas je te ferai connaître ce qui est écrit dans le livre de vérité; et il n’y a personne qui tienne avec moi en ces choses, si ce n’est Michel, votre prince. Et moi, la première année de Darius, le Mède, moi-même, je me tins là pour l’affermir et le fortifier. Daniel 10:21, 11:1.
In the first year of Darius, which represents the time of the end in 1989, Gabriel “stood”, thus identifying that at a “time of the end”, an angel arrives. In 1798 the first angel arrived, and in 1989, the third angel arrived. It wasn’t until the message of the third angel was empowered in 2001 that the sealing of the third angel began, but the movement of the third angel arriving in 1989, is represented by Gabriel standing at the time of the end. Gabriel is going to show Daniel “that which is noted in the scripture of truth,” and the vision of the Hiddekel possesses the signature of “Truth,” which Gabriel is about to set forth.
Mu mwaka wa mbere wa Dario, unaowakilisha wakati wa mwisho katika mwaka 1989, Gabrieli “alisimama”, hivyo akitambulisha kwamba katika “wakati wa mwisho”, malaika hufika. Mwaka 1798 malaika wa kwanza alifika, na mwaka 1989, malaika wa tatu alifika. Haikuwa mpaka ujumbe wa malaika wa tatu ulipotiwa nguvu mwaka 2001 ndipo kutiwa muhuri kwa malaika wa tatu kulipoanza, lakini mwendo wa malaika wa tatu kufika mwaka 1989 unawakilishwa na Gabrieli kusimama wakati wa mwisho. Gabrieli atamwonyesha Danieli “lililoandikwa katika maandiko ya kweli,” na ono la Hiddekeli lina muhuri wa “Kweli,” ambao Gabrieli yuko karibu kuuweka wazi.
In verse fourteen of chapter ten Gabriel had already informed Daniel that what he was addressing in the vision of the Hiddekel was “what would happen to God’s people in the last days.”
Na véarsa ceathair déag de chaibidil a deich, bhí Gabriel tar éis a chur in iúl do Dhainéil cheana féin gurbh é a bhí á phlé aige i bhfís an Hiddekel ná “an rud a tharlódh do phobal Dé sna laethanta deireanacha.”
Now I am come to make thee understand what shall befall thy people in the latter days: for yet the vision is for many days. Daniel 10:14.
Nkoyi nazali koya mpo na kosalisa yo ososola makambo oyo ekokómela bato na yo na mikolo ya nsuka; mpo emonaneli yango etali naino mikolo mingi. Daniel 10:14.
Verse two of Daniel chapter eleven represents the knowledge that was unsealed at the time of the end in 1989, and which identifies what “shall befall” God’s people “in the latter days”.
Nkyekyɛm a ɛto so abien wɔ Daniel ti dubaako no gyina hɔ ma nimdeɛ a wɔyii ano wɔ awiei bere no mu wɔ 1989 mu, na ɛno na ɛkyerɛ nea “ɛbɛto” Onyankopɔn nkurɔfo “nna a edi akyiri no mu”.
And now will I show thee the truth. Behold, there shall stand up yet three kings in Persia; and the fourth shall be far richer than they all: and by his strength through his riches he shall stir up all against the realm of Grecia. Daniel 11:2.
Kwaye noneho nzakwereka ukuri. Dore, haracyahaguruka abami batatu bo mu Buperesiya; kandi uwa kane azarushaho kuba umutunzi kuruta bo bose; kandi kubw’imbaraga ze ziturutse ku butunzi bwe azakangurira bose kurwanya ubwami bw’u Bugiriki. Danieli 11:2.
Cyrus prefigures the second king since 1989. He is the king of the Medo-Persian Empire, which represents the kingdom of Bible prophecy in the last days that is made up of two horns, represented by the Medes and the Persians. After the second king of the kingdom of the two-horned earth beast at the time of the end in 1989, there would yet be three kings (Clinton, Bush the last, Obama), and then there would be a king that was far richer than they all were. The three kings that followed Bush the first, got wealthy after their presidencies, and only because they had become president. Trump, the fourth that was far richer, and was the wealthiest president ever, did not make his money because he had been president, but primarily through his work in real estate investments, well before he ran for president.
कोरेश 1989 से दूसरे राजा का पूर्वाभास कराता है। वह मादै-फारसी साम्राज्य का राजा है, जो अंतिम दिनों में बाइबिलीय भविष्यवाणी के उस राज्य का प्रतिनिधित्व करता है जो दो सींगों से बना है, जिनका प्रतीक मादी और फारसी हैं। 1989 में अंत के समय के दो-सींग वाले पृथ्वी-पशु के राज्य के दूसरे राजा के बाद, अभी तीन और राजा होने थे (क्लिंटन, बुश अंतिम, ओबामा), और फिर एक ऐसा राजा होता जो उन सब से कहीं अधिक धनवान होता। प्रथम बुश के बाद आने वाले वे तीनों राजा अपनी-अपनी अध्यक्षताओं के बाद धनी बने, और केवल इसलिए कि वे राष्ट्रपति बन गए थे। चौथा, अर्थात् ट्रम्प, जो उनसे कहीं अधिक धनवान था और अब तक का सबसे धनी राष्ट्रपति था, ने अपना धन इसलिए नहीं कमाया कि वह राष्ट्रपति रहा था, बल्कि मुख्यतः अचल-संपत्ति निवेशों में अपने कार्य के द्वारा, राष्ट्रपति पद के लिए चुनाव लड़ने से बहुत पहले ही।
Formerly the richest president in American history, relatively speaking, was the first president of the United States. Prior to Donald Trump, George Washington was the richest president in American history, and he made his money as did Donald Trump, through real estate investments. Both Washington and Trump came to the presidency from non-traditional political backgrounds. Washington was primarily a military leader before becoming president, and Trump was a businessman and television personality, who like unto Washington was without any prior political experience.
Mariée jigeen bu gën a bare xaalis ci taarixu Amerig, bu ñu xool ko ci melokaanu xaalis ak jamonoyam, mooyoon njëkk alkaati Réewum Bennoo yi ci Ameerik. Bala Donald Trump, George Washington mooyoon alkaati jigeen bu gën a bare xaalis ci taarixu Amerig, te mu amee xaalisam ni Donald Trump itam ko amee, jaarale ko ci njëgëm suuf ak kër. Ñoom ñaar Washington ak Trump, ñëw nañu ci nguur gi jógé ci jaar-jaar yu politig yu dul aada. Washington dafa doon gëna mel ni kilifa xare la woon bala muy nekk alkaati, te Trump dafa doon jëfandikukat ak nit ku siiw ci téléwisoŋ, te ni Washington itam, amul woon benn xam-xamu politig bu jiitu.
Both presidents were known for their strong personalities and leadership styles, although they manifested these traits quite differently. Washington was known for his stoic, calm, and confident leadership and unifying presence during the Revolutionary War and the early years of the Republic, while Trump is known for his assertive approach to leadership and governance. Both Washington and Trump were figures of significant controversy, albeit for very different reasons. Washington, while widely revered, faced criticism during his time for various issues, including his views on slavery. Trump’s presidency was marked by numerous controversies, including his use of “mean tweets” on social media, his America-first policy decisions, and his own self-awareness.
Ambedue presidenten waren bekend om hun sterke persoonlijkheden en hun wijze van leidinggeven, hoewel zij deze eigenschappen op zeer verschillende wijze tot uitdrukking brachten. Washington stond bekend om zijn stoïcijnse, rustige en zelfverzekerde leiderschap en om zijn verenigende aanwezigheid tijdens de Revolutionaire Oorlog en de eerste jaren van de Republiek, terwijl Trump bekendstaat om zijn daadkrachtige benadering van leiderschap en bestuur. Zowel Washington als Trump waren figuren van aanzienlijke controverse, zij het om zeer verschillende redenen. Washington werd, hoewel hij algemeen werd vereerd, in zijn tijd bekritiseerd om uiteenlopende kwesties, waaronder zijn opvattingen over slavernij. Trumps presidentschap werd gekenmerkt door talrijke controverses, waaronder zijn gebruik van “gemene tweets” op sociale media, zijn op America-first gerichte beleidsbeslissingen en zijn eigen zelfbewustzijn.
The richest and sixth president was to stir up the globalist dragon powers. When we lay the history of verse two of chapter eleven, upon the history of the period of 1776, 1789, and 1798, we find further information addressing the last president of the earth beast, for Jesus illustrates the end with the beginning. The first two periods represented by 1776, and 1789, provide two witnesses that the final president, will be the eighth president, who was of the seven. Trump was the sixth president after Reagan, and as the eighth president, he will be “of the seven”. The final, and eighth president will rule when the United States forms the image “to and of” the beast.
Sittin in de reekste en dat de sesste president was, mos de globalistiske drakemagten oprøre. Når vi lægger historien i kapitel elleve, vers to, hen over historien for perioderne 1776, 1789 og 1798, finder vi yderligere oplysning, som omhandler den sidste præsident for jorddyret; thi Jesus fremstiller enden ved begyndelsen. De første to perioder, repræsenteret ved 1776 og 1789, tilvejebringer to vidner om, at den endelige præsident vil være den ottende præsident, som var af de syv. Trump var den sjette præsident efter Reagan, og som den ottende præsident vil han være “af de syv”. Den sidste, og ottende, præsident vil herske, når De Forenede Stater danner billedet “til og af” dyret.
The president who rules when the image of the beast is formed by the United States, must be the eighth, that is of the seven, as witnessed to by Peyton Randolph, and John Hancock. The papacy is the eighth head that was of the seven, and it received a prophetic deadly wound. To be an image of the papacy, the eighth president that is of the seven, must also have a prophetic identification of being prophetically “wounded” or “killed”.
Le président qui gouvernera lorsque l’image de la bête sera formée par les États-Unis doit être le huitième, c’est-à-dire issu des sept, ainsi qu’en rendent témoignage Peyton Randolph et John Hancock. La papauté est la huitième tête, qui était issue des sept, et elle reçut une blessure mortelle prophétique. Pour être une image de la papauté, le huitième président, qui est issu des sept, doit également avoir une identification prophétique comme ayant été prophétiquement « blessé » ou « tué ».
The papacy received its deadly wound from a dragon power (France), a dragon power who the papacy had been struggling against since the time when Paul identified that, the mystery of iniquity (the man of sin), did already work at that time. The dragon of paganism was restraining the papacy from taking the throne, which it did in 538.
Papacy a hɔ aduane a ɛde owu ba no fii ɔtweaseɛ tumi bi mu (France), ɔtweaseɛ tumi a Papacy ne no adi apere fi bere a Paul kyerɛe sɛ saa bere no ara na amumɔyɛ ahintasɛm no, bɔne nipa no, redi dwuma. Abosonsom mu ɔtweaseɛ no na ɛresiw Papacy kwan sɛ ɔrennyina ahengua so, na ɛyɛɛ saa wɔ 538 mu.
From the beginning of the papacy unto its final demise it struggles against dragon powers. An image of the papacy requires that the image struggles with a dragon power. In Revelation seventeen the papacy, who is the eighth head, that is of the seven heads, is ultimately burned with fire and her flesh is eaten by the ten kings. In both deaths (1798 and the last days), the papal beast is killed by a dragon power. In order for the United States to form an image of the beast, the eighth president would also need to be killed by a dragon power that it was at war with, and the sixth king after the time of the end in 1989, is the king that stirred up all the dragon powers.
Tangu mwanzo wa upapa hadi maangamizi yake ya mwisho hupambana na mamlaka za joka. Mfano wa upapa unahitaji kwamba mfano huo upambane na mamlaka ya joka. Katika Ufunuo kumi na saba upapa, ambaye ni kichwa cha nane, kilicho cha vile vichwa saba, hatimaye huchomwa kwa moto na nyama yake huliwa na wafalme kumi. Katika vifo vyote viwili (1798 na siku za mwisho), mnyama wa kipapa huuawa na mamlaka ya joka. Ili Marekani iunde mfano wa mnyama, rais wa nane angehitaji pia kuuawa na mamlaka ya joka ambayo ilikuwa ikipigana nayo vita, na mfalme wa sita baada ya wakati wa mwisho mwaka 1989 ndiye mfalme aliyewachochea mamlaka zote za joka.
Ronald Reagan was an apostate Protestant, but George Bush the first, was a classic globalist. One of his famous quotes is where he lied by saying, on August 18, 1988, “And I’m the one who will not raise taxes. My opponent now says he’ll raise them as a last resort, or a third resort. But when a politician talks like that, you know that’s one resort he’ll be checking into. My opponent won’t rule out raising taxes. But I will. And the Congress will push me to raise taxes and I’ll say no. And they’ll push, and I’ll say no, and they’ll push again, and all I can say to them is: read my lips: no new taxes.”
ਰੋਨਾਲਡ ਰੀਗਨ ਇੱਕ ਧਰਮਤਿਆਗੀ ਪ੍ਰੋਟੈਸਟੈਂਟ ਸੀ, ਪਰ ਜਾਰਜ ਬੁਸ਼ ਸੀਨੀਅਰ ਇੱਕ ਰਵਾਇਤੀ ਗਲੋਬਲਿਸਟ ਸੀ। ਉਸਦੇ ਪ੍ਰਸਿੱਧ ਉਕਤੀਆਂ ਵਿੱਚੋਂ ਇੱਕ ਉਹ ਹੈ ਜਿੱਥੇ ਉਸਨੇ 18 ਅਗਸਤ 1988 ਨੂੰ ਇਹ ਕਹਿ ਕੇ ਝੂਠ ਬੋਲਿਆ: “ਅਤੇ ਮੈਂ ਉਹ ਵਿਅਕਤੀ ਹਾਂ ਜੋ ਕਰਾਂ ਵਿੱਚ ਵਾਧਾ ਨਹੀਂ ਕਰੇਗਾ। ਮੇਰਾ ਵਿਰੋਧੀ ਹੁਣ ਕਹਿੰਦਾ ਹੈ ਕਿ ਉਹ ਉਨ੍ਹਾਂ ਨੂੰ ਆਖਰੀ ਹਥਕੰਡੇ ਵਜੋਂ, ਜਾਂ ਤੀਜੇ ਹਥਕੰਡੇ ਵਜੋਂ, ਵਧਾਏਗਾ। ਪਰ ਜਦੋਂ ਕੋਈ ਰਾਜਨੀਤਿਕ ਇਸ ਤਰ੍ਹਾਂ ਗੱਲ ਕਰਦਾ ਹੈ, ਤਾਂ ਤੁਸੀਂ ਜਾਣਦੇ ਹੋ ਕਿ ਉਹ ਇੱਕ ਅਜਿਹਾ ਹਥਕੰਡਾ ਹੈ ਜਿਸਦਾ ਉਹ ਸਹਾਰਾ ਲਵੇਗਾ। ਮੇਰਾ ਵਿਰੋਧੀ ਕਰਾਂ ਵਿੱਚ ਵਾਧਾ ਕਰਨ ਦੀ ਸੰਭਾਵਨਾ ਨੂੰ ਨਕਾਰਦਾ ਨਹੀਂ। ਪਰ ਮੈਂ ਨਕਾਰਦਾ ਹਾਂ। ਅਤੇ ਕਾਂਗਰਸ ਮੈਨੂੰ ਕਰਾਂ ਵਿੱਚ ਵਾਧਾ ਕਰਨ ਲਈ ਦਬਾਅ ਪਾਏਗੀ ਅਤੇ ਮੈਂ ਕਹਾਂਗਾ ਨਹੀਂ। ਅਤੇ ਉਹ ਦਬਾਅ ਪਾਉਣਗੇ, ਅਤੇ ਮੈਂ ਕਹਾਂਗਾ ਨਹੀਂ, ਅਤੇ ਉਹ ਫਿਰ ਦਬਾਅ ਪਾਉਣਗੇ, ਅਤੇ ਮੈਂ ਉਨ੍ਹਾਂ ਨੂੰ ਸਿਰਫ ਇਹੀ ਕਹਿ ਸਕਦਾ ਹਾਂ: ਮੇਰੇ ਹੋਠ ਪੜ੍ਹੋ: ਕੋਈ ਨਵੇਂ ਕਰ ਨਹੀਂ।”
Other than that public lie, which is an attribute of a representative of the dragon power, his most famous quote was at a joint session of Congress on September 11, 1990, where he said, “Now, we can see a new world coming into view. A world in which there is the very real prospect of a new world order. In the words of Winston Churchill, a ‘world order’ in which ‘the principles of justice and fair play … protect the weak against the strong …’ A world where the United Nations, freed from cold war stalemate, is poised to fulfill the historic vision of its founders.” Bush the senior was a globalist, even if he identified as a Republican.
उस सार्वजनिक झूठ के अतिरिक्त, जो अजगर की शक्ति के एक प्रतिनिधि का लक्षण है, उसका सबसे प्रसिद्ध कथन 11 सितंबर, 1990 को कांग्रेस के संयुक्त अधिवेशन में था, जहाँ उसने कहा, “अब, हम एक नए संसार को दृष्टिगोचर होते देख सकते हैं। एक ऐसा संसार जिसमें एक नई विश्व व्यवस्था की अत्यन्त वास्तविक संभावना विद्यमान है। विंस्टन चर्चिल के शब्दों में, एक ‘विश्व व्यवस्था’ जिसमें ‘न्याय और निष्पक्षता के सिद्धान्त … निर्बलों की सबलों के विरुद्ध रक्षा करें …।’ एक ऐसा संसार जहाँ संयुक्त राष्ट्र, शीतयुद्ध के गतिरोध से मुक्त होकर, अपने संस्थापकों की ऐतिहासिक दृष्टि को पूर्ण करने के लिए तत्पर है।” बुश वरिष्ठ एक वैश्वीकरणवादी था, भले ही वह अपने को रिपब्लिकन के रूप में पहचानता था।
Bill Clinton was the first president to hold his inauguration ceremony at the Lincoln Memorial, which means he turned his back to Lincoln and faced the obelisk of Washington’s monument, an obelisk that is internally filled with symbols of Freemasonry. Both the obelisk and the symbols of Freemasonry he chose to face as he falsely swore his allegiance to the Constitution, represented not only that he had turned his back upon the anti-slavery symbol of the Lincoln Memorial, but Clintons’ chosen historic positioning, agrees with his acceptance speech, where he praised a professor whom he had studied under in the Jesuit University that he had attended.
ဘီလ် ကလင်တန်သည် Lincoln Memorial ၌ မိမိ၏ သမ္မတကျမ်းသစ္စာကျိန်ဆိုပွဲကို ကျင်းပခဲ့သော ပထမဆုံး သမ္မတဖြစ်ခဲ့ပြီး၊ ထိုအရာသည် သူက လင်ကွန်းဘက်ကို ကျောခိုင်းကာ Washington ၏ အထိမ်းအမှတ် အိုဘယ်လစ်စကို မျက်နှာမူခဲ့သည်ကို ဆိုလိုသည်။ ထိုအိုဘယ်လစ်စကသည် အတွင်းပိုင်း၌ Freemasonry ၏ သင်္ကေတများဖြင့် ပြည့်နှက်နေသော အရာဖြစ်သည်။ သူက ဖွဲ့စည်းအုပ်ချုပ်ပုံအခြေခံဥပဒေတော်အပေါ် မိမိ၏ သစ္စာစောင့်သိမှုကို မမှန်ကန်စွာ ကျိန်ဆိုနေစဉ် မျက်နှာမူရန် ရွေးချယ်ခဲ့သော အိုဘယ်လစ်စနှင့် Freemasonry ၏ သင်္ကေတများ နှစ်မျိုးစလုံးသည်၊ Lincoln Memorial ၏ ကျွန်စနစ်ဆန့်ကျင်ရေး သင်္ကေတအပေါ် သူက ကျောခိုင်းခဲ့သည်ကိုသာ မက၊ ကလင်တန်၏ ရွေးချယ်ထားသော ထိုသမိုင်းဝင် တည်နေရာယူမှုသည်လည်း သူ တက်ရောက်ခဲ့သော Jesuit တက္ကသိုလ်တွင် မိမိသင်ယူခဲ့ဖူးသော ပါမောက္ခတစ်ဦးကို ချီးကျူးပြောဆိုခဲ့သော သူ၏ လက်ခံမိန့်ခွန်းနှင့် ကိုက်ညီနေသည်။
That professor, Carroll Quigley, wrote the book: Tragedy and Hope: A History of the World in Our Time, which was published in 1966, and is correctly and widely understood to represent “the Bible for globalist ideas”. As the Koran is to Islam, and as Morals and Dogma of the Ancient and Accepted Scottish Rite of Freemasonry, written by Albert Pike, and published in 1871, is considered the most comprehensive exposition of the esoteric teachings of Freemasonry; or as The Book of Mormon is to the Latter Day Saints, Quigley’s book is the Bible of globalist philosophy. Most would have known if Clinton praised Mohammed of the Koran, or if he praised Joseph Smith of The Book of Mormon, and some would have known who Albert Pike was, but few knew that Clinton’s praise of Quigley was consistent with his own globalist agenda, and his rejection of the principles represented by Abraham Lincoln.
Този професор, Карол Куигли, написа книгата *Tragedy and Hope: A History of the World in Our Time*, която беше публикувана през 1966 г. и с основание е широко разбирана като „Библията на глобалистките идеи“. Както Коранът е за исляма, и както *Morals and Dogma of the Ancient and Accepted Scottish Rite of Freemasonry*, написана от Албърт Пайк и публикувана през 1871 г., се счита за най-всеобхватното изложение на езотеричните учения на масонството; или както *The Book of Mormon* е за светиите от Последните дни, така и книгата на Куигли е Библията на глобалистката философия. Повечето биха знаели, ако Клинтън хвалеше Мохамед от Корана или ако хвалеше Джозеф Смит от *The Book of Mormon*, и някои биха знаели кой е Албърт Пайк, но малцина знаеха, че похвалата на Клинтън към Куигли беше в съгласие със собствената му глобалистка програма и с отхвърлянето му на принципите, представени от Ейбрахам Линкълн.
In the speech, Clinton said: “As a teenager, I heard John Kennedy’s summons to citizenship. And then, as a student at Georgetown, I heard that call clarified by a professor named Carroll Quigley, who said to us that America was the greatest nation in history because our people have always believed in two things: that tomorrow can be better than today and that every one of us has a personal moral responsibility to make it so.” Carroll Quigley’s idea on how to “make America great again”, was for the United States to surrender its national sovereignty to the United Nations. Clinton was a Democrat, globalist, representative of the dragon.
Dans ce discours, Clinton déclara : « Adolescent, j’ai entendu l’appel de John Kennedy à la citoyenneté. Puis, étudiant à Georgetown, j’ai entendu cet appel clarifié par un professeur nommé Carroll Quigley, qui nous disait que l’Amérique était la plus grande nation de l’histoire parce que notre peuple a toujours cru en deux choses : que demain peut être meilleur qu’aujourd’hui et que chacun de nous a la responsabilité morale personnelle de faire en sorte qu’il en soit ainsi. » Selon l’idée de Carroll Quigley sur la manière de « rendre à l’Amérique sa grandeur », les États-Unis devaient abandonner leur souveraineté nationale aux Nations unies. Clinton était un démocrate, mondialiste, représentant du dragon.
“Like father, like son”, George Bush the last, was a globalist, and just as was his father, a globalist who professed to be Republican. The apple does not fall far from the tree. The Bible raises the rhetorical question, “Can two walk together, except they be agreed?” One simply needs to track the many enterprises that Bush the last, accomplished together with Bill and Hillary Clinton to see who Bush the last agreed with.
“Лыко к лыку, сын к отцу”: Джордж Буш-младший был глобалистом, так же как и его отец — глобалистом, заявлявшим о себе как о республиканце. Яблоко от яблони недалеко падает. Библия задаёт риторический вопрос: «Пойдут ли двое вместе, не сговорившись между собою?» Достаточно лишь проследить многочисленные предприятия, которые Буш-младший осуществлял совместно с Биллом и Хиллари Клинтон, чтобы увидеть, с кем Буш-младший был в согласии.
Barack Hussein Obama made a statement about fundamentally transforming the United States during a campaign rally shortly before he was elected as President. On October 30, 2008, in Columbia, Missouri, Obama said: “We are five days away from fundamentally transforming the United States of America.” The statement was part of Obama’s broader message of “hope and change”, which was a central theme of his 2008 presidential campaign, emphasizing his commitment to significant policy reforms and a different direction for the country. The direction he turned the country was into the dragon policies of globalism, anti-white, pro-abortion, anti-carbon fuels, anti-America pro-globalism, Diversity, Equity, Inclusion, the false history of Critical Race Theory, and on and on. Obama was not simply a community organizer; he was and still is a representative of the dragon power’s globalist agenda.
બરાક હુસેન ઓબામાએ રાષ્ટ્રપતિ તરીકે ચૂંટાયા તે પહેલાં થોડા સમય અગાઉ એક ચૂંટણીસભામાં યુનાઇટેડ સ્ટેટ્સને મૂળભૂત રીતે રૂપાંતરિત કરવાની બાબતે એક નિવેદન આપ્યું હતું. 30 ઓક્ટોબર, 2008ના રોજ, કોલંબિયા, મિસૌરીમાં, ઓબામાએ કહ્યું હતું: “We are five days away from fundamentally transforming the United States of America.” આ નિવેદન ઓબામાના “hope and change” ના વિશાળ સંદેશનો એક ભાગ હતું, જે તેમની 2008ની રાષ્ટ્રપતિ ચૂંટણી અભિયાનનું કેન્દ્રીય વિષય હતું, અને જે મહત્ત્વપૂર્ણ નીતિ સુધારાઓ તેમજ દેશ માટે ભિન્ન દિશા પ્રત્યેની તેમની પ્રતિબદ્ધતાને ઊજાગર કરતું હતું. તેમણે દેશને જે દિશામાં વાળ્યો તે વૈશ્વિકતાવાદની અજગર-નીતિઓ, શ્વેતવિરોધ, ગર્ભપાત-સમર્થન, કાર્બન ઇંધણ વિરોધ, અમેરિકા વિરોધી અને વૈશ્વિકતાવાદ સમર્થક વલણ, Diversity, Equity, Inclusion, Critical Race Theory ના ખોટા ઇતિહાસ, અને આવું ઘણું બધું—એવી દિશામાં હતો. ઓબામા માત્ર એક community organizer નહોતાં; તેઓ અજગર શક્તિના વૈશ્વિકતાવાદી કાર્યક્રમના પ્રતિનિધી હતા અને હજુ પણ છે.
Trump however, unlike a typical modern politician, kept more promises than all the other seven presidents in the period beginning in 1989, combined. He was committed to making America great again, and in so attempting, he stirred up the globalist powers that be, not only in the United States, but in the entire world.
Mais Trump, contrairement à un homme politique moderne typique, a tenu davantage de promesses que les sept autres présidents, réunis, durant la période ayant commencé en 1989. Il s’était engagé à rendre à l’Amérique sa grandeur, et, en s’efforçant de le faire, il a soulevé contre lui les puissances mondialistes en place, non seulement aux États-Unis, mais dans le monde entier.
Joe Biden has no evidence whatsoever that he is anything other than another globalist.
Joe Biden n’a absolument aucune preuve qu’il soit quoi que ce soit d’autre qu’un autre mondialiste.
The beast of Catholicism waged a long-drawn-out war with the dragon powers, and the president that is reigning when the United States forms an image of the papacy, will, of prophetic necessity, be in a struggle with the dragon powers. None of the living presidents, other than Donald Trump, would wage war with the dragon powers, for the Democrats are openly globalist (dragons), and George Bush the last, was, as his father was (a professed Republican, that is actually a globalist dragon), for Jesus always illustrates the last with the first.
Le monstre du catholicisme mena une guerre prolongée contre les puissances du dragon, et le président qui régnera lorsque les États-Unis formeront une image de la papauté sera, par nécessité prophétique, en lutte avec les puissances du dragon. Aucun des présidents vivants, autre que Donald Trump, ne ferait la guerre aux puissances du dragon, car les démocrates sont ouvertement mondialistes (dragons), et George Bush, le dernier, l’était, comme son père l’était aussi (un républicain déclaré, qui est en réalité un dragon mondialiste), car Jésus illustre toujours le dernier par le premier.
We will continue this study in the next article.
Tugomba gukomeza iki cyigisho mu ngingo ikurikira.
“A great crisis awaits the people of God. A crisis awaits the world. The most momentous struggle of all the ages is just before us. Events which for more than forty years we have upon the authority of the prophetic word declared to be impending are now taking place before our eyes. Already the question of an amendment to the Constitution restricting liberty of conscience has been urged upon the legislators of the nation. The question of enforcing Sunday observance has become one of national interest and importance. We well know what the result of this movement will be. But are we ready for the issue? Have we faithfully discharged the duty which God has committed to us of giving the people warning of the danger before them?
« Waaɓugo mawɗo eɓɓanii yimɓe Alla. Waaɓugo eɓɓanii duuniyaaru. Haboro mawɗo ɓurɗo wonɓe e jamaanuuji ɗi fuu woni ɗoo yeeso meeɗen. Piille ɗe, ko ɓuri duuɓi cappanɗe nayi, min mbiirii, e dow laamu daande annabaaku, wonde ɗe ngartoyay, jooni eɗe waɗii yeeso gite meeɗen. Hande kadi, finaa-tawde laawol ndokkitaagal e Dastuur ngal, ngam haɓɓude ndimaaku hakkille, waɗaama yeeso wiltooɓe leydi ndin. Finaa-tawde teddinde Alahade e doole wartii ko leydi ndin fuu hokkii nder mooftol e tedduŋgol. En andi no feewi ko njoɓdi ndee yahata. Kono en siryii e fii ɗuum? Min waɗii ɗuum kuugal ngal Alla hokki min—waarnude yimɓe ngam caggal ɗum wonɗum yeeso maɓɓe—e hoolaare? »
“There are many, even of those engaged in this movement for Sunday enforcement, who are blinded to the results which will follow this action. They do not see that they are striking directly against religious liberty. There are many who have never understood the claims of the Bible Sabbath and the false foundation upon which the Sunday institution rests. Any movement in favor of religious legislation is really an act of concession to the papacy, which for so many ages has steadily warred against liberty of conscience. Sunday observance owes its existence as a so-called Christian institution to ‘the mystery of iniquity;’ and its enforcement will be a virtual recognition of the principles which are the very cornerstone of Romanism. When our nation shall so abjure the principles of its government as to enact a Sunday law, Protestantism will in this act join hands with popery; it will be nothing else than giving life to the tyranny which has long been eagerly watching its opportunity to spring again into active despotism.
“E ho na le ba bangata, esita le har’a ba kenelletseng mokhatlong ona oa ho qobella Sontaha, ba foufalitsoeng mabapi le litholoana tse tla latela ketso ena. Ha ba bone hore ba otla ka kotloloho tokoloho ea bolumeli. Ho na le ba bangata ba e-s’o ka ba utloisisa litokelo tsa Sabatha ea Bibele le motheo o fosahetseng oo setheo sa Sontaha se theiloeng holim’a oona. Motsamao ofe kapa ofe o tšehetsang molao oa bolumeli ha e le hantle ke ketso ea ho inehela bopapa, boo ka lilemo tse ngata hakana bo ’nileng ba loantša ka tieo tokoloho ea letsoalo. Ho boloka Sontaha ho kolota boteng ba hona e le setheo seo ho thoeng ke sa Bokreste ho ‘sephiri sa bokhopo;’ ’me ho qobelloa ha sona e tla ba ho amohela ka sebele melao-motheo eo e leng lejwe la sekhutlo la Roma. Ha sechaba sa rona se ka latola ka tsela e joalo melao-motheo ea puso ea sona hoo se ka etsang molao oa Sontaha, Boprotestanta ka ketso ena bo tla tšoarana ka matsoho le bopapa; e ke ke ea e-ba letho haese ho nea bophelo bohatelli boo e leng khale bo lebeletse ka tjantjello monyetla oa bona hore bo boele bo phahamele bompoli bo sebetsang.”
“The National Reform movement, exercising the power of religious legislation, will, when fully developed, manifest the same intolerance and oppression that have prevailed in past ages. Human councils then assumed the prerogatives of Deity, crushing under their despotic power liberty of conscience; and imprisonment, exile, and death followed for those who opposed their dictates. If popery or its principles shall again be legislated into power, the fires of persecution will be rekindled against those who will not sacrifice conscience and the truth in deference to popular errors. This evil is on the point of realization.
«Движение Национальной реформы, осуществляя власть религиозного законодательства, когда вполне разовьётся, проявит ту же нетерпимость и угнетение, какие преобладали в минувшие века. Тогда человеческие советы присвоили себе прерогативы Божества, сокрушая под своей деспотической властью свободу совести; и за этим следовали заключение в темницу, изгнание и смерть для тех, кто противился их предписаниям. Если папство или его принципы вновь будут возведены в силу закона, огни гонения снова возгорятся против тех, кто не пожелает принести в жертву совесть и истину в угоду распространённым заблуждениям. Это зло находится на пороге осуществления.»
“When God has given us light showing the dangers before us, how can we stand clear in His sight if we neglect to put forth every effort in our power to bring it before the people? Can we be content to leave them to meet this momentous issue unwarned?” Testimonies, volume 5, 711, 712.
“Lorsque Dieu nous a donné une lumière nous montrant les dangers qui sont devant nous, comment pourrions-nous être trouvés irréprochables à ses yeux si nous négligeons de déployer tous les efforts en notre pouvoir pour la porter devant le peuple ? Pouvons-nous nous contenter de les laisser affronter cette question capitale sans les avoir avertis ?” Testimonies, volume 5, 711, 712.