Uriah Smith wrote, “Rome became connected with the people of God, the Jews, by alliance, BC 162.” Most modern historians mark the date as 161 BC, and Smith twice references 161 BC, in the same book. My assumption is that this reference to 162 BC, is a typo.
Uriah Smith ya rubuta cewa, “Roma ta kulla alaƙa da mutanen Allah, Yahudawa, ta wurin kawance, a shekara ta 162 K.H.” Yawancin masana tarihi na zamani suna ɗora wannan kwanan wata a shekara ta 161 K.H., kuma Smith ya ambaci 161 K.H. sau biyu a cikin wannan littafin ɗaya. Zato na shi ne cewa wannan ishara zuwa ga 162 K.H. kuskuren bugawa ne.
“By verses 23 and 24 we are brought down this side of the league between the Jews and the Romans, BC 161, to the time when Rome had acquired universal dominion.” Uriah Smith, Daniel and the Revelation, 273.
“Ta wurin ayoyi na 23 da 24, an kawo mu zuwa wannan ɓangaren da ke bayan ƙawancen da aka ƙulla tsakanin Yahudawa da Romawa, a shekara ta 161 K.H., zuwa lokacin da Roma ta mallaki sarauta ta duniya baki ɗaya.” Uriah Smith, Daniel and the Revelation, 273.
Verses eleven and twelve, identify the victory and aftermath of the Battle of Raphia, which occurred in 217 BC, between the Seleucid Empire, led by Antiochus III the Great, and the Ptolemaic Kingdom of Egypt, led by King Ptolemy IV Philopator.
Aya ta goma sha ɗaya da ta goma sha biyu suna bayyana nasara da abin da ya biyo bayan Yaƙin Raphia, wanda ya faru a shekara ta 217 K.H., tsakanin Daular Seleucid, ƙarƙashin jagorancin Antiochus III Mai Girma, da Masarautar Ptolemaic ta Masar, ƙarƙashin jagorancin Sarki Ptolemy IV Philopator.
The Battle of Panium, which occurred seventeen years later in 200 BC, was again between the Seleucid kingdom, and the Ptolemaic kingdom.
Yaƙin Panium, wanda ya faru bayan shekaru goma sha bakwai a shekara ta 200 K.H., ya sake kasancewa tsakanin mulkin Seleucid da kuma mulkin Ptolemaic.
The Maccabean Revolt, began in 167 BC, and was the Jewish rebellion against the Seleucid Empire’s attempts to suppress Jewish religious practices and impose Greek culture.
Tawayen Makabiyawa ya fara a shekara ta 167 K.Z., kuma shi ne tawayen Yahudawa a kan ƙoƙarin Daular Seleucid na murƙushe ayyukan addinin Yahudawa da kuma kakaba al’adun Girka.
The rededication of the Second Temple in Jerusalem, which marks the historical event celebrated during Hanukkah, occurred in 164 BC, three years before the “league” of verse twenty-three. This event followed the successful military campaign of the Maccabees against the forces of the Seleucid Empire, led by the infamous Antiochus IV Epiphanes, who had desecrated the Temple and outlawed Jewish religious practices. Antiochus IV Epiphanes died shortly after the victory that is commemorated by Hanukkah, and marks the descent of Syrian power from that point onward in history.
Sake keɓe Haikali na Biyu da ke Urushalima ga Allah, wanda ke nuna abin da ya faru a tarihi da ake tunawa da shi a lokacin Hanukkah, ya auku ne a shekara ta 164 K.H., shekaru uku kafin “ƙulla” da ke aya ta ashirin da uku. Wannan lamari ya biyo bayan nasarar yaƙin neman zaɓe na Makkabiyawa a kan rundunonin Daular Seleucid, ƙarƙashin jagorancin mugun suna Antiochus IV Epiphanes, wanda ya ƙazantar da Haikali kuma ya haramta ayyukan addinin Yahudawa. Antiochus IV Epiphanes ya mutu jim kaɗan bayan nasarar da ake tunawa da ita ta Hanukkah, kuma wannan yana nuna fara durƙushewar ikon Siriya tun daga wannan lokaci zuwa gaba a tarihi.
In 200 BC, (which was also the time of the Battle of Panium), Rome, for the first time inserted itself into the prophetic history of Daniel chapter eleven. There is the symbol which establishes the vision. Its purposeful influence in that history identifies the work of Jezebel, a symbol of a church that pulls strings from behind the scenes. Jezebel was home in Samaria when her husband Ahab watched her prophets get slain by Elijah. Herodias was not at Herod’s birthday party, where her daughter Salome seduced Herod. In the history of the United States, the papacy, represented by the whore of Tyre, is forgotten, until the end of the symbolic seventy years. She then begins to sing her songs of deception to the kings of the earth. The year 200 BC typifies when she begins to openly sing to the kings in the last days, just before the soon coming Sunday law, as represented in verse sixteen.
A shekara ta 200 K.H.K., (wadda kuma ita ce zamanin Yaƙin Panium), Roma ta farko ta tsoma kanta a cikin tarihin annabci na Daniyel sura ta goma sha ɗaya. A can ne akwai alamar da ke kafa wahayi. Tasirinta na gangan a cikin wannan tarihin yana gano aikin Jezebel, alamar wata coci da ke jan igiya daga bayan fage. Jezebel tana Samariya lokacin da mijinta Ahab yake kallon annabawanta suna kashewa ta hannun Iliya. Herodias ba ta kasance a bikin ranar haihuwar Hirudus ba, inda ’yarta Salome ta rinjayi Hirudus. A cikin tarihin Amurka, ana manta da papacy, wadda karuwar Taya ke wakilta, har zuwa ƙarshen shekaru saba’in na alama. Sa’an nan kuma ta fara rera waƙoƙinta na ruɗi ga sarakunan duniya. Shekarar 200 K.H.K. tana wakiltar lokacin da ta fara a fili rera wa sarakuna a kwanaki na ƙarshe, gab da dokar Lahadi mai zuwa nan ba da daɗewa ba, kamar yadda aya ta goma sha shida ta wakilta.
Before the “league” of the Jews in 161 BC to 158 BC, the Maccabees rededicated the temple, as is commemorated by Hanukkah in 164 BC. Then three years later, still in an ongoing struggle with the Syrians, the Maccabean Jews reached out to Rome for support. The “league” with Rome that was then formed becomes a prophetic test for God’s last-day students of prophecy.
Kafin “ƙawancen” Yahudawa a tsakanin 161 BC zuwa 158 BC, Makkabiyawa suka sake keɓe haikalin, kamar yadda Hanukkah ke tunawa da haka a 164 BC. Sai kuma bayan shekaru uku, alhali har yanzu suna cikin gwagwarmaya mai ci gaba da Suriyawa, Yahudawan Makkabiyawa suka nemi taimakon Roma. “Ƙawancen” da aka kulla da Roma a lokacin ya zama gwaji na annabci ga masu nazarin annabci na kwanaki na ƙarshe na Allah.
History identifies 161 BC as the point where the “league” took place, but the pioneers identify that history as 158 BC. Was Miller right, or are the modern historians right? Miller added six hundred and sixty-six years (666), to the year 158 BC, and arrived at the year 508, when “the daily” was taken away. Search as you might, it will be extremely difficult, if not actually impossible to find a historical support for 158 BC as the league between the Jews and the Romans.
Tarihi ya bayyana shekara ta 161 BC a matsayin lokacin da “ƙawancen” ya faru, amma magabatan nan na farko sun bayyana wannan tarihi a matsayin 158 BC. Shin Miller ne ya yi daidai, ko kuwa masana tarihi na zamani ne suke daidai? Miller ya ƙara shekaru ɗari shida da sittin da shida (666) a kan shekara ta 158 BC, kuma ya isa ga shekara ta 508, lokacin da aka ɗauke “na kullum.” Ko da ka yi bincike yadda kake so, zai kasance da matuƙar wuya—idan ma ba a ce kusan ba zai yiwu ba—ka sami hujjar tarihi da take goyon bayan 158 BC a matsayin ƙawancen da ya kasance tsakanin Yahudawa da Romawa.
Verse sixteen is the Sunday law, but before that history Rome enters into history to establish the vision in the year 200 BC. The Maccabean revolt began at Modein in 167 BC, and eventually they rededicated the temple in 164 BC. Then from 161 BC, to 158 BC, the Jews enter into a covenant with the Roman power. 161 BC to 158 BC represents a period of time which was required to establish the “league.” This understanding identifies the “league” in agreement with the historians’ testimony, and also with the chart that was directed by the hand of the Lord and should not be altered.
Aya ta goma sha shida ita ce dokar Lahadi, amma kafin wannan tarihi Roma tana shiga cikin tarihi domin ta kafa wahayin a shekarar 200 K.H. Tawayen Makkabiyawa ya fara a Modein a shekara ta 167 K.H., kuma daga bisani suka sake keɓe Haikalin a shekara ta 164 K.H. Sa’an nan kuma daga 161 K.H. zuwa 158 K.H., Yahudawa suka shiga alkawari da ikon Roma. Daga 161 K.H. zuwa 158 K.H. yana wakiltar wani ɗan lokaci da ake bukata domin a kafa “ƙawancen.” Wannan fahimta tana gano “ƙawancen” cikin daidaito da shaidar masana tarihi, haka kuma da jadawalin da aka ja-goranta ta hannun Ubangiji kuma bai kamata a canja shi ba.
The historians inform us that the process of negotiating treaties between ancient nations like Judah and Rome in the second century BC, varied depending on the specific circumstances, diplomatic protocols, and power dynamics involved. Typically, the process would begin with one party expressing interest in establishing a treaty or alliance with the other. In the case of Judah and Rome, Judah initiated contact with Rome to propose a formal alliance.
Masana tarihi suna sanar da mu cewa tsarin tattaunawa domin kulla yarjejeniyoyi tsakanin tsoffin al’ummai kamar Yahuda da Roma a ƙarni na biyu kafin haihuwar Almasihu, yana bambanta gwargwadon takamaiman yanayi, ƙa’idojin diflomasiyya, da daidaiton iko da abin ya shafa. A al’ada, tsarin yakan fara ne da ɓangare ɗaya ya bayyana sha’awarsa ta kafa yarjejeniya ko ƙawance da ɗayan. A batun Yahuda da Roma, Yahuda ce ta fara tuntuɓar Roma domin gabatar da shawarar kulla ƙawance na hukuma.
Diplomatic channels would have been utilized to convey the proposal and initiate negotiations. This had to involve sending ambassadors or envoys to Rome to meet with its leaders or representatives. Once negotiations commenced, both parties would discuss the terms of the proposed treaty. This could involve a series of meetings, exchanges of diplomatic messages, and possibly the involvement of intermediaries or mediators to facilitate discussions. During negotiations, each party would consider the terms proposed by the other and may offer counter-proposals or seek amendments to certain terms. This process could involve careful deliberation, consultation with advisors, and assessments of the potential benefits and drawbacks of the proposed treaty.
Da an yi amfani da hanyoyin diflomasiyya domin isar da wannan shawara da kuma fara tattaunawar sulhu. Dole ne wannan ya ƙunshi aika jakadu ko wakilai zuwa Roma domin su gana da shugabanninta ko wakilanta. Da zarar an fara tattaunawa, kowane ɓangare zai tattauna sharuddan yarjejeniyar da aka gabatar. Wannan na iya haɗawa da jerin tarurruka, musayar saƙonnin diflomasiyya, da kuma mai yiwuwa sa hannun masu shiga tsakani ko masu sasanci domin sauƙaƙa tattaunawar. A lokacin tattaunawar, kowane ɓangare zai yi la’akari da sharuddan da ɗayan ya gabatar, kuma yana iya gabatar da martanin shawara ko neman gyara ga wasu sharudda. Wannan tsari na iya ƙunsar zurfin nazari, tuntuba da masu ba da shawara, da kuma tantance yiwuwar alfanun da rashin alfanun yarjejeniyar da aka gabatar.
If both parties reached an agreement on the terms of the treaty, formal documentation would be prepared outlining the terms and conditions agreed upon by both sides. The treaty would then need to be ratified by the respective authorities of each nation. In the case of Rome, this might involve approval by the Senate or other governing bodies. Similarly, in Judah, the treaty would likely require approval by its leadership or governing council. Once ratified, the treaty would be implemented, and both parties would be expected to adhere to its terms. This might involve various forms of cooperation, mutual defense agreements, trade relations, or other forms of diplomatic engagement outlined in the treaty.
Idan ɓangarorin biyu sun cim ma yarjejeniya a kan sharuɗɗan alkawarin, za a shirya takardun hukuma da za su fayyace sharuɗɗa da ƙa’idojin da ɓangarorin biyu suka amince da su. Sa’an nan kuma, dole ne hukumomin da suka dace na kowace al’umma su tabbatar da alkawarin. A game da Roma, wannan na iya haɗawa da amincewar Majalisar Dattawa ko wasu hukumomin mulki. Haka kuma, a Yahuza, akwai yiwuwar alkawarin ya buƙaci amincewar shugabanninta ko majalisar mulkinta. Da zarar an tabbatar da shi, za a aiwatar da alkawarin, kuma za a sa ran ɓangarorin biyu su bi sharuɗɗansa. Wannan na iya haɗawa da nau’o’i dabam-dabam na haɗin gwiwa, yarjejeniyoyin kāriyar juna, dangantakar kasuwanci, ko wasu siffofi na hulɗar diflomasiyya da aka fayyace a cikin alkawarin.
In the second century BC, travel from Judea (located in the eastern Mediterranean region) to Rome (located in central Italy) would have been a challenging and time-consuming endeavor, especially considering the limitations of ancient transportation methods. The distance between Judea and Rome is approximately 1,500 to 2,000 kilometers (930 to 1,240 miles) depending on the specific route taken. Sea travel was often faster and more efficient than overland travel in ancient times, but sea travel was subject to the prevailing winds. Traveling by ship from a port in Judea to a port in Italy (such as Ostia, the port of Rome) could take several weeks, depending on factors like wind conditions, sea currents, and the type of vessel used.
A ƙarni na biyu kafin haihuwar Almasihu, tafiya daga Yahudiya (wadda take a yankin gabashin Bahar Rum) zuwa Roma (wadda take a tsakiyar Italiya) da ta kasance aiki mai wahala kuma mai cin lokaci, musamman idan aka yi la’akari da iyakokin hanyoyin sufuri na zamanin da. Tazarar da ke tsakanin Yahudiya da Roma kusan kilomita 1,500 zuwa 2,000 ce (mil 930 zuwa 1,240), gwargwadon takamaiman hanyar da aka bi. A zamanin da, tafiya ta ruwa sau da yawa ta fi tafiyar ƙasa sauri da inganci, amma tafiya ta ruwa tana ƙarƙashin iskokin da suka mamaye lokacin. Yin tafiya ta jirgin ruwa daga tashar jiragen ruwa a Yahudiya zuwa tashar jiragen ruwa a Italiya (kamar Ostiya, tashar jiragen ruwa ta Roma) na iya ɗaukar makonni da dama, gwargwadon abubuwa kamar yanayin iska, kwararar ruwa a teku, da irin jirgin ruwan da aka yi amfani da shi.
Overland travel from Judea to Rome would have been slower and more arduous. Travelers would have to navigate through various terrains, including mountains, valleys, and rivers, and contend with obstacles such as bandits and hostile territories. It’s estimated that travel by foot or by horse-drawn carriage could take several months. Travel time would have also been influenced by factors such as the condition of roads, availability of accommodations and rest stops, and the need to rest and resupply along the way.
Tafiya ta ƙasa daga Yahudiya zuwa Roma da ta kasance a hankali kuma mafi wahala. Matafiya za su yi tafiya ta cikin yankuna dabam-dabam, har da duwatsu, kwaruruka, da koguna, kuma su fuskanci ƙalubale kamar ’yan fashi da yankuna masu gaba. Ana hasashen cewa tafiya a ƙafa ko da karusar da dawakai ke ja na iya ɗaukar watanni da yawa. Tsawon lokacin tafiya kuma zai danganta da abubuwa kamar yanayin hanyoyi, samuwar wuraren sauka da wuraren hutawa, da kuma bukatar tsayawa domin hutawa da sake tanadin kayayyakin tafiya a hanya.
When the Maccabean Jews sought a league with Rome, they would have needed to send ambassadors to Rome. Once those ambassadors were received by the Roman authorities, there would be a period of negotiation. In historical theory, for no precise record is available, once a treaty was formalized, it would need to be taken back to Judea for confirmation, and then probably it would need to be returned to Rome to confirm the acceptance of the Jews. It is almost impossible to believe that the process of forming an alliance in that period of time would have been accomplished in one year, so the understanding that the “league” represents a process from 161 BC to 158 BC fits other lines of prophecy that identify the history that leads to the Sunday law of verse sixteen.
Sa’ad da Yahudawan Makabiya suka nemi yin ƙawance da Roma, da lalle ne sun bukaci su aika jakadu zuwa Roma. Da zarar hukumomin Roma suka karɓi waɗannan jakadun, sai a shiga wani lokaci na tattaunawa. A ka’idar tarihi—domin babu takamaiman rubutaccen tarihi da ake da shi—da zarar an kulla yarjejeniya a hukumance, da sai a mayar da ita Yahudiya domin tabbatarwa, sa’an nan kuma da alama sai a sake mayar da ita Roma domin tabbatar da karɓuwar Yahudawa. Kusan ba zai yiwu a gaskata cewa aikin ƙulla wannan ƙawance a wancan zamani zai kasance an kammala shi cikin shekara guda ba; saboda haka fahimtar cewa “ƙawancen” yana wakiltar wani tsari daga 161 BC zuwa 158 BC ya yi daidai da sauran sahohin annabci da suke fayyace tarihin da ke kaiwa ga dokar Lahadi ta aya ta goma sha shida.
A “league” that all historians agree was initiated by the Maccabean Jews, began in Judea in 161 BC. The purpose was that the Jews wanted support against the Syrians who they had been struggling with since their revolt began in 167 BC. The revolt was sparked by the efforts of Mattathias, a Jewish priest, and his five sons, particularly Judas Maccabee, to resist the Hellenization policies imposed by the Seleucid ruler Antiochus IV Epiphanes. These policies included attempts to suppress Jewish religious practices and force the adoption of Greek customs and beliefs.
Wata “yarjejeniya” da dukkan masana tarihi suka yarda Yahudawan Makabiya ne suka ƙaddamar, ta fara ne a Yahudiya a shekara ta 161 K.H. Manufarta ita ce Yahudawa suna son samun goyon baya a kan Suriyawa waɗanda suke ta fama da su tun bayan da tawayensu ya fara a shekara ta 167 K.H. Wannan tawaye ya samo asali ne daga ƙoƙarin Mattatiyas, wani firist na Yahudawa, da ’ya’yansa maza biyar, musamman Yahuza Makabi, na yin tsayayya da manufofin Helenantawa da mai mulkin Seleucid, Antiochus IV Epiphanes, ya ɗora. Waɗannan manufofi sun haɗa da yunƙurin murƙushe ayyukan addinin Yahudawa da tilasta karɓar al’adu da bangaskiyoyin Girka.
The catalyst for the revolt was an incident in the village of Modein, where Mattathias refused to comply with a decree to offer a sacrifice to a Greek deity. “Modein” is derived from the Hebrew word “modi’a,” which means “to declare” or “to protest.” In his protest, Mattathias killed a Jewish apostate who was about to perform the sacrifice, and he and his sons fled to the hills, initiating a guerrilla warfare campaign against the Seleucid forces. The Maccabean Revolt lasted for several years, during which the Maccabees engaged in numerous battles against the Seleucids and their allies. Despite being vastly outnumbered and out-equipped, the Maccabees achieved several significant victories.
Abin da ya tayar da tawayen shi ne wani al’amari da ya faru a ƙauyen Modein, inda Mattathias ya ƙi yin biyayya ga umurnin da ya wajabta miƙa hadaya ga wani allahn Helenawa. “Modein” ya samo asali ne daga kalmar Ibrananci “modi’a,” wadda ke nufin “bayyanawa” ko kuma “yin zanga-zanga.” A cikin wannan zanga-zangarsa, Mattathias ya kashe wani Bayahude mai ridda wanda yake gab da yin hadayar, shi da ’ya’yansa kuwa suka tsere zuwa tuddai, suka fara yaƙin ɓa-ta-gari a kan rundunonin Seleucid. Tawayen Maccabean ya ɗauki shekaru da dama, a tsawon lokacin da Maccabees suka shiga yaƙe-yaƙe masu yawa da Seleucids da abokan haɗinsu. Duk da cewa sun fi su nisa a yawa da kuma kayan yaƙi, Maccabees sun sami manyan nasarori masu muhimmanci da dama.
The Seleucid Empire was seeking to impose the religion of Greece upon the Jews, and the Greeks represent the globalists of the last days. Their religion is expressed in the woke-ism that is currently being forced upon the United States and the world, by the globalist forces of the banking system, the mainstream media, the educational centers, and the tearing down of national distinctions through the forced immigration of illegal aliens. When Antiochus Epiphanes was forcing the Greek religion upon the Jews, there were Jews who were cooperating with his efforts. The Maccabees represent one class of apostate Jews, who were resisting the religion of Greece, but there was also another class of apostate Jews who were supporting the work of enforcing the Greek religion.
Daular Seleucid tana neman tilasta addinin Girka a kan Yahudawa, kuma Girkawa suna wakiltar ’yan tutar duniya na kwanaki na ƙarshe. Addininsu yana bayyana a cikin woke-ism da a halin yanzu ake tilastawa Amurka da duniya, ta wurin rundunonin ’yan tutar duniya na tsarin bankuna, kafafen watsa labarai na gama-gari, cibiyoyin ilimi, da rushe bambance-bambancen ƙasashe ta hanyar tilasta shigar baƙi ba bisa ƙa’ida ba. Sa’ad da Antiochus Epiphanes yake tilasta addinin Girka a kan Yahudawa, akwai Yahudawa da suke ba da haɗin kai ga ƙoƙarinsa. Maccabees suna wakiltar wani aji na Yahudawa masu ridda, waɗanda suke tsayayya da addinin Girka, amma akwai kuma wani aji dabam na Yahudawa masu ridda waɗanda suke goyon bayan aikin kakaba addinin Girka.
Verse sixteen is the soon coming Sunday law, and the threefold union of the dragon, the beast and false prophet. That history is preceded by verses thirteen through fifteen, where the three battles of verse forty occur from verse ten (1989), verses eleven and twelve (the Ukrainian war), and the Battle of Panium. The Battle of Panium represents a battle in which the two-horned earth beast prevails over the globalist’s religious and political philosophies.
Aya ta goma sha shida ita ce dokar Lahadi mai zuwa ba da daɗewa ba, da kuma haɗin kai na ninki uku na macijin, dabbar, da annabcin ƙarya. Wannan tarihin ayoyi na goma sha uku zuwa goma sha biyar ne ke gabatar da shi, inda yaƙe-yaƙe uku na aya ta arba’in suke faruwa daga aya ta goma (1989), ayoyi na goma sha ɗaya da goma sha biyu (yaƙin Yukiren), da Yaƙin Panium. Yaƙin Panium yana wakiltar wani yaƙi ne wanda dabbar ƙasa mai ƙaho biyu take yin nasara a kan falsaforin addini da siyasa na masu ra’ayin dunƙulewar duniya.
In that battle the final president of the United States must deal with the aftermath of Putin’s victory and subsequent collapse represented in verses eleven and twelve. He will form an alliance with NATO, or the United Nations, in order to resolve the fallout from the collapse of Russia, and within the history of that alliance he will engage the United Nations in the Battle of Panium. The third battle of verse forty, will be as the first battle of verse forty. As the Soviet Union collapsed under the economic and military force of the United States, the globalists of the United Nations will be forced to repeat “perestroika” the key component of Gorbachev’s efforts to reform the Soviet Union, though they ultimately contributed to the unraveling of the Soviet system and the eventual dissolution of the Soviet Union.
A cikin wannan yaƙi, shugaban ƙarshe na Amurka dole ne ya yi ma’amala da abin da ya biyo bayan nasarar Putin da kuma rushewarsa daga baya, kamar yadda ayoyi na goma sha ɗaya da na goma sha biyu suke wakilta. Zai kulla ƙawance da NATO, ko kuma Majalisar Ɗinkin Duniya, domin warware sakamakon da ya biyo bayan rushewar Rasha, kuma a cikin tarihin wannan ƙawance zai shiga yaƙin Panium tare da Majalisar Ɗinkin Duniya. Yaƙi na uku na aya ta arba’in zai kasance kamar yaƙi na farko na aya ta arba’in. Kamar yadda Tarayyar Soviet ta rushe ƙarƙashin ƙarfin tattalin arziki da na soja na Amurka, haka ma ‘yan gwagwarmayar tsarin duniya na Majalisar Ɗinkin Duniya za a tilasta musu su maimaita “perestroika”, muhimmin ginshiƙi na ƙoƙarin Gorbachev na gyaran Tarayyar Soviet, ko da yake a ƙarshe sun ba da gudummawa ga warwarewar tsarin Soviet da kuma rushewar Tarayyar Soviet gaba ɗaya.
The third battle is illustrated by the first battle, and through economics and military pressure Trump, as represented by Reagan, will force the United Nations into “perestroika,” which means restructuring or reformation. The restructuring will place the United States upon the head of the ten kings’ system that is the United Nations. In the battle the papacy will then introduce itself into history, claiming to be the defender of the system that Trump is then conquering.
An kwatanta yaƙi na uku da yaƙi na farko, kuma ta wajen tattalin arziƙi da matsin lambar soja Trump, kamar yadda Reagan yake wakilta, zai tilasta wa Majalisar Ɗinkin Duniya shiga cikin “perestroika,” wato sake tsarawa ko gyarawa. Wannan sake tsarawar za ta ɗora Amurka a kan shugaban tsarin sarakuna goma wanda shi ne Majalisar Ɗinkin Duniya. A cikin yaƙin, sai papacy ta shigar da kanta cikin tarihi, tana da’awar cewa ita ce mai kare tsarin da Trump yake cin nasara a kansa a lokacin.
In the same history Trump will face an internal Civil War that he will be forced to address, just as Abraham Lincoln was forced to address. The Civil War will be among two opposing apostate factions within the United States. One class represented by those who have accepted the religion and philosophy of woke-ism, who are the progressive globalists of both political parties. The other class (MAGA-ism) professes to be genuine Protestants, though they lost that mantle in 1844.
A cikin wannan tarihin guda, Trump zai fuskanci wani Yaƙin Basasa na cikin gida da za a tilasta masa ya tunkara, kamar yadda aka tilasta wa Abraham Lincoln ya tunkara. Wannan Yaƙin Basasa zai kasance a tsakanin ƙungiyoyi biyu masu adawa da juna, na masu ridda, a cikin United States. Wata ɓangaren kuwa yana wakiltar waɗanda suka karɓi addini da falsafar woke-ism, waɗanda su ne masu kishin tsarin duniya na ci gaba daga jam’iyyun siyasa biyu. Ɗaya ɓangaren kuma (MAGA-ism) yana iƙirarin cewa su ne Protestants na gaskiya, ko da yake sun rasa wannan matsayi tun a 1844.
The President’s faction is represented by MAGA-ism, and is based upon the misguided claim of upholding true Protestantism and the Constitution. Woke-ism’s claim is the religion of Mother Earth, the New Age and the belief that the Constitution is applied by the existing circumstances of society’s norms, not by the archaic ideas of the founding fathers.
Ɓangaren Shugaban Ƙasa yana wakiltuwa da MAGA-ism, kuma yana bisa karkashin kuskuren iƙirarin kare sahihin Furotesta da Kundin Tsarin Mulki. Iƙirarin Woke-ism kuwa shi ne addinin Uwar Duniya, New Age, da kuma bangaskiyar cewa ana aiwatar da Kundin Tsarin Mulki ne bisa ga yanayin da ƙa’idojin al’umma na zamanin yanzu suka shimfiɗa, ba bisa tsofaffin ra’ayoyin ubannin da suka kafa ƙasar ba.
Mattathias (Trump) will end the attempts of the globalist-progressive Democrats within the United States as represented by the revolt that began in Modein in 167 BC. Trump will then repeat the history of 164 BC, when the Maccabees rededicated the temple, as commemorated by the observance of Hanukkah. Then in the period represented from 161 BC to 158 BC, Trump will begin the final push for erecting the image of the papacy, which is an image that identifies an illicit relationship between the religious power and the political power. In 158 BC the league will be implemented as the soon coming Sunday law of verse sixteen is enforced.
Mattathias (Trump) zai kawo ƙarshen yunƙurin ’yan Democrat masu ra’ayin gurguzu na duniya a cikin Amurka kamar yadda tawayen da ya fara a Modein a shekara ta 167 K.H. yake wakilta. Sa’an nan Trump zai maimaita tarihin shekara ta 164 K.H., lokacin da Makkabiyawa suka sāke keɓe haikali, kamar yadda ake tunawa da hakan ta wajen kiyaye Hanukkah. Sa’an nan a cikin lokacin da yake wakilta daga shekara ta 161 K.H. zuwa 158 K.H., Trump zai fara ƙoƙari na ƙarshe domin kafa siffar papacy, wato siffar da take nuna haramtacciyar alaƙa tsakanin ikon addini da ikon siyasa. A shekara ta 158 K.H. za a aiwatar da ƙawancen, yayin da dokar Lahadi mai zuwa nan ba da daɗewa ba ta aya ta goma sha shida za a tilasta aiwatar da ita.
Daniel eleven first identifies how Rome politically takes control, and then Daniel repeats and enlarges the same history with a line identifying how Rome deals with God’s people in the very same history. From verse sixteen unto verse nineteen the three obstacles to pagan Rome taking control of the world are illustrated. In verse sixteen, Syria was conquered by pagan Rome in 65 BC, and then Judea was conquered by Pompey in 63 BC. Verse sixteen identifies when Rome was to stand in the glorious land, and in so doing is typifying the Sunday law of verse forty-one of the same chapter.
Da farko Daniyel 11 ya bayyana yadda Roma ta karɓi iko ta fuskar siyasa; sa’an nan kuma Daniyel ya maimaita kuma ya faɗaɗa wannan tarihin nan ɗaya ta wurin wani zare da ke nuna yadda Roma take mu’amala da mutanen Allah a cikin wannan tarihin nan ɗaya. Daga aya ta goma sha shida zuwa aya ta goma sha tara an bayyana matsaloli uku da suka hana Roma arna karɓar iko a kan duniya. A aya ta goma sha shida, Roma arna ta ci Siriya da yaƙi a shekara ta 65 kafin haihuwar Almasihu, sa’an nan kuma Pompi ya ci Yahudiya da yaƙi a shekara ta 63 kafin haihuwar Almasihu. Aya ta goma sha shida ta nuna lokacin da Roma za ta tsaya a cikin ƙasa mai ɗaukaka, kuma ta yin haka tana misalta dokar Lahadi da ke a aya ta arba’in da ɗaya ta wannan sura ɗaya.
It is important to note that the history of the conquering occurred in 63 BC [parallel to 1863], in the midst of a Civil War taking place within Jerusalem. Uriah Smith stated, “On Pompey’s return from his expedition against Mithridates, king of Pontus, two competitors, Hyrcanus and Aristobulus, were struggling for the crown of Judea.”
Yana da muhimmanci a lura cewa tarihin cin nasarar ya faru ne a shekara ta 63 BC [mai daidaito da 1863], a tsakiyar Yaƙin Basasa da yake gudana a cikin Urushalima. Uriah Smith ya bayyana cewa, “A kan dawowar Pompey daga yaƙin neman zaɓensa a kan Mithridates, sarkin Pontus, masu neman sarauta biyu, Hyrcanus da Aristobulus, suna ta fafatawa domin kambin Yahudiya.”
The names “Hyrcanus” and “Aristobulus’ are both of Greek origin and have historical significance, particularly in the context of Jewish history during the Hellenistic period and the Hasmonean dynasty. “Hyrcanus” is derived from the Greek word “Hurkanos,” which likely originated from the word “hurkan,” meaning “wolf” in the Persian language. Hyrcanus was a name borne by several Hasmonean rulers. “Aristobulus” means “best counselor” or “best adviser.” Aristobulus was another name borne by several Hasmonean rulers. Both “Hyrcanus” and “Aristobulus” are names associated with significant figures in Jewish history during the Hasmonean period. They were rulers who played important roles in the governance and expansion of the Hasmonean Kingdom in Judea. The prophetic descendants and representatives of the Hasmonean kingdom in the time of Christ was the Pharisees.
Sunayen “Hyrcanus” da “Aristobulus” duka biyu asalin Helenanci ne, kuma suna da muhimmancin tarihi, musamman a mahallin tarihin Yahudawa a lokacin zamanin Hellenistic da daular Hasmonean. “Hyrcanus” ya samo asali ne daga kalmar Helenanci “Hurkanos,” wadda mai yiwuwa ta samo asali daga kalmar “hurkan,” mai ma’anar “kerkeci” a harshen Farisa. Hyrcanus suna ne da sarakunan Hasmonean da dama suka ɗauka. “Aristobulus” na nufin “mafificin mai ba da shawara” ko kuwa “mafificin mashawarcin.” Aristobulus kuma wani suna ne da sarakunan Hasmonean da dama suka ɗauka. Duka “Hyrcanus” da “Aristobulus” sunaye ne da ake dangantawa da manyan fitattun mutane a tarihin Yahudawa a zamanin Hasmonean. Su sarakuna ne da suka taka muhimmiyar rawa a cikin mulki da faɗaɗa Masarautar Hasmonean a Yahudiya. ’Ya’yan annabci da wakilan masarautar Hasmonean a zamanin Almasihu su ne Farisiyawa.
When Pompey conquered Jerusalem, two political parties both traced their origins back to the time of the revolt represented by Modein in 167 BC. Once Pompey was drawn into the rebellion, he determined to take Jerusalem and the political party of Aristobulus determined to resist him, but the party of Hyrcanus determined to open the gates to Pompey. Pompey then mounted his attack upon Jerusalem and three months later Jerusalem was forever under the jurisdiction of Rome.
Sa’ad da Pompey ya ci Urushalima da yaƙi, jam’iyyun siyasa biyu dukansu sun danganta asalin su zuwa lokacin tawaye da Modein ya wakilta a shekara ta 167 kafin haihuwar Almasihu. Da zarar aka jawo Pompey cikin wannan tawaye, ya ƙuduri niyyar ƙwace Urushalima, kuma jam’iyyar siyasar Aristobulus ta ƙuduri niyyar yi masa turjiya, amma jam’iyyar Hyrcanus ta ƙuduri niyyar buɗe ƙofofin birnin ga Pompey. Sai Pompey ya kai farmakinsa a kan Urushalima, kuma bayan watanni uku Urushalima ta kasance har abada a ƙarƙashin ikon mulkin Roma.
By verse nineteen Egypt, the third and final obstacle, was taken by Rome. Then in verse twenty the birth of Christ is identified as Daniel begins to set forth how Rome would deal with God’s people in that history. In verses twenty-one and twenty-two Christ is crucified. In verse twenty-three, the league that began in 161 BC to 158 BC, is identified immediately after the verses that describe the cross where the apostate Jews proclaimed they “had no king, but Caesar.” The line of the apostate Jews, represented by the Maccabees, who had resisted the inroads of Greek religious philosophy, and in so doing formed an unholy relationship with Rome, follows the verse identifying the history of the cross, where the fruit of their unholy relationship was fully manifested.
A aya ta goma sha tara, Masar, cikas na uku kuma na ƙarshe, Roma ta ci ta. Sa’an nan a aya ta ashirin, an bayyana haihuwar Almasihu yayin da Daniyel ya fara fayyace yadda Roma za ta yi mu’amala da mutanen Allah a cikin wannan tarihi. A ayoyi na ashirin da ɗaya da ashirin da biyu an gicciye Almasihu. A aya ta ashirin da uku, an bayyana ƙawancen da ya fara daga 161 BC zuwa 158 BC, nan da nan bayan ayoyin da suka kwatanta gicciye, inda Yahudawan ridda suka yi shelar cewa “ba mu da wani sarki sai Kaisar.” Layin Yahudawan ridda, waɗanda Makabiyawa suke wakilta, waɗanda suka yi tsayayya da kutsen falsafar addinin Girka, kuma ta haka suka kulla marar-tsarki da Roma, yana biye da ayar da ke nuna tarihin gicciye, inda aka bayyana cikakkiyar amfanin dangantakarsu marar tsarki.
The Shekinah never returned to the temple that was erected after the seventy years of captivity. The last prophetic testimony, proclaimed by Malachi, was given about the middle of the fifth century BC. There had been no visible presence of God, nor any prophetic testimony for hundreds of years before the Maccabees stood up against the globalist Greek influence. At the beginning of their revolt, they accomplished the very rebellion that both Ptolemy and King Uzziah had attempted, when both kings sought to fulfill the role of priest and make an offering in the temple.
Shekinah bai taɓa komawa haikalin da aka gina bayan shekaru saba’in na bauta ba. Shaidar annabci ta ƙarshe, wadda Malachi ya yi shela da ita, an bayar da ita kusan a tsakiyar ƙarni na biyar kafin haihuwar Almasihu. Shekaru ɗaruruwa sun shuɗe ba tare da bayyanannen kasancewar Allah ba, haka kuma ba tare da wata shaidar annabci ba, kafin Maccabees su tashi gāba da tasirin Helenawan duniya baki ɗaya. A farkon tawāyensu, sun aikata irin wannan tawaye da duka Ptolemy da Sarki Uzziah suka yi ƙoƙari su aikata, sa’ad da sarakunan biyu suka nemi cika aikin firist, su kuma miƙa hadaya a cikin haikali.
Jonathan Apphus (also known as Jonathan Maccabeus), was one of the sons of Mattathias, who initiated the Maccabean Revolt, and he played a significant role in leading the Jewish rebellion against the Seleucid Empire. After the death of his brother Judas Maccabee in battle, Jonathan assumed leadership of the Maccabean forces. In addition to his military and political leadership, Jonathan also took on the role of high priest, serving as the spiritual leader of the Jewish people. Jonathan’s dual role as both leader and high priest marked a significant development in Jewish history, as it consolidated both political and religious authority within the Hasmonean dynasty. His leadership helped to strengthen Jewish autonomy and establish the Hasmonean rule in Judea.
Yonatan Apphus (wanda kuma aka sani da Yonatan Maccabeus), ɗaya ne daga cikin ’ya’yan Mattathias, wanda ya fara Tawayen Maccabeawa, kuma ya taka muhimmiyar rawa wajen jagorantar tawayen Yahudawa a kan Daular Seleucid. Bayan mutuwar ɗan’uwansa Yahuda Maccabee a fagen fama, Yonatan ya karɓi jagorancin rundunonin Maccabeawa. Baya ga shugabancinsa na soja da na siyasa, Yonatan ya kuma ɗauki matsayin babban firist, yana yi wa mutanen Yahudawa hidima a matsayin jagoran ruhaniya. Wannan matsayi biyu na Yonatan a matsayin shugaba kuma babban firist ya nuna wani muhimmin ci gaba a tarihin Yahudawa, domin ya haɗa iko na siyasa da na addini a cikin daular Hasmoneawa. Jagorancinsa ya taimaka wajen ƙarfafa ’yancin cin gashin kan Yahudawa da kuma kafa mulkin Hasmoneawa a Yahudiya.
The very sin which Ptolemy attempted after the victory of Raphia was accomplished at the very beginning of the revolt of the Maccabees. It was the same sin that was resisted by the priests in the time of king Uzziah, but the Maccabees’ professed defense of God’s temple services was a misguided and rebellious manifestation of the combination of church and state, and as such, typifies the rebellion of apostate Protestantism that is now rallying in support of Trump against the inroads of Biden’s globalist woke-ism.
Ainihin zunubin da Ptolemy ya yi ƙoƙarin aikatawa bayan nasarar Raphia, an aikata shi tun a farkon tawayen Maccabees. Shi ne wannan zunubin da firistoci suka yi tsayayya da shi a zamanin sarki Uzziah, amma ikirarin Maccabees na kāre hidimomin haikalin Allah ya kasance karkatacciyar alama ce ta tawaye, wadda ta bayyana haɗuwar coci da gwamnati; saboda haka kuma, tana misalta tawayen Furotesta masu ridda, waɗanda a yanzu suke taruwa don goyon bayan Trump a kan kutsen Biden na akidar “woke” ta duniya baki ɗaya.
The Bible teaches that you will know them by their fruits, and the Pharisees during the time of Christ were the final remnants of the Hasmonean dynasty that began with Mattathias. Mattathias, and the rebellion he began, bore the fruits of Pharisee-ism, as does the apostate Protestants that are supporting the concept of “Make America Great Again”. America was great when the Constitution was understood to keep church and state separated from each other, but at the counterfeit miracle represented by the victory that is commemorated by the feast of Hanukkah, the movement for Sunday legislation will come out into the open.
Littafi Mai Tsarki yana koyar da cewa za ku san su ta wurin ’ya’yansu, kuma Farisiyawa a zamanin Almasihu su ne ragowar ƙarshe na daular Hasmonean wadda ta fara da Mattathias. Mattathias, da tawayen da ya fara, sun haifi ’ya’yan Farisiyanci, haka ma ’yan Furotesta masu ridda da suke goyon bayan manufar “Make America Great Again”. Amirka ta kasance mai girma sa’ad da aka fahimci Kundin Tsarin Mulki yana kiyaye rabuwa tsakanin coci da ƙasa da juna, amma a mu’ujizar jabu da nasarar da ake tunawa da ita ta wurin idin Hanukkah ke wakilta, motsin neman dokar Lahadi zai fito fili.
We will continue this study in the next article.
Za mu ci gaba da wannan nazari a talifi na gaba.
“Heretofore those who presented the truths of the third angel’s message have often been regarded as mere alarmists. Their predictions that religious intolerance would gain control in the United States, that church and state would unite to persecute those who keep the commandments of God, have been pronounced groundless and absurd. It has been confidently declared that this land could never become other than what it has been—the defender of religious freedom. But as the question of enforcing Sunday observance is widely agitated, the event so long doubted and disbelieved is seen to be approaching, and the third message will produce an effect which it could not have had before.
“A da, waɗanda suka gabatar da gaskiyoyin saƙon mala’ika na uku sau da yawa ana ɗaukarsu kamar masu tayar da ƙararrawa kawai. An bayyana hasashensu cewa rashin haƙuri a cikin addini zai karɓi iko a cikin Ƙasar Amurka, cewa coci da gwamnati za su haɗu domin tsananta wa waɗanda suke kiyaye dokokin Allah, a matsayin marasa tushe kuma marasa ma’ana. An yi shelar da ƙarfin gwiwa cewa wannan ƙasa ba za ta taɓa zama dabam da abin da ta kasance ba—mai kare ’yancin addini. Amma yayin da ake yaɗa muhawara sosai game da tilasta kiyaye Lahadi, ana ganin abin da aka daɗe ana shakka kuma ana ƙin yarda da shi yana ta kusantowa, kuma saƙo na uku zai haifar da wani tasiri wanda ba zai iya yi a dā ba.
“In every generation God has sent His servants to rebuke sin, both in the world and in the church. But the people desire smooth things spoken to them, and the pure, unvarnished truth is not acceptable. Many reformers, in entering upon their work, determined to exercise great prudence in attacking the sins of the church and the nation. They hoped, by the example of a pure Christian life, to lead the people back to the doctrines of the Bible. But the Spirit of God came upon them as it came upon Elijah, moving him to rebuke the sins of a wicked king and an apostate people; they could not refrain from preaching the plain utterances of the Bible— doctrines which they had been reluctant to present. They were impelled to zealously declare the truth and the danger which threatened souls. The words which the Lord gave them they uttered, fearless of consequences, and the people were compelled to hear the warning.
“A cikin kowane tsara Allah ya aika bayinsa su tsauta wa zunubi, a duniya da kuma cikin ikilisiya. Amma mutane suna son a faɗa musu kalmomi masu santsi, kuma tsarkakakkiyar gaskiya marar ƙawata ba ta karɓuwa a gare su. Masu kawo gyara da yawa, sa’ad da suka fara aikinsu, sun ƙudura su yi amfani da hikima ƙwarai wajen kai hari ga zunuban ikilisiya da na al’umma. Sun yi bege cewa, ta wurin misalin rayuwar Kirista mai tsarki, za su komo da mutane ga koyarwar Littafi Mai Tsarki. Amma Ruhun Allah ya sauko a kansu kamar yadda ya sauko a kan Iliya, yana motsa shi ya tsauta wa zunuban mugun sarki da kuma mutane masu ridda; ba su iya hana kansu wa’azin bayyanannun furucin Littafi Mai Tsarki ba—koyaswar da suka yi jinkirin gabatarwa. An motsa su su shelanta gaskiya da himma, da kuma hatsarin da yake barazana ga rayuka. Kalmomin da Ubangiji ya ba su, su ne suka furta, ba tare da tsoron abin da sakamako zai haifar ba, kuma aka tilasta wa mutane su saurari gargaɗin.”
“Thus the message of the third angel will be proclaimed. As the time comes for it to be given with greatest power, the Lord will work through humble instruments, leading the minds of those who consecrate themselves to His service. The laborers will be qualified rather by the unction of His Spirit than by the training of literary institutions. Men of faith and prayer will be constrained to go forth with holy zeal, declaring the words which God gives them. The sins of Babylon will be laid open. The fearful results of enforcing the observances of the church by civil authority, the inroads of spiritualism, the stealthy but rapid progress of the papal power—all will be unmasked. By these solemn warnings the people will be stirred. Thousands upon thousands will listen who have never heard words like these. In amazement they hear the testimony that Babylon is the church, fallen because of her errors and sins, because of her rejection of the truth sent to her from heaven. As the people go to their former teachers with the eager inquiry, Are these things so? the ministers present fables, prophesy smooth things, to soothe their fears and quiet the awakened conscience. But since many refuse to be satisfied with the mere authority of men and demand a plain ‘Thus saith the Lord,’ the popular ministry, like the Pharisees of old, filled with anger as their authority is questioned, will denounce the message as of Satan and stir up the sin-loving multitudes to revile and persecute those who proclaim it.
“Ta haka za a shelanta saƙon mala’ika na uku. Yayin da lokacin da za a ba da shi da iko mafi girma ya yi kusa, Ubangiji zai yi aiki ta wurin kayan aiki masu tawali’u, yana jagorantar tunanin waɗanda suka keɓe kansu ga hidimarsa. Za a cancantar da ma’aikatan ne fiye da kome ta wurin shafewar Ruhunsa, maimakon ta wurin horon cibiyoyin ilimin adabi. Za a tilasta wa mutane masu bangaskiya da addu’a su fito da himma mai tsarki, suna bayyana kalmomin da Allah ya ba su. Za a tona zunuban Babila a fili. Mummunan sakamakon tilasta kiyaye dokokin ikilisiya ta wurin ikon farar hula, kutsawar ruhaniya, ci gaba a ɓoye amma cikin sauri na ikon papacy—dukansu za a yaye musu sutura. Ta waɗannan gargadi masu tsanani za a girgiza mutane. Dubban dubbai za su saurara, waɗanda ba su taɓa jin irin waɗannan kalmomi ba. Cikin mamaki suke jin shaidar cewa Babila ita ce ikilisiya, faɗaɗɗiya saboda kuskurenta da zunubanta, saboda ƙin gaskiyar da aka aiko mata daga sama. Yayin da mutane suke zuwa wurin malamansu na dā da tambaya mai zafi, Shin waɗannan abubuwa haka suke? masu hidimar kuwa sukan gabatar da tatsuniyoyi, su yi annabcin abubuwa masu daɗi, domin su kwantar da tsoronsu su kuma kwantar da lamirin da aka farkar. Amma da yake da yawa sun ƙi su gamsu da ikon mutane kaɗai, suna kuma neman bayyanannen ‘In ji Ubangiji,’ mashahuran masu hidimar, kamar Farisiyawan dā, cike da fushi domin an tambayi ikonsu, za su la’anci saƙon a matsayin na Shaidan kuma su tunzura taron masu son zunubi su zagi kuma su tsananta wa waɗanda suke shelanta shi.”
“As the controversy extends into new fields and the minds of the people are called to God’s downtrodden law, Satan is astir. The power attending the message will only madden those who oppose it. The clergy will put forth almost superhuman efforts to shut away the light lest it should shine upon their flocks. By every means at their command they will endeavor to suppress the discussion of these vital questions. The church appeals to the strong arm of civil power, and, in this work, papists and Protestants unite. As the movement for Sunday enforcement becomes more bold and decided, the law will be invoked against commandment keepers. They will be threatened with fines and imprisonment, and some will be offered positions of influence, and other rewards and advantages, as inducements to renounce their faith. But their steadfast answer is: ‘Show us from the word of God our error’—the same plea that was made by Luther under similar circumstances. Those who are arraigned before the courts make a strong vindication of the truth, and some who hear them are led to take their stand to keep all the commandments of God. Thus light will be brought before thousands who otherwise would know nothing of these truths.” The Great Controversy, 605, 606.
“Yayin da wannan gardama take yaɗuwa zuwa sababbin filaye, kuma ake karkatar da tunanin mutane zuwa ga dokar Allah da aka take a ƙasa, Shaiɗan yana tashi da aiki. Ikon da ke tare da saƙon zai ƙara haukatar da waɗanda suke adawa da shi kawai. Malaman addini za su yi ƙoƙari kusan fiye da na ɗan adam domin su toshe hasken kada ya haskaka wa garkensu. Ta kowace hanya da take hannunsu za su yi yunƙurin murƙushe tattaunawar waɗannan muhimman tambayoyi. Ikilisiya za ta nemi taimakon ƙarfin ikon mulki na farar hula, kuma, a cikin wannan aiki, Katolika da Furotesta za su haɗu. Yayin da wannan motsi na tilasta kiyaye Lahadi yake ƙara zama mai ƙarfin hali da tsayayyen matsayi, za a kira doka a yi amfani da ita a kan masu kiyaye dokokin Allah. Za a yi musu barazanar tara da ɗauri, kuma za a ba wa waɗansu mukamai na tasiri, da sauran lada da fa’idodi, a matsayin abin jan hankali domin su yi watsi da bangaskiyarsu. Amma amsarsu mai ƙarfi ita ce: ‘Ku nuna mana kuskurenmu daga maganar Allah’—irin roƙon nan ɗaya da Luther ya yi a irin waɗannan yanayi. Waɗanda aka gurfanar a gaban kotuna suna ba da ƙaƙƙarfan kariya ga gaskiya, kuma waɗansu daga cikin masu sauraron su ana bishe su su ɗauki matsayinsu domin su kiyaye dukan umarnan Allah. Ta haka ne za a kawo haske a gaban dubbai waɗanda in ba haka ba ba za su san kome game da waɗannan gaskiyoyin ba.” The Great Controversy, 605, 606.