Verse forty of Daniel chapter eleven, represents one of the most profound verses of God’s Word. The prophetic histories that are represented therein are where the wheels within the wheels of Ezekiel’s vision are brought together. With the time of the end of the Millerite movement in 1798, and also the time of the end of the movement of the third angel in 1989, the internal and external histories of God’s people of the last days are portrayed. Within the verse is the announcement of the approaching judgment which arrived with the first angel in 1798, all the way until the Sunday law of verse forty-one. The verse therefore represents the investigative judgment of God’s church beginning with the dead, through to the sealing of the one hundred and forty-four thousand, and God spewing Laodicean Adventism out of His mouth.

Daniel 11 pe cuarenta, ohechauka peteĩva umi téxto Ñandejára Ñe’ẽgui ipypukuvéva. Umi tembiasakue profétikova ojehechaukáva ipype hína pe tenda oñembyatyhápe umi rueda oĩva umi rueda ryepýpe, Ezequiel visiónpe. Pe ára paha reheve pe movimiento millerita rehegua ary 1798-pe, ha avei pe ára paha reheve pe tercer ángel movimiento rehegua ary 1989-pe, ojehechauka Ñandejára tavayguakuéra ára pahapegua rembiasakue hyepypegua ha okápeguáva. Pe versíkulo ryepýpe oĩ pe marandu omombe’úva pe juicio oúmava, oguahẽva’ekue pe primer ángel ndive ary 1798-pe, ha upégui ojepyso pe léi dominical pe versíkulo cuarenta y uno peve. Upévare pe versíkulo ohechauka pe juicio investigador Ñandejára iglesia rehegua oñepyrũva umi omanóva rehe, ha peichaháguinte pe sellamiento umi ciento cuarenta y cuatro mil rehegua peve, ha Ñandejára oityvo Adventismo Laodicense ijurúgui.

The history where the papacy received its deadly wound in 1798, until the deadly wound is healed in verse forty-one is represented in the history of the verse. Verse forty-one onward is set within the context of the escalating executive judgments of God, which begin in that verse. In this prophetic sense, verse forty is the end of Daniel chapter eleven, and verses one and two, of the chapter are the beginning. Chapter eleven presents the rebellion of the antichrist, and chapter ten represents the beginning of the Hiddekel River vision, and chapter twelve represents the end. Chapters ten and twelve represent the first and the last, and chapter eleven is the rebellion in the middle.

Pe tembiasakue oimehápe umi papado orresivi iherida omano hag̃uáva ary 1798-pe, peve pe herida omano hag̃uáva oñembokatupyry jey hag̃ua versíkulo cuarenta y uno-pe, oñerrepresenta pe versíkulo rembiasakuepe. Versíkulo cuarenta y uno guive oñemoĩ Tupã jehecha hag̃ua tembiapo poguasu okakuaáva ryepýpe, umi oñepyrũva upe versíkulope. Ko sentido proféticape, versíkulo cuarenta ha’e Daniel capítulo once paha, ha versíkulo peteĩ ha mokõi, pe capítulo pegua, ha’e iñepyrũ. Capítulo once ohechauka pe anticristo pu’ãre, ha capítulo diez orrepresenta pe visión Ysyry Hiddekel pegua ñepyrũ, ha capítulo doce orrepresenta ipaha. Capítulo diez ha doce orrepresenta pe peteĩha ha pe pahaitéva, ha capítulo once ha’e pe pu’ãre mbytépype.

Chapters ten and twelve are the same, for, unlike chapter eleven, they represent Daniel’s experience in relation to the vision, and chapter eleven is the vision. Chapter ten is the first letter of the Hebrew alphabet, chapter eleven is the thirteenth rebellious letter of the Hebrew alphabet, and chapter twelve is the last letter of the alphabet. The Hiddekel River vision is the “Truth.”

Kapítulo diez ha doce peteĩcha hína, chapter once-gui iñambue hag̃uáicha, umíva ohechauka Daniel jeikove pe visión rehegua ndive, ha chapter once katu hína pe visión voi. Kapítulo diez hína pe peteĩha letra alfabeto hebreopegua, chapter once hína pe paapyha letra rebelde alfabeto hebreopegua, ha kapítulo doce hína pe pahaite letra alfabetopegua. Pe visión Ysyry Hiddekel pegua hína pe “Añetegua”.

In chapter eleven, the beginning illustrates the end, for Christ never changes. The final history represented in verse forty, is the testing time of the image of the beast. That testing time concludes with the mark of the beast, which is represented in verse forty-one. Verses one and two, must therefore address the sealing time of the one hundred and forty-four thousand, for that period of time is also the period of the formation of the image of the beast.

Pe kapítulo once-pe, ñepyrũ ohechauka paha, pórke Cristo araka’eve ndojemoambuéi. Pe tembiasakue paha ojehechaukáva pe versíkulo cuarenta-pe, ha’e pe ára de prueba pe mymba ra’ãnga rehegua. Upéva pe ára de prueba oñemohu’ã pe mymba marca reheve, ojehechaukáva pe versíkulo cuarenta y uno-pe. Upévare, pe versíkulo peteĩ ha mokõi, tekotevẽ oñe’ẽ pe tiempo de sellamiento rehe umi cien cuarenta y cuatro mil rehegua, pórke upéva pe tiempo avei ha’e pe período pe mymba ra’ãnga ñemoheñói rehegua.

“The Lord has shown me clearly that the image of the beast will be formed before probation closes; for it is to be the great test for the people of God, by which their eternal destiny will be decided. . ..

“Pe Ñandejára ohechauka chéve hesakã porãha pe mymba ra’anga ojejapótaha mboyve oñemboty hag̃ua pe ára de gracia; ha’égui upéva pe prueba guasu itavayguakuérape guarã, upévare ojedecidíta hikuái pypuku hag̃uáme ipy’aguapy opa’ỹva....”

“This is the test that the people of God must have before they are sealed.” Manuscript Releases, volume 15, 15.

“Kóva hína pe prueba tekotevẽva ohasáva Tupã retãyguakuéra oñemboty hag̃ua hikuái.” Manuscript Releases, volume 15, 15.

There are always two waymarks that identify a time of the end. In the reform movement of Moses, it was Aaron’s birth followed three years later with Moses’ birth. In the reform movement to come out of Babylon and rebuild the temple it was king Darius, followed by king Cyrus. In the reform movement of Christ, it was the birth of John the Baptist, followed in six months by the birth of Christ. In the reform movement of the Millerites it was the death of the papal system in 1798, followed by the death of the pope in 1799. In the reform movement of the third angel, it was president Reagan and president Bush the first, who both represented 1989. In Daniel chapter ten, verse one, we find king Cyrus identified.

Oĩ meme oĩ mokõi techaukaha ohechaukáva peteĩ ára paha. Moisés rembiguái ñemyatyrõme, upéva va’ekue Aarón heñóiha, ha mbohapy ary rire Moisés heñói. Pe ñemyatyrõ osẽ hag̃ua Babilóniagui ha ojeyapo jey hag̃ua pe tupaópe, upépe va’ekue mburuvicha guasu Darío, ha upéi mburuvicha guasu Ciro. Cristo rembiguái ñemyatyrõme, upéva va’ekue Juan Bautista heñóiha, ha seis mése rire Cristo heñói. Milleritakuéra rembiguái ñemyatyrõme, upéva va’ekue pe sistema papal omanóva ary 1798-pe, ha upéi pe pápa omanóva ary 1799-pe. Pe tercer ánhel rembiguái ñemyatyrõme, upéva va’ekue presidente Reagan ha presidente Bush peteĩha, mokõivéva orrepresentáva ary 1989. Daniel kapítulo diez, versíkulo peteĩme, jajuhu mburuvicha guasu Ciro ojehechakuaáva.

In the third year of Cyrus king of Persia a thing was revealed unto Daniel, whose name was called Belteshazzar; and the thing was true, but the time appointed was long: and he understood the thing, and had understanding of the vision. Daniel 10:1.

Mburuvicha Pérsia pegua Ciro reign mbohapyha áñope oñembyesakã peteĩ mba’e Daniel-pe, hérava Beltesasar; ha upe mba’e añete vaekue, péro pe ára oñemohendapyréva ipuku; ha’e oikuaa porã upe mba’e, ha oreko arandu pe visión rehe. Daniel 10:1.

In the following verses of chapter ten, we see the experience of Daniel represented in advance of Gabriel delivering the vision of prophetic history in chapter eleven. Cyrus marks the time of the end, for previously Cyrus, Darius’ nephew, had been Darius’ general who slew Belshazzar, thus marking the end of the seventy years of captivity, which typified the twelve-hundred and sixty-year captivity of spiritual Israel in spiritual Babylon from 538 unto 1798.

Umi versíkulo oúva kapítulo diez-pe jahecha Daniel rembiasakue oñerrepresentaha ñemotenondépe Gabriel ome’ẽ mboyve pe visión tembiasakue profesiagua kapítulo once-pe. Ciro ohechauka pe ára paha, pórke yma Ciro, Darío sobrino, ha’e va’ekue Darío general ojukáva Belshazzar-pe, upéicha ohechaukávo pe setenta ary ñembyasy poguýpe oikóva opa hague, upéva omohe’ẽva pe mil mokõi saĩ sesenta ary ñembyasy poguýpe Israel espiritual oikova’ekue Babilonia espiritual-pe 538 guive 1798 peve.

“God’s church on earth was as verily in captivity during this long period of relentless persecution as were the children of Israel held captive in Babylon during the period of the exile.” Prophets and Kings, 714.

“Oñemotenondeháicha Tupã iglesia ko yvy ape ári oĩkuri añetetépe ñembyapýpe ko are pukukue javeve ñembyasýi ha jejopy pohýi ndopytái vaʼekue rupi, upéichaite avei Israel raʼykuéra oĩ haguéicha ñembyapýpe Babilóniape pe ñemosẽ ára pukukue jave.” Profetas ha Mburuvichakuéra, 714.

The end of the twelve hundred and sixty years in 1798, marked the time of the end, so the end of the seventy years marked the “time of the end” for that history. Both Darius and Cyrus are represented at the death of Belshazzar and end of the kingdom of Babylon, for as Darius’s general who accomplished the work, Cyrus was representing Darius. When George Bush the first was inaugurated on January 20, 1989, Reagan had been president for the first nineteen days of 1989.

Pe mil doscientos sesenta ary opávo 1798-pe, ojehechauka pe ára paha, upéicha avei pe setenta ary opávo ojehechauka pe “ára paha” upe tembiasakuepe g̃uarã. Mokõivéva, Darío ha Ciro, ojehechauka Belsasar omano jave ha Babilonia rréino opa jave, pórke Ciro, ha’éva Darío mburuvicha guasu omyakãva ha omohu’ãva upe tembiapo, oĩkuri ohechaukávo Daríope. George Bush peteĩha oñemoĩ ramo mburuvicháramo 20 jasypokõi 1989-pe, Reagan oĩkuri mburuvicháramo umi diecinueve ára peteĩha 1989-gua.

The vision of the Hiddekel began at the time of the end, in the third year of Cyrus. When Gabriel begins to unfold to Daniel the prophetic history of chapter eleven, he first references the first year of Darius, to establish clearly that the vision of prophetic history that he was about to present to Daniel begins in the last time of the end, in 1989, for all the prophets speak more of the last days than the days in which they lived.

Pe visión Hiddekel rehegua oñepyrũ ára paha jave, Ciro mbohapyha ary-pe. Gabriel oñepyrũvo oikuaaukávo Daniel-pe marandu profético capítulo once pegua rembiasakue, tenonderã ohechauka Darío peteĩha ary, omopyenda porã hag̃ua pe visión marandu profético rembiasakue rehegua ha’e hag̃uáicha upe oikuaaukátava Daniel-pe oñepyrũha pe último tiempo del fin-pe, ary 1989-pe; opaite maranduhára niko oñe’ẽ hetave umi ára paháre, ndaha’éi umi ára oikovéva hikuái rehe añónte.

But I will show thee that which is noted in the scripture of truth: and there is none that holdeth with me in these things, but Michael your prince. Also I in the first year of Darius the Mede, even I, stood to confirm and to strengthen him. Daniel 10:21, 11:1.

Ha che aikuaaukáta ndéve upe ojehaíva añetegua kuatiañe’ẽme; ha ndaipóri avave oĩva che ykére ko’ã mba’épe, nde ruvicha Miguel añoite. Avei che, Darío medogua arýpe peteĩhápe, che voi apyta amombarete ha añemombarete hag̃ua chupe. Daniel 10:21, 11:1.

In the first year of Darius, which represents the time of the end in 1989, Gabriel “stood”, thus identifying that at a “time of the end”, an angel arrives. In 1798 the first angel arrived, and in 1989, the third angel arrived. It wasn’t until the message of the third angel was empowered in 2001 that the sealing of the third angel began, but the movement of the third angel arriving in 1989, is represented by Gabriel standing at the time of the end. Gabriel is going to show Daniel “that which is noted in the scripture of truth,” and the vision of the Hiddekel possesses the signature of “Truth,” which Gabriel is about to set forth.

Darío áño peteĩhápe, ohechaukáva ára paha 1989-pe, Gabriel “opu’ã”, péicha ojekuaaukávo peteĩ “ára pahápe” peteĩ ánhel oguahẽha. 1798-pe oguahẽ va’ekue pe ánhel peteĩha, ha 1989-pe oguahẽ pe ánhel mbohapyha. Ndaha’éi pe 2001-pe peve, pe marandu pe ánhel mbohapyhágui oñemombarete rire, oñepyrũ hague pe sellado pe ánhel mbohapyhágui; upéicharõ jepe, pe movimiento pe ánhel mbohapyha oguahẽva 1989-pe, ojehechauka Gabriel opu’ãramo ára pahápe. Gabriel ohechaukáta Daniel-pe “upe ojehai va’ekue añetegua kuatiañe’ẽme”, ha pe visión Hiddekel rehegua oguereko pe firma “Añetegua” rehegua, upéva Gabriel oikuaaukátava ko’ág̃a.

In verse fourteen of chapter ten Gabriel had already informed Daniel that what he was addressing in the vision of the Hiddekel was “what would happen to God’s people in the last days.”

Mokõiha irundýva kapítulo diez-pe Gabriel oikuaauka vaʼekue Daniel-pe pe omombeʼúva pe visión Hiddekel-pe haʼeha “mbaʼépa oikótava Ñandejára retãygua rehe ára pahápe.”

Now I am come to make thee understand what shall befall thy people in the latter days: for yet the vision is for many days. Daniel 10:14.

Koʼág̃a aju ani hag̃ua nde rehe oikótava nde retãyguáre umi ára pahápe; pe visión niko gueteri heta ára hag̃ua. Daniel 10:14.

Verse two of Daniel chapter eleven represents the knowledge that was unsealed at the time of the end in 1989, and which identifies what “shall befall” God’s people “in the latter days”.

Mokõiha versíkulo Daniel capítulo once-gui ohechauka pe kuaapy oñemboja’o’ỹva’ekue ára paha jave ary 1989-pe, ha upéva omombe’u mba’épa “oikóta” Tupã retãygua rehe “ára pahápe”.

And now will I show thee the truth. Behold, there shall stand up yet three kings in Persia; and the fourth shall be far richer than they all: and by his strength through his riches he shall stir up all against the realm of Grecia. Daniel 11:2.

Ha koʼág̃a aikuaaukáta ndéve pe añetegua. Péina, opuʼãta gueteri mbohapy mburuvicha guasu Pérsiape; ha pe irundyha ipirapire hetaitereíta opavavégui; ha imbarete rupi, ipirapire reheve, omombaretéta opavavepe toñemoĩ hag̃ua Gresia retã nguéra rehe. Daniel 11:2.

Cyrus prefigures the second king since 1989. He is the king of the Medo-Persian Empire, which represents the kingdom of Bible prophecy in the last days that is made up of two horns, represented by the Medes and the Persians. After the second king of the kingdom of the two-horned earth beast at the time of the end in 1989, there would yet be three kings (Clinton, Bush the last, Obama), and then there would be a king that was far richer than they all were. The three kings that followed Bush the first, got wealthy after their presidencies, and only because they had become president. Trump, the fourth that was far richer, and was the wealthiest president ever, did not make his money because he had been president, but primarily through his work in real estate investments, well before he ran for president.

Ciro ohechauka mbohapyha mburuvicha guasu 1989 guive. Ha’e hína pe mburuvicha guasu pe Império Medo-Persa rehegua, upéva ohechauka pe tetã marangatu marandu’ỹmegua maranduhápe ára pahápe, oñemopyendáva mokõi hatĩ rehe, ojehechaukáva umi Medo ha umi Persa rupive. Pe mokõiha mburuvicha guasu rire pe mburuvicha guasu mokõi hatĩ oguerekóva yvy mymba rehegua reinope ára pahápe, ary 1989-pe, gueteri oĩ va’erã mbohapy mburuvicha guasu (Clinton, Bush pahaguéva, Obama), ha upéi oĩ va’erã peteĩ mburuvicha guasu imba’ereta véva opavavegui. Umi mbohapy mburuvicha guasu oseguíva Bush peteĩhára rire, oguereko heta mba’e porãve iñemburuvichaguasu rire, ha upéva añónte oiko haguére ojapo rire chuguikuéra mburuvicha guasu. Trump, pe irundyha, imba’ereta véva, ha pe mburuvicha guasu ipirapire hetavéva araka’eve, ndoguerujái imba’eta haguã oiko haguére chugui mburuvicha guasu, síno hetave hag̃ua iñemomba’eguasu ou va’ekue tenonderãite iñemba’apo rupive yvyra’anga ha yvy ñemuhaguasu ñemohenda rehe, ymaveite oikove mboyve oñemoĩ haguã mburuvicha guasu-rã.

Formerly the richest president in American history, relatively speaking, was the first president of the United States. Prior to Donald Trump, George Washington was the richest president in American history, and he made his money as did Donald Trump, through real estate investments. Both Washington and Trump came to the presidency from non-traditional political backgrounds. Washington was primarily a military leader before becoming president, and Trump was a businessman and television personality, who like unto Washington was without any prior political experience.

Yma guive pe mburuvicha guasu ipirapire hetavéva América rembiasápe, oñeñe’ẽramo jepe mba’e rechaukaha rehe, ha’eva’ekue Estados Unidos remburuvicha guasu peteĩha. Donald Trump mboyve, George Washington ha’eva’ekue pe mburuvicha guasu ipirapire hetavéva América rembiasápe, ha ombyaty hekovegua pirapire Donald Trump ojapoháicha avei, yvy ha óga rehegua inversión rupive. Mokõivéva, Washington ha Trump, og̃uahẽkuri mburuvichaguasurã ndaha’éiva tape político jepivegua rupive. Washington ha’eva’ekue tenonderãite peteĩ mburuvicha militar oiko mboyve mburuvicha guasúrõ, ha Trump katu ha’eva’ekue peteĩ karai oñemomba’eguasúva negocio-pe ha televisión-pe, ha Washington-icha, ndorekói va’ekue mba’eveichagua experiencia política tenonderãite.

Both presidents were known for their strong personalities and leadership styles, although they manifested these traits quite differently. Washington was known for his stoic, calm, and confident leadership and unifying presence during the Revolutionary War and the early years of the Republic, while Trump is known for his assertive approach to leadership and governance. Both Washington and Trump were figures of significant controversy, albeit for very different reasons. Washington, while widely revered, faced criticism during his time for various issues, including his views on slavery. Trump’s presidency was marked by numerous controversies, including his use of “mean tweets” on social media, his America-first policy decisions, and his own self-awareness.

Mokõive mburuvichakuéra ojekuaa vaʼekue ipyʼaguasu ha heko mburuvicharã rehe, jepe koʼã mbaʼe ohechauka hikuái peteĩchaʼỹeterei. Washington ojekuaa vaʼekue imburuvicha reko ikirirĩva, ipyʼaguapýva ha ojeroviakuaáva rehe, avei ipresénsia ombojoajúva Guerra Revolucionaria aja ha República ñepyrũ arýpe; upe aja Trump ojekuaa imburuvicha reko ha iguvernación rehegua tape hatã ha ojehechakuaaukáva rehe. Mokõive, Washington ha Trump, haʼe vaʼekue tapicha heta ñembyaty hesaʼỹijóva ha omoñepyrũva ñorairõ ñeʼẽme, jepe upéva oñemoheñói vaʼekue hetaiterei mbaʼe iñambuévare. Washington, jepe heta mbaʼépe oñemombaʼeguasu, ojuhu vaʼekue hembiasa aja jeikuaauka vai heta mbaʼére, umíva apytépe esclavitud rehegua heko ha hemiandu. Trump presidénsia oñemarkapa vaʼekue heta ñembyaty ha ñeʼẽjoavy reheve, umíva apytépe ijeiporu “mean tweets” redes sociales-pe, ipolítica de “America-first”, ha ijeikuaa hag̃uáicha ijehegui.

The richest and sixth president was to stir up the globalist dragon powers. When we lay the history of verse two of chapter eleven, upon the history of the period of 1776, 1789, and 1798, we find further information addressing the last president of the earth beast, for Jesus illustrates the end with the beginning. The first two periods represented by 1776, and 1789, provide two witnesses that the final president, will be the eighth president, who was of the seven. Trump was the sixth president after Reagan, and as the eighth president, he will be “of the seven”. The final, and eighth president will rule when the United States forms the image “to and of” the beast.

Pe presidente ipirapirevéva ha poteĩha vaʼekue omokyreʼỹ vaʼerã pe drágo globalista pokatu. Ñamoĩvo oñondive capítulo once pe versículo mokoĩ rembiasakue, pe 1776, 1789 ha 1798 ary rembiasakuére, jajuhu marandu ambuéva oñeʼẽva pe yvy mymba pe presidente paháre rehe, pórke Jesús ohechauka pe paha oñepyrũháicha. Umi mokõi periodo peteĩha, oñerrepresentáva 1776 ha 1789 reheve, omeʼẽ mokõi testígo ohechaukáva pe presidente paha haʼe vaʼerãha pe presidente poapyha, pe oĩvaʼekue umi siete apytépe. Trump haʼe vaʼekue pe presidente poteĩha Reagan rire, ha pe presidente poapyháramo, haʼe vaʼerã “umi siete apytégui”. Pe presidente paha ha poapyha ogovernáta Estados Unidos omoheñóivo pe taʼanga “pe mymbápe guarã ha pe mymbágui”.

The president who rules when the image of the beast is formed by the United States, must be the eighth, that is of the seven, as witnessed to by Peyton Randolph, and John Hancock. The papacy is the eighth head that was of the seven, and it received a prophetic deadly wound. To be an image of the papacy, the eighth president that is of the seven, must also have a prophetic identification of being prophetically “wounded” or “killed”.

Pe mburuvicha oisãmbyhy jave Estados Unidos ojapo pe mymba ñarõ ra’anga, tekotevẽ ha’e hag̃ua poapyha, upéva he’iséva umi siete-gui peteĩ, ojehechaukaháicha Peyton Randolph ha John Hancock rupive. Pe papado ha’e pe poapyha akã va’ekue umi siete-gui, ha oguereko va’ekue peteĩ marandu’ypy rehegua ñembyai omano hag̃uáicha. Ikatu hag̃uáicha oiko papado ra’anga ramo, pe poapyha mburuvicha, ha’éva umi siete-gui peteĩ, tekotevẽ avei oguereko peteĩ marandu’ypy rehegua jehechakuaa ohechaukáva “ojejapi” térã “ojejuka” hague hag̃ua marandu’ypy rupive.

The papacy received its deadly wound from a dragon power (France), a dragon power who the papacy had been struggling against since the time when Paul identified that, the mystery of iniquity (the man of sin), did already work at that time. The dragon of paganism was restraining the papacy from taking the throne, which it did in 538.

Pe papado orresivi pe ivaíva omano hag̃uáicha peteĩ mbarete dragón-gua reheve (Francia), peteĩ mbarete dragón-gua, pe papado oñorairõ hague hese yma guive, Pablo oikuaaukárõ guare pe “misterio de iniquidad” (kuimba’e angaipa rehegua) omba’apóma hague upérõ voi. Pe dragón pagano ojoko vaʼekue pe papadope ani hag̃ua oguapy pe tróno ári, ha upéva ojapo 538-pe.

From the beginning of the papacy unto its final demise it struggles against dragon powers. An image of the papacy requires that the image struggles with a dragon power. In Revelation seventeen the papacy, who is the eighth head, that is of the seven heads, is ultimately burned with fire and her flesh is eaten by the ten kings. In both deaths (1798 and the last days), the papal beast is killed by a dragon power. In order for the United States to form an image of the beast, the eighth president would also need to be killed by a dragon power that it was at war with, and the sixth king after the time of the end in 1989, is the king that stirred up all the dragon powers.

Papapy ñepyrũmby guive pe ijopa pahápe peve oñorairõ mbarete drágo rehe. Ta’ãnga papal rehegua oikotevẽ pe ta’ãnga oñorairõha peteĩ mbarete drágo ndive. Apocalipsis 17-pe pe papapy, ha’éva pe akã poapyha, ha’éva umi siete akã apytégui, ipahápe ojehapýta tata rupive ha umi diez mburuvicha guasu ho’úta he’o. Mokõive jejuka-pe (1798 ha ára pahápe), pe mymba papal ojejukáta peteĩ mbarete drágo rupive. Ikatu hag̃uáicha Estados Unidos omoheñói pe mymba ra’ãnga, pe presidente poapyha tekotevẽta avei ojejuka peteĩ mbarete drágo rupive, ha’éva pe ndive oñorairõ hague, ha pe mburuvicha guasu poteĩha ára paha rire 1989-pe, ha’e pe mburuvicha guasu omýiva opaite mbarete drágo-kuérape.

Ronald Reagan was an apostate Protestant, but George Bush the first, was a classic globalist. One of his famous quotes is where he lied by saying, on August 18, 1988, “And I’m the one who will not raise taxes. My opponent now says he’ll raise them as a last resort, or a third resort. But when a politician talks like that, you know that’s one resort he’ll be checking into. My opponent won’t rule out raising taxes. But I will. And the Congress will push me to raise taxes and I’ll say no. And they’ll push, and I’ll say no, and they’ll push again, and all I can say to them is: read my lips: no new taxes.”

Ronald Reagan ha'e va'ekue peteĩ protestánte apóstata, ha George Bush peteĩha katu ha'e va'ekue peteĩ globalísta clásico. Peteĩ ijayvu herakuãvévagui hína pe ijapu hague he'ívo, 18 jasypoapy 1988-pe: “Ha che hína pe ndaikuaamo'ãiva impuesto ñembohetave. Ko'ág̃a che mbohováiha he'i ombohetavetaha umíva peteî tape paha ramo, térã peteĩ mbohapyha tape ramo. Péro peteĩ político oñe'ẽ jave upéicha, reikuaa porã upéva hína peteĩ tape ha'e oikéva. Che mbohováiha nomboykéi impuesto ñembohetave. Che katu amboykéta. Ha Congreso chemyañóta ambohetave hag̃ua impuesto ha che ha'éta nahániri. Ha ha'ekuéra omyañóta, ha che ha'éta nahániri, ha omyañóta jey, ha ikatúnteva ha'e chupekuéra hína: pelee che rembe'y: ndaiporimo'ãi impuesto pyahu.”

Other than that public lie, which is an attribute of a representative of the dragon power, his most famous quote was at a joint session of Congress on September 11, 1990, where he said, “Now, we can see a new world coming into view. A world in which there is the very real prospect of a new world order. In the words of Winston Churchill, a ‘world order’ in which ‘the principles of justice and fair play … protect the weak against the strong …’ A world where the United Nations, freed from cold war stalemate, is poised to fulfill the historic vision of its founders.” Bush the senior was a globalist, even if he identified as a Republican.

Upéva rire pe japu ojeheróva tetãygua renondépe, ha’éva peteĩ tekome’ẽ mbokatupyry drágon pu’aka rehegua rerahahápe, iñe’ẽ ojeguerohoryvéva ha’e vaekue peteĩ aty joajúpe Congreso-pe, septiembre 11, 1990-pe, he’i haguépe: “Ko’ág̃a, ikatu jahecha peteĩ mundo pyahu oñemoag̃uivéva jehechápe. Peteĩ mundo oĩháme añetehápe pe jehecharamo peteĩ orden mundial pyahu rehegua. Winston Churchill ñe’ẽme, peteĩ ‘orden mundial’ oĩháme ‘tekojoja ha ñembosarái joja rembipota … oñangareko hag̃ua imbarete’ỹvape imbaretevagui …’ Peteĩ mundo oĩháme Naciones Unidas, ojepe’ávo guerra ro’ysã pyta jopygui, oñembosako’i omohu’ã hag̃ua pe visión histórica omoñepyrũ vaekue hekoha’ekuéra.” Bush tujavéva ha’e vaekue peteĩ globalista, jepe oñembohéra haguére Republicano ramo.

Bill Clinton was the first president to hold his inauguration ceremony at the Lincoln Memorial, which means he turned his back to Lincoln and faced the obelisk of Washington’s monument, an obelisk that is internally filled with symbols of Freemasonry. Both the obelisk and the symbols of Freemasonry he chose to face as he falsely swore his allegiance to the Constitution, represented not only that he had turned his back upon the anti-slavery symbol of the Lincoln Memorial, but Clintons’ chosen historic positioning, agrees with his acceptance speech, where he praised a professor whom he had studied under in the Jesuit University that he had attended.

Bill Clinton ha’e va’ekue pe mburuvicha guasu peteĩha ojapóva hembiapo ñepyrũgua ñeñangareko’ypy rehegua Lincoln Memorial-pe, upéva he’ise ojere hague ikupe gotyo Lincoln-gui ha oma’ẽ hague Washington monumento obelisco rehe, peteĩ obelisco hyepýpe henyhẽva símbolo-kuéra Masonería reheguávagui. Mokõivéva, pe obelisco ha umi símbolo Masonería rehegua ha’e poravókue oma’ẽ hag̃ua hese, oñe’ẽ japu aja iñe’ẽme’ẽre Constitución-pe, ohechauka ndaha’éi añoite ojere hague ikupe gotyo pe símbolo anti-esclavitud rehegua Lincoln Memorial-gui, síno avei pe ñemoĩ historikokuéra Clinton poravókue ojoja porãha iñe’ẽme’ẽ jehupytyrãme, upépe omomba’eguasu haguére peteĩ mbo’ehára guasu, ha’e oaprende va’ekue guýpe pe Universidad Jesuita-pe oho haguekue.

That professor, Carroll Quigley, wrote the book: Tragedy and Hope: A History of the World in Our Time, which was published in 1966, and is correctly and widely understood to represent “the Bible for globalist ideas”. As the Koran is to Islam, and as Morals and Dogma of the Ancient and Accepted Scottish Rite of Freemasonry, written by Albert Pike, and published in 1871, is considered the most comprehensive exposition of the esoteric teachings of Freemasonry; or as The Book of Mormon is to the Latter Day Saints, Quigley’s book is the Bible of globalist philosophy. Most would have known if Clinton praised Mohammed of the Koran, or if he praised Joseph Smith of The Book of Mormon, and some would have known who Albert Pike was, but few knew that Clinton’s praise of Quigley was consistent with his own globalist agenda, and his rejection of the principles represented by Abraham Lincoln.

Pe mbo’ehára, Carroll Quigley, ohai pe aranduka hérava: Tragedy and Hope: A History of the World in Our Time, osẽva’ekue 1966-pe, ha ojeikuaa hekópe ha hetaiterei ojehechakuaa hag̃ua ohechauka hag̃ua “la Biblia umi idea globalista rehegua”. Yvyku’i Koran mba’éichapa Islam-pe, ha Morals and Dogma of the Ancient and Accepted Scottish Rite of Freemasonry, ohai va’ekue Albert Pike ha osẽva’ekue 1871-pe, ojehechávo pe jehechaukarã iporãvéva ha ipypukuvéva umi ñembo’epy esotérica Masonería rehegua; térã The Book of Mormon mba’éichapa umi Santo Kuéra Ára Pahapeguápe g̃uarã, péicha avei Quigley aranduka ha’e pe Biblia pe filosofía globalista rehegua. Hetavéva oikuaáta mo’ã rire Clinton omomba’eguasu Mohammedpe, pe Koran rehegua, térã omomba’eguasu Joseph Smithpe, pe The Book of Mormon rehegua, ha oĩva’erãmo’ã mbovymi oikuaáva mávapa Albert Pike; péro sa’ieterei oikuaa va’ekue Clinton omomba’eguasu hague Quigleype ojoajuha hekopete iagenda globalista tee rehe, ha omboykeha umi principio ojehechaukáva Abraham Lincoln rupive.

In the speech, Clinton said: “As a teenager, I heard John Kennedy’s summons to citizenship. And then, as a student at Georgetown, I heard that call clarified by a professor named Carroll Quigley, who said to us that America was the greatest nation in history because our people have always believed in two things: that tomorrow can be better than today and that every one of us has a personal moral responsibility to make it so.” Carroll Quigley’s idea on how to “make America great again”, was for the United States to surrender its national sovereignty to the United Nations. Clinton was a Democrat, globalist, representative of the dragon.

Pe ñe’ẽme, Clinton he’i: “Mitãrusu aja, ahendu John Kennedy ñehenói tekove tetãygua rembiguáiramo guarã. Ha upéi, temimbo’e ramo Georgetown-pe, ahendu pe ñehenói oñemyesakãve peteĩ mbo’ehára hérava Carroll Quigley rupive, ha’e he’íva oréve Estados Unidos ha’eha tetã tuichavéva tembiasakue ryepýpe, ore retãygua akóinte ogueroviágui mokõi mba’e: ko’ẽrõ ikatuha iporãve ko áragui ha peteĩteĩ ñandéve oguerekóha tembiapo tekoporã tee rehegua, ani hag̃ua péva oiko hag̃uáicha.” Carroll Quigley remiandu mba’éichapa “jajapo jey hag̃ua América tuicháva”, ha’e va’ekue Estados Unidos tome’ẽ hag̃uáicha ijesarekohare tetã rehegua Naciones Unidas-pe. Clinton ha’e va’ekue peteĩ Demócrata, globalísta, dragón rehegua representante.

“Like father, like son”, George Bush the last, was a globalist, and just as was his father, a globalist who professed to be Republican. The apple does not fall far from the tree. The Bible raises the rhetorical question, “Can two walk together, except they be agreed?” One simply needs to track the many enterprises that Bush the last, accomplished together with Bill and Hillary Clinton to see who Bush the last agreed with.

“Ta’ýra ojogua túvape”, George Bush paha, ha’e va’ekue peteĩ globalista, ha upéicha avei itúva, peteĩ globalista oñemombe’úva republicano ramo. Yvyramágui hi’a ndohói mombyry. La Biblia omoĩ pe porandu ñe’ẽpotýva: “Ikatúpa mokõi oguata oñondive, noĩriramo peteĩ ñe’ême?” Tekotevẽnte ojehapykueho heta tembiapo Bush paha ojapova’ekue oñondive Bill ha Hillary Clinton ndive, ojehecha hag̃ua mávandi Bush paha oñemoĩ peteĩ ñe’ême.

Barack Hussein Obama made a statement about fundamentally transforming the United States during a campaign rally shortly before he was elected as President. On October 30, 2008, in Columbia, Missouri, Obama said: “We are five days away from fundamentally transforming the United States of America.” The statement was part of Obama’s broader message of “hope and change”, which was a central theme of his 2008 presidential campaign, emphasizing his commitment to significant policy reforms and a different direction for the country. The direction he turned the country was into the dragon policies of globalism, anti-white, pro-abortion, anti-carbon fuels, anti-America pro-globalism, Diversity, Equity, Inclusion, the false history of Critical Race Theory, and on and on. Obama was not simply a community organizer; he was and still is a representative of the dragon power’s globalist agenda.

Barack Hussein Obama ojapo peteĩ ñe’ẽ Estados Unidos-pe omoambuepaitetaha iñepyrũmby guive peteĩ aty guasu kampañagua jave, mbovymi ára mboyve ojeporavo hag̃ua Tetãygua Ruvicha guasúrõ. Árape 30 jasypa 2008-pe, Columbia, Missouri-pe, Obama he’i: “Po ára mante ore mbytépe oĩ hag̃uáicha ñamoambuepaitévo Estados Unidos de América iñepyrũmby guive.” Ko ñe’ẽkuaa oike Obama marandu tuichavévape “esperánsa ha cambio” rehegua, ha upéva ha’e va’ekue peteĩ tema mbytegua ikampaña presidencial 2008-gua ryepýpe, omomba’eguasúvo iñe’ẽme’ẽ políticas tuichaite hag̃ua oñemoambue ha tetãme ojejapyhy hag̃ua peteĩ tape ambuéva. Pe tape rupive ombojere va’ekue tetãme ha’e kuri dragón rembiapokue políticas globalismo rehegua, anti-blanco, aborto rehegua omomba’éva, combustible de carbono rehegua oñemoĩva, anti-América ha pro-globalismo, Diversidad, Equidad, Inclusión, pe historia japu hérava Critical Race Theory, ha heta mba’e ambue. Obama ndaha’éi kuri mante peteĩ organizador comunitario; ha’e va’ekue ha ko’ág̃a peve ha’e peteĩ representante dragón pokatu agenda globalista rehegua.

Trump however, unlike a typical modern politician, kept more promises than all the other seven presidents in the period beginning in 1989, combined. He was committed to making America great again, and in so attempting, he stirred up the globalist powers that be, not only in the United States, but in the entire world.

Trump katu, peteĩ polítiko moderno jepiveguágui iñambuéva, ojapo hetave ipromésa umi ambue siete presidente-kuéragui pe periodo oñepyrũva 1989-pe, oñondivepa. Ha’e oñemoĩkuri América toiko jey hag̃ua tuicha, ha upéicha oha’ãvo, omýi umi pu’aka globalista oĩmava, ndaha’éi Estados Unidos-pe añoite, ha katu ko yvy ape ári tuichakue javeve.

Joe Biden has no evidence whatsoever that he is anything other than another globalist.

Joe Biden ndorekói mba’eveichagua prueba ohechaukáva ha’eha ambue mba’e’ỹ peteĩ globalista ambuéva hag̃ua.

The beast of Catholicism waged a long-drawn-out war with the dragon powers, and the president that is reigning when the United States forms an image of the papacy, will, of prophetic necessity, be in a struggle with the dragon powers. None of the living presidents, other than Donald Trump, would wage war with the dragon powers, for the Democrats are openly globalist (dragons), and George Bush the last, was, as his father was (a professed Republican, that is actually a globalist dragon), for Jesus always illustrates the last with the first.

Pe “mbói ñarõ” Catolicismo rehegua omotenonde peteĩ ñorairõ ipukúva umi mbarete dragón rehe, ha pe mburuvicha guasu oisãmbyhýtava jave Tetã peteĩ reko Amérikagua ojapóramo ta’ãnga papado rehegua, tekotevẽ profético rupi, oĩta peteĩ ñorairõme umi mbarete dragón ndive. Avave umi mburuvicha guasu oikovéva apytégui, ndaha’éiramo Donald Trump, noñorairõmo’ãi umi mbarete dragón rehe, umi demócrata niko hesakã hag̃uáicha globalista (dragón-kuéra), ha George Bush pahaguéva, itúva-ichaite, ha’e va’ekue (peteĩ republicano he’íva ijehe, añetépe katu peteĩ dragón globalista), Jesús akóinte omombe’úgui pe paháva pe tenondegua rupive.

We will continue this study in the next article.

Jaikovévo ko estudio pe oúva artículo-pe.

“A great crisis awaits the people of God. A crisis awaits the world. The most momentous struggle of all the ages is just before us. Events which for more than forty years we have upon the authority of the prophetic word declared to be impending are now taking place before our eyes. Already the question of an amendment to the Constitution restricting liberty of conscience has been urged upon the legislators of the nation. The question of enforcing Sunday observance has become one of national interest and importance. We well know what the result of this movement will be. But are we ready for the issue? Have we faithfully discharged the duty which God has committed to us of giving the people warning of the danger before them?

“Peteĩ krísis tuicha oha’arõ Tupã retãyguakuérape. Peteĩ krísis oha’arõ ko múndope. Pe ñorãirõ iporãvéva ha tuichavéva opa ára rembiasakue apytépe oĩma ñande renondépe. Umi mba’e oikótava rehe, hetave cuarenta áño pukukue jave, marandu profético ñe’ẽ pokatu rupi roikuaauka hague hi’aguĩmaha, ko’ág̃a oiko ñande resa renondépe. Ma’ẽrãma, peteĩ porandu Constitución ñemoambue rehegua, ojejokóva tekosãso py’aguapy rehegua, oñemopu’ãma tetã legislador-kuéra renondépe. Pe porandu domingo ñemboguata rehegua oñemoañete hag̃ua oikóma peteĩ mba’e tetãygua interes ha importancia rehegua. Jaikuaa porã mba’épa oguerúta ko ñemongu’e. Péro, ¿ñaimépa ñasẽ hag̃uáicha pe mba’e oñehusgátavape? ¿Jaikuaauka porã ha jeroviápepa pe tembiapo Tupã ome’ẽ va’ekue ñandéve, jahai hag̃ua tavayguakuérape ñe’ẽmondo ñemomarandu pe peligro oĩvare henondépe?”

“There are many, even of those engaged in this movement for Sunday enforcement, who are blinded to the results which will follow this action. They do not see that they are striking directly against religious liberty. There are many who have never understood the claims of the Bible Sabbath and the false foundation upon which the Sunday institution rests. Any movement in favor of religious legislation is really an act of concession to the papacy, which for so many ages has steadily warred against liberty of conscience. Sunday observance owes its existence as a so-called Christian institution to ‘the mystery of iniquity;’ and its enforcement will be a virtual recognition of the principles which are the very cornerstone of Romanism. When our nation shall so abjure the principles of its government as to enact a Sunday law, Protestantism will in this act join hands with popery; it will be nothing else than giving life to the tyranny which has long been eagerly watching its opportunity to spring again into active despotism.

“Hetaiterei, umi oñeha'ãvape ko ñemongu'épe oñembopyta hag̃ua arateĩ ára ñemboajepyréva, oĩ hína ojehesapytỹ'ỹva umi mba'e oikótavare ko tembiapo rire. Ha'ekuéra ndohechái hína oinupãha hikuái peteĩchaite religión rehegua sãso rehe. Heta oĩ araka'eve noikũmbýiva Biblia pytu'uha ára rekávo ha pe fundamento japu hi'ári opyta hag̃ua pe institución arateĩ ára rehegua. Oimeraẽ ñemongu'e oipytyvõva léi religión rehegua añetehápe ha'e peteĩ ñemoĩ porã papado rehe, upéva heta ára pukukue oñorairõ meme va'ekue tekosãso conciencia rehegua ndive. Arateĩ ára ñemboaje oikove pe institución oñehenóivape cristiana ramo rupi “mba'e vai ñemimby”; ha iñemopyendakuaa hag̃ua ha'éta peteĩ jehechakuaa añetetéva umi principio rehe, umíva hína Romanismo ita guasu apytépeguaite. Ñane retã omboykéta vove upéicha iguvernokuaa principio kuérape ha ombohapéta peteĩ léi arateĩ ára rehegua, Protestantismo ko tembiapópe ojopóta ipo popería ndive; ndaha'éi ambue mba'e ndaha'éiramo ome'ẽ jeýva tekove pe tyranía-pe, ymaite guive hakueterei oha'arõva ijasypyrã hag̃ua jeývo despotismo kyre'ỹme.”

“The National Reform movement, exercising the power of religious legislation, will, when fully developed, manifest the same intolerance and oppression that have prevailed in past ages. Human councils then assumed the prerogatives of Deity, crushing under their despotic power liberty of conscience; and imprisonment, exile, and death followed for those who opposed their dictates. If popery or its principles shall again be legislated into power, the fires of persecution will be rekindled against those who will not sacrifice conscience and the truth in deference to popular errors. This evil is on the point of realization.

“Pe movimiento Reforma Nacional rehechávo pokatu léi religioso rehegua, oñemotenondepa vove, ohechaukáta upe intoleránsia ha opresión peteĩchaite umi ára yma guarépe ojehu haguéicha. Upérõ umi atykuéra yvypóra rehegua omoĩ vaʼekue ijehe Tupã mbaʼe tee, ha ipokatu mbaretépe, despotikamente, omopẽ akãme tekosãso pyʼa potĩ rehegua; ha prisión, ñemosẽ mombyry, ha jejuka ou vaʼekue umi ojepytasóvare hikuái iñeʼẽmondo rehe. Oĩramo jevy papado térã iprinsípio kuéra oñemoinge léipe pokaturã, persecución tata hendýta jevy umi ndohejamoʼãi vaʼekuére pyʼa potĩ ha añetegua oñemeʼẽ hag̃ua umi jejavy ojeguerohoryvévpe. Ko mbaʼe vai oĩma oiko hag̃uáicha.”

“When God has given us light showing the dangers before us, how can we stand clear in His sight if we neglect to put forth every effort in our power to bring it before the people? Can we be content to leave them to meet this momentous issue unwarned?” Testimonies, volume 5, 711, 712.

“Ome’ẽvo ñandéve Tupã tesape ohechaukáva umi mbaʼe vai ñane renonderã, mba’éicha piko ikatu ñaimoʼã ñande potĩha Hesa renondépe ñane remboykéramo ñamoĩ hag̃ua opaite ñane ñehaʼã ikatúva ñande pópe jagueraha hag̃ua upéva tavayguakuérape renondépe? Ikatúpa ñañembovyʼa jahejávo chupekuéra tohovái ko mbaʼe tuicha mombyry oguerekóva mbaʼe porandu, ñeñangarekoʼỹ reheve?” Testimonies, volumen 5, 711, 712.