As we begin to consider the typification of the time of the end in 1989, by the prophetic history of verse ten, it is necessary to drop back into the history of the third generation of both horns of the earth beast. In 1913, the earth beast’s horn of Republicanism began its generation of compromise with the globalist banking system, and in 1919, the horn of true Protestantism began its generation of compromise with the theologians of apostate Protestantism and also the American Medical Association as it surrendered the accreditation of its educational system to the world. Both horns began a compromised relationship with the world that would change the direction of their respective messages from that point onward.
Ka anyị na-amalite ịtụle nnọchianya ụdị nke oge ọgwụgwụ na 1989, site n’akụkọ ihe mere eme amụma nke amaokwu nke iri, ọ dị mkpa ịlaghachi n’akụkọ ihe mere eme nke ọgbọ nke atọ nke mpi abụọ nke anụ ọhịa nke ụwa. N’afọ 1913, mpi nke anụ ọhịa nke ụwa nke bụ Republicanism malitere ọgbọ ya nke nkwekọrịta ime nkwenye na usoro akụ na ụba ụlọ akụ nke ndị ụwa ọnụ, ma n’afọ 1919, mpi nke ezi Protestantism malitere ọgbọ ya nke nkwekọrịta ime nkwenye na ndị ọkà mmụta okpukpe nke Protestantism dapụrụ n’eziokwu nakwa American Medical Association ka ọ na-enyefe nnabata iwu nke usoro agụmakwụkwọ ya nye ụwa. Mpi abụọ ahụ malitere mmekọrịta e mebiri emebi na ụwa nke ga-agbanwe ntụziaka nke ozi ha dị iche iche site n’oge ahụ gaa n’ihu.
In that history the starting point for the king of the north, and the king of the south of the last days also reached a turning point. The Miracle of Fatima occurred on October 13, 1917, in Fatima, Portugal. It was the culmination of a series of Marian apparitions witnessed by three young shepherd children: Lucia dos Santos and her cousins Francisco and Jacinta Marto. According to the accounts provided by the children, the Virgin Mary, identified as Our Lady of Fatima, appeared to them on the 13th day of each month from May to October 1917.
N’ime akụkọ ahụ, ebe mmalite maka eze ugwu, nakwa eze ndịda nke ụbọchị ikpeazụ, rutekwara n’oge mgbanwe. Ọrụ Ebube nke Fatima mere n’ụbọchị Ọktoba 13, 1917, na Fatima, Portugal. Ọ bụ njedebe nke usoro ngosipụta dị iche iche nke Meri, nke ụmụaka atọ na-azụ atụrụ hụrụ anya: Lucia dos Santos na ụmụ nwanne nne ya Francisco na Jacinta Marto. Dị ka akụkọ ụmụaka ahụ nyere si kwuo, Nwaagbọghọ Meri, onye a kọwara dịka Nwanyị Anyị nke Fatima, pụtara ìhè n’ihu ha n’ụbọchị nke 13 nke ọnwa ọ bụla site na Mee ruo Ọktoba 1917.
During the final apparition on October 13, 1917, tens of thousands of people gathered at the Cova da Iria, near Fatima, expecting to witness a miracle as predicted by the children. According to the witnesses, the sun appeared to change colors, spin, and dance in the sky. This event came to be known as the Miracle of the Sun or the Miracle of Fatima.
N’oge ngosipụta ikpeazụ ahụ n’ụbọchị Ọktoba 13, 1917, iri puku mmadụ ọtụtụ gbakọtara na Cova da Iria, n’akụkụ Fatima, na-atụ anya ịhụ ọrụ ebube dịka ụmụaka ahụ buru amụma. Dị ka ndị àmà si kwuo, anyanwụ ahụ yiri ka ọ gbanwere agba, tụgharịa okirikiri, ma gbaa egwú n’eluigwe. A bịara mara ihe omume a dịka Ọrụ Ebube nke Anyanwụ ma ọ bụ Ọrụ Ebube nke Fatima.
The Miracle of Fatima is a significant event in Catholic history and devotion, and it has been the subject of much study, debate, and religious interpretation over the years. The events at Fatima have had a lasting impact on popular piety, Marian devotion, and the interpretation of apocalyptic themes within the Catholic Church.
Ọrụ Ebube nke Fatima bụ ihe omume dị oké mkpa n’akụkọ ihe mere eme na nsọpụrụ okwukwe Katọlik, ma ọ bụrụkwala isiokwu nke ọtụtụ ọmụmụ, arụmụka, na nkọwa okpukpe kemgbe ọtụtụ afọ. Ihe ndị mere na Fatima emetụtala ogologo oge n’ofufe ndị mmadụ n’ozuzu, nraranye nye Maria, na nkọwa isiokwu apọkaliptik n’ime Ụka Katọlik.
The Bolshevik Revolution occurred in Russia on November 7, 1917, when Bolshevik forces, led by Vladimir Lenin and the Bolshevik Party, seized key government buildings and infrastructure in Petrograd (now Saint Petersburg). This event marked the culmination of the Russian Revolution of 1917, which had begun with the February Revolution earlier in the year that led to the abdication of Tsar Nicholas II and the establishment of a provisional government.
Mgbanwe Ọchịchị Bolshevik mere na Russia n’ụbọchị Nọvemba 7, 1917, mgbe ndị agha Bolshevik, n’okpuru ndu Vladimir Lenin na Otu Bolshevik, weghaara ụlọ ndị dị mkpa nke gọọmenti na akụrụngwa isi na Petrograd (nke bụ Saint Petersburg ugbu a). Ihe omume a gosiri njedebe nke Mgbanwe Ọchịchị Russia nke 1917, nke malitere na Mgbanwe Ọchịchị Febrụwarị n’mbido afọ ahụ, nke butere ịhapụ ocheeze nke Tsar Nicholas II na ịtọlite gọọmenti nwa oge.
During the Revolution, the Bolsheviks successfully overthrew the provisional government and established Soviet control over Russia. The Bolsheviks proclaimed the establishment of a socialist state and began implementing their revolutionary program, including the nationalization of industry, land redistribution, and the withdrawal of Russia from World War I. The October Revolution ultimately led to the creation of the Soviet Union and had profound and far-reaching consequences for Russia and the world, shaping the course of 20th-century history.
N’oge Mgbanwe ahụ, ndị Bolshevik nwere ihe ịga nke ọma n’ịkwatu ọchịchị nwa oge ma guzobe ọchịchị Soviet n’elu Russia. Ndị Bolshevik kwupụtara iguzobe steeti soshalist ma malite itinye n’ọrụ usoro mgbanwe ha, nke gụnyere ime ka ụlọ ọrụ bụrụ nke mba, ikesa ala ọzọ, na iwepụ Russia n’Agha Ụwa Mbụ. Mgbanwe Ọktoba ahụ n’ikpeazụ dugara n’okike nke Soviet Union ma nwee nsonaazụ miri emi ma saa mbara nke ukwuu nye Russia na ụwa, na-akpụzi ụzọ akụkọ ihe mere eme nke narị afọ nke iri abụọ.
Jesus illustrates the end with the beginning, and in order to fully see the king of the north and the king of the south of the last days, it is necessary to understand their beginnings. The literal kings of the south and the north that are identified in Daniel chapter eleven are defined as the power that rules the literal area of Egypt as the king of the south, and the power that rules the literal geographical area associated with Babylon as the king of the north.
Jizọs jiri mmalite kọwaa ọgwụgwụ, ma iji hụ nke ọma eze ugwu na eze ndịda nke ụbọchị ikpeazụ, ọ dị mkpa ịghọta mmalite ha. A na-akọwa ndị eze nkịtị nke ndịda na nke ugwu ndị a kọwara n’isi nke iri na otu nke Daniel dị ka ike na-achị mpaghara nkịtị nke Ijipt dịka eze ndịda, na ike na-achị mpaghara ala nkịtị a na-ejikọta na Babilọn dịka eze ugwu.
Literal prophecy transitioned to spiritual prophecy in the time of the cross, when ancient literal Israel was transitioning to modern spiritual Israel. Literal pagan Rome trampled down literal Jerusalem for three and a half literal years from 67 AD unto 70 AD, and spiritual papal Rome trampled down spiritual Jerusalem for three and a half spiritual years.
Amụma n’ezi mkpụrụokwu gbanwere bụrụ amụma n’ụzọ mmụọ n’oge obe, mgbe Izrel ochie n’ezi mkpụrụokwu nọ na-agbanwe bụrụ Izrel ọgbara ọhụrụ n’ụzọ mmụọ. Rom nke ndị ọgọ mmụọ n’ezi mkpụrụokwu zọpịara Jeruselem n’ezi mkpụrụokwu ụkwụ ruo afọ atọ na ọkara n’ezi mkpụrụokwu, site na 67 AD ruo 70 AD, ma Rom nke papal n’ụzọ mmụọ zọpịara Jeruselem n’ụzọ mmụọ ụkwụ ruo afọ atọ na ọkara n’ụzọ mmụọ.
Spiritual Babylon is identified in Revelation chapter seventeen, as the whore who commits fornication with the kings of the earth. Spiritual Egypt is identified in Revelation chapter eleven as atheistic France. The modern manifestations of the spiritual king of the north, that received its deadly wound at the time of the end in 1798 and then retaliated against the modern manifestation of the spiritual king of the south at the time of the end in 1989, are both represented in verse forty of Daniel eleven. Both powers have their origins in their last day manifestation in the 1917 to 1918 time frame, which is the same time frame as the generation of compromise for both horns of the earth beast. Those beginnings must be recognized to rightly apply the endings. The beginnings of the last day kings of the north and south both start at the French Revolution.
A kọwara Babilọn ime mmụọ na Mkpughe isi nke iri na asaa dịka akwụna ahụ nke ya na ndị eze nke ụwa na-akwa iko. A kọwara Ijipt ime mmụọ na Mkpughe isi nke iri na otu dịka France na-ekweghị na Chineke. Ngosipụta oge a nke eze ime mmụọ nke ugwu, nke natara ọnya ọnwụ ya n’oge ọgwụgwụ na 1798 ma mesịa megwara ngosipụta oge a nke eze ime mmụọ nke ndịda n’oge ọgwụgwụ na 1989, ka e sere ha abụọ na amaokwu nke iri anọ nke Daniel iri na otu. Ike abụọ ahụ sitere n’isi mmalite ngosipụta ha nke ụbọchị ikpeazụ n’oge afọ 1917 ruo 1918, nke bụkwa otu oge ahụ dịka ọgbọ nkwekọrịta maka mpi abụọ nke anụ ọhịa nke ụwa. A ghaghị ịmata mmalite ndị ahụ iji tinye njedebe ndị ahụ n’ọrụ n’ezi ụzọ. Mmalite nke ndị eze nke ugwu na ndịda nke ụbọchị ikpeazụ ha abụọ na-amalite na Mgbanwe France.
“In the sixteenth century the Reformation, presenting an open Bible to the people, had sought admission to all the countries of Europe. Some nations welcomed it with gladness, as a messenger of Heaven. In other lands the papacy succeeded to a great extent in preventing its entrance; and the light of Bible knowledge, with its elevating influences, was almost wholly excluded. In one country, though the light found entrance, it was not comprehended by the darkness. For centuries, truth and error struggled for the mastery. At last the evil triumphed, and the truth of Heaven was thrust out. ‘This is the condemnation, that light is come into the world, and men loved darkness rather than light.’ John 3:19. The nation was left to reap the results of the course which she had chosen. The restraint of God’s Spirit was removed from a people that had despised the gift of His grace. Evil was permitted to come to maturity. And all the world saw the fruit of willful rejection of the light.
“N’arọ nke iri na isii, Ndozigharị ahụ, ebe o wetara Baịbụl e meghe emeghe nye ndị mmadụ, achọwo ka a nabata ya n’ime mba nile nke Europe. Ụfọdụ mba ji ọṅụ nabata ya, dị ka onye-ozi sitere n’Eluigwe. N’ala ndị ọzọ, ọchịchị papacy nwere ihe ịga nke ọma nke ukwuu n’ịgbochi nbata ya; ma ìhè nke ọmụma Baịbụl, ya na mmetụta ya ndị na-ebuli elu, ka e wepụrụ ihe fọrọ nke nta ka ọ bụrụ kpamkpam. N’otu mba, ọ bụ ezie na ìhè ahụ batara, ọchịchịrị aghọtaghị ya. Ruo ọtụtụ narị afọ, eziokwu na njehie lụrụ ọgụ maka ịbụ onye na-achị. N’ikpeazụ, ihe ọjọọ meriri, ma chụpụ eziokwu nke Eluigwe n’èzí. ‘Ma nke a bụ ikpé ọmụma, na ìhè abiala n’ime ụwa, ma ndị mmadụ hụrụ ọchịchịrị n’anya karịa ìhè.’ John 3:19. A hapụrụ mba ahụ ka ọ ghọrọ onye na-aghọrọ mkpụrụ nke ụzọ ọ họọrọ. E wepụrụ njide nke Mmụọ Chineke n’ebe otu ndị mmadụ nọ bụ ndị lelịrị onyinye nke amara Ya anya. E kwere ka ihe ọjọọ ruo ntozu ya. Ma ụwa dum hụrụ mkpụrụ nke ịjụ ìhè ahụ n’ụma, site n’uche mmadụ kpọmkwem.”
“The war against the Bible, carried forward for so many centuries in France, culminated in the scenes of the Revolution. That terrible outbreaking was but the legitimate result of Rome’s suppression of the Scriptures. It presented the most striking illustration which the world has ever witnessed of the working out of the papal policy—an illustration of the results to which for more than a thousand years the teaching of the Roman Church had been tending.
“Agha a lụsoro Akwụkwọ Nsọ, nke e buwo ụzọ ya kemgbe ọtụtụ narị afọ na France, rutere n’isi ya n’ihe omume ndị nke Mgbanwe ọchịchị ahụ. Mgbawa ahụ dị egwu abụghị ihe ọzọ ma e wezụga nsonaazụ ziri ezi nke Rome igbochi Akwụkwọ Nsọ. Ọ gosipụtara ihe atụ kasị pụta ìhè nke ụwa hụworo mgbe ọ bụla banyere otu iwu omume nke ndị pope si arụpụta ihe—ihe atụ nke nsonaazụ ndị ozizi nke Ụka Rom nọ na-eduga na ha ihe karịrị otu puku afọ.”
“The suppression of the Scriptures during the period of papal supremacy was foretold by the prophets; and the Revelator points also to the terrible results that were to accrue especially to France from the domination of the ‘man of sin.’” The Great Controversy, 265, 266.
“E buru amụma site n’aka ndị amụma na a ga-egbochi Akwụkwọ Nsọ n’oge ọchịchị kacha elu nke papacy; ma Onye mkpughe ahụ na-egosikwa kwa nsonaazụ ndị jọgburu onwe ha nke ga-esi na ọchịchị nke ‘nwoke nke mmehie’ pụta, ọkachasị n’ebe France nọ.” The Great Controversy, 265, 266.
The French Revolution was produced by the suppression of the Scriptures “during the period of papal supremacy.” The birth of atheism, which was to become the archenemy of the papacy, was brought about by the papacy itself. The French Revolution took place from 1789 to 1799, but the atheistic revolutionary spirit that began in France continued to spread across Europe and beyond. One-hundred eighteen years after the end of the revolution in France, the Russian Revolution began in Russia. The revolution of atheism that began in France, ended in Russia, and in 1917 Russia became the prophetic representative of the nation symbolized by the atheism of Egypt. The dragon power represented as the king of the south had migrated from France to Russia.
Mgbanwe ọchịchị nke France sitere n’ịkwụsị Akwụkwọ Nsọ “n’oge ọchịchị kacha elu nke ndị Pope.” Omumu ekweghị na Chineke, nke ga-abụ onye iro kasịnụ nke ọchịchị pope, bụ ihe ọchịchị pope n’onwe ya kpatara. Mgbanwe ọchịchị nke France mere site n’afọ 1789 ruo 1799, ma mmụọ mgbanwe ọchịchị nke ekweghị na Chineke nke bidoro na France gara n’ihu ịgbasa n’ofe Europe na karịa ya. Otu narị afọ na afọ iri na asatọ mgbe njedebe nke mgbanwe ọchịchị ahụ gasịrị na France, Mgbanwe ọchịchị nke Russia bidoro na Russia. Mgbanwe ọchịchị nke ekweghị na Chineke nke bidoro na France kwụsịrị na Russia, ma n’afọ 1917 Russia ghọrọ onye nnọchi anya amụma nke mba ahụ nke e ji ekweghị na Chineke nke Egypt nọchite anya ya. Ike dragọn ahụ, nke e gosiri dịka eze nke ndịda, esitela na France kwaga na Russia.
The revolution in France was represented politically and prophetically by Napoleon Bonaparte, and in that sense, Napoleon represents the first leader of a nation established in a revolution brought about by the atheism of Egypt. The narcissism of Napoleon is fitly repeated by the narcissism of Putin.
A nọchiri ọchịchị mgba ọchịchị e mere na France n’ụzọ ndọrọ ndọrọ ọchịchị na n’amụma site n’aka Napoleon Bonaparte, ma n’echiche ahụ, Napoleon na-anọchi anya onye ndu mbụ nke otu mba e guzobere n’ime mgba ọchịchị nke ekweghị na Chineke nke Egypt kpatara. Nnọọ onwe nke Napoleon ka a na-emegharị n’ụzọ kwesiri ekwesi site na nnọọ onwe nke Putin.
Napoleon was keenly aware of the power of imagery and propaganda, as is Putin, who was a former KGB officer. The KGB specializes in propaganda. Napoleon used portraiture as a means of projecting his authority, power, and image of leadership to the public. He commissioned portraits from some of the most celebrated artists of his time, including Jacques-Louis David, Antoine-Jean Gros, and Jean-Auguste-Dominique Ingres, among others.
Napoleon matara nke ọma ike onyonyo na mgbasa-okwu nduhie, dị ka Putin kwa, onye bụbu onye ọrụ KGB. KGB bụ ọkachamara n’ihe gbasara mgbasa-okwu nduhie. Napoleon jiri eserese ihu mmadụ mee ụzọ isi gosi ndị mmadụ ọchịchị ya, ike ya, na oyiyi ya dị ka onye ndu. O nyere ụfọdụ n’ime ndị na-ese ihe a ma ama nke ukwuu n’oge ya iwu ka ha see ya eserese, gụnyere Jacques-Louis David, Antoine-Jean Gros, na Jean-Auguste-Dominique Ingres, tinyere ndị ọzọ.
These portraits depicted Napoleon in various poses and settings, ranging from official state portraits to more informal scenes. They served not only as personal mementos for Napoleon himself but also as tools for spreading his image and influence both domestically and internationally. Putin has accomplished the identical work for himself, with a multitude of pictures of himself in settings that rival any of the modern influencers on the Internet.
Ihe osise ndị a gosipụtara Napoleon n’ọnọdụ na gburugburu dị iche iche, site n’ihe osise gọọmenti nke steeti ruo n’ihe nkiri ndị na-abụghị nke a haziri nke ukwuu. Ha rụrụ ọrụ ọ bụghị naanị dị ka ihe ncheta onwe onye nye Napoleon n’onwe ya, kamakwa dị ka ngwaọrụ e ji gbasaa onyinyo ya na mmetụta ya ma n’ime obodo ma n’ụwa nile. Putin emezukwala otu ọrụ ahụ kpọmkwem maka onwe ya, site n’ọtụtụ ihe oyiyi nke onwe ya n’ebe na gburugburu na-asọ mpi na nke onye ọ bụla n’ime ndị na-emetụta echiche ọha nke oge a n’Ịntanet.
At the beginning of the French Revolution the king, his family and staff were overthrown and executed. At the beginning of the Russian Revolution the Czar, his family and staff were overthrown and executed. The revolution that began in France culminated in Russia. The French Revolution is the subject of the prophecy of chapter eleven of Revelation, and therefore the French Revolution is subject to the rules of prophetic interpretation. Jesus always illustrates the end of a thing with the beginning of a thing, so the Russian Revolution is the end of the French Revolution.
Ná mmalite nke Mgbanwe Ọchịchị nke France, a kwaturu eze, ezinụlọ ya na ndị ọrụ ya, ma gbuo ha. Ná mmalite nke Mgbanwe Ọchịchị nke Russia, a kwaturu Czar, ezinụlọ ya na ndị ọrụ ya, ma gbuo ha. Mgbanwe ọchịchị nke malitere na France ruru njedebe ya na Russia. Mgbanwe Ọchịchị nke France bụ isiokwu amụma nke isi nke iri na otu nke Mkpughe, ya mere, Mgbanwe Ọchịchị nke France dị n’okpuru iwu nke nkọwa amụma. Jizọs na-egosi njedebe ihe ọ bụla mgbe niile site ná mmalite ya, ya mere Mgbanwe Ọchịchị nke Russia bụ njedebe nke Mgbanwe Ọchịchị nke France.
Vladimir Putin represents the last leader of a nation established in a revolution brought about with the atheism of Egypt. The first leader of Russia was Vladimir Lenin. The name “Vladimir” is of Slavic origin and is composed of two elements: “vlad” and “mir.” “Vlad” is derived from the Slavic root “vladeti,” which means “to rule” or to wield power. “Mir” means “world”. The first Vladimir (Lenin) typifies the last Vladimir (Putin), who is also typified by the first leader of the revolution of atheism (Napoleon).
Vladimir Putin nọchiri anya onye ndu ikpeazụ nke otu mba e hiwere n’ime mgbanwe e wetara site n’ekweghị na Chineke nke Egypt. Onye ndu mbụ nke Russia bụ Vladimir Lenin. Aha ahụ “Vladimir” sitere n’origine ndị Slavic, e mekwara ya site n’akụkụ abụọ: “vlad” na “mir.” “Vlad” sitere n’akọrọgwụ Slavic “vladeti,” nke pụtara “ịchị” ma ọ bụ ijide ike. “Mir” pụtara “ụwa”. Vladimir mbụ ahụ (Lenin) na-anọchi anya Vladimir ikpeazụ ahụ (Putin), onye onye ndu mbụ nke mgbanwe nke ekweghị na Chineke (Napoleon) na-anọchikwakwa anya ya.
After Napoleon’s defeat in the War of the Sixth Coalition and the Treaty of Fontainebleau in April 1814, he abdicated the throne of France and was exiled to the Mediterranean island of Elba. He was granted sovereignty over the island and allowed to retain the title of Emperor, albeit in a much-reduced capacity. Napoleon spent around ten months on Elba, during which he made plans to return to power in France. Following his escape from Elba and his brief return to power in France during the Hundred Days, Napoleon was decisively defeated at the Battle of Waterloo in June 1815. After this defeat the Allied powers, particularly Great Britain, were determined to prevent Napoleon from causing any further trouble. Consequently, he was exiled again, this time to the remote island of Saint Helena in the South Atlantic. Napoleon spent the remainder of his life in exile on Saint Helena until his death in 1821.
Mgbe e merisịrị Napoleon n’Agha Njikọ nke Isii na mgbe e mechara Nkwekọrịta Fontainebleau n’ọnwa Eprel 1814, ọ hapụrụ ocheeze France ma kpọga ya n’ala mbịarambịa n’agwaetiti Elba dị n’Oké Osimiri Mediterenian. E nyere ya ọchịchị n’agwaetiti ahụ, ma kwekwa ka ọ nọgide na-eji aha Eze Ukwu, ọ bụ ezie na ike ya ebelatala nke ukwuu. Napoleon nọrọ ihe dị ka ọnwa iri na Elba, bụ mgbe ọ haziri atụmatụ ịlaghachi n’ike ọchịchị na France. Mgbe ọ gbapụsịrị na Elba ma laghachikwa n’ike ọchịchị na France n’oge dị mkpirikpi a maara dị ka Otu Narị Ụbọchị, e meriri Napoleon kpamkpam n’Agha Waterloo n’ọnwa Juun 1815. Mgbe mmeri a gasịrị, ndị ike Njikọ ahụ, karịsịa Great Britain, kpebisiri ike igbochi Napoleon ka ọ ghara ibute nsogbu ọ bụla ọzọ. N’ihi ya, a kpọgara ya ọzọ n’ala mbịarambịa, ma oge a, n’agwaetiti dịpụrụ adịpụ nke Saint Helena n’ebe ndịda Oké Osimiri Atlantik. Napoleon nọrọ ndụ ya niile fọdụrụ n’ala mbịarambịa na Saint Helena ruo mgbe ọ nwụrụ n’afọ 1821.
Putin is a representative of the old guard KGB. The KGB was the main security agency and intelligence agency of the Soviet Union from 1954 until its dissolution in 1991. It was responsible for internal security, counterintelligence, and intelligence gathering, both domestically and internationally. The KGB was known for its extensive network of spies, surveillance operations, and its role in maintaining the Communist regime’s control over the population. Vladimir Putin was a member of the KGB (Committee for State Security), the main security and intelligence agency of the Soviet Union.
Putin bụ onye nnọchi anya nke ndị nche ochie KGB. KGB bụ ụlọ ọrụ nchekwa bụ isi na ụlọ ọrụ ọgụgụ isi nke Soviet Union site n’afọ 1954 ruo mgbe a kpochapụrụ ya n’afọ 1991. Ọ bụ ya ka e nyere ọrụ nchekwa ime obodo, ọgụ megide nzuzo ndị iro, na nchịkọta ọgụgụ isi, ma n’ime obodo ma n’ụwa nile. A maara KGB nke ọma n’ihi nnukwu netwọk ndị nledo ya, ọrụ nlekọta na nsuso ya, nakwa ọrụ ọ rụrụ n’ịkwado njide ọchịchị Kọmunist n’elu ndị mmadụ. Vladimir Putin bụ onye otu KGB (Committee for State Security), bụ isi ụlọ ọrụ nchekwa na ọgụgụ isi nke Soviet Union.
Putin joined the KGB in 1975 after graduating from Leningrad State University. Putin worked for the KGB until the collapse of the Soviet Union in 1991, after which he entered politics and eventually became the President of Russia in 2000. His background in the KGB has had a significant influence on his approach to governance and foreign policy. Napoleon’s first exile on the Island of Elba, represents the history of 1991 until the year 2000, when the philosophy of the KGB returned. When Putin is eventually defeated, as represented in verses thirteen to fifteen, that second defeat (the first being 1989), is typified by Waterloo and Napoleon’s second exile, where he died.
Putin sonyeere na KGB n’afọ 1975 mgbe ọ gụsịrị akwụkwọ na Mahadum Steeti Leningrad. Putin rụrụ ọrụ n’ụlọ ọrụ KGB ruo mgbe Soviet Union dara na 1991, mgbe nke ahụ gasịrị, ọ banyere n’ndọrọ ndọrọ ọchịchị ma mechaa bụrụ Onye isi ala Russia n’afọ 2000. Ndabere ya n’ụlọ ọrụ KGB enweela mmetụta dị ukwuu n’otú o si abịakwute ọchịchị na amụma mba ofesi. Nchụpụ mbụ nke Napoleon n’Agwaetiti Elba na-anọchi anya akụkọ ihe mere eme site n’afọ 1991 ruo n’afọ 2000, mgbe nkà ihe ọmụma nke KGB laghachiri. Mgbe a ga-emeri Putin n’ikpeazụ, dịka e si nọchite ya anya n’amaokwu nke iri na atọ ruo nke iri na ise, mmeri nke abụọ ahụ megide ya (nke mbụ bụ nke 1989), ka Waterloo na nchụpụ nke abụọ nke Napoleon, ebe ọ nwụrụ, na-egosipụta.
Napoleon delivered the deadly wound to the papacy in 1798 and 1799. In 1799 the French Revolution ended in France, but by 1917 it had reached Russia in the Bolshevik Revolution. In 1917 the miracle of Fatima took place in Portugal, and the three children who supposedly communicated with Mary and Joseph were given three secret messages. The three messages were secret in the sense they were only to be read by the pope, the king of the north. The messages directed the pope to call a special meeting with the leaders of the Catholic Church and hold a special ceremony in order to dedicate Russia, which had just become communist Russia the year before, to the virgin Mary.
Napoleon nyere ọchịchị ndị pope ọnyá na-egbu egbu ahụ n’afọ 1798 na 1799. N’afọ 1799, Mgbanwe Ọchịchị France kwụsịrị na France, ma ka ọ na-erule 1917, ọ eruola Russia n’ime Mgbanwe Bolshevik. N’afọ 1917, ọrụ-ebube Fatima mere na Portugal, e nyekwara ụmụ atọ ahụ, ndị e kwuru na ha na Meri na Josef na-ekwurịta okwu, ozi nzuzo atọ. Ozi atọ ahụ bụ nzuzo n’echiche na naanị pope, eze nke ugwu, ga-agụ ha. Ozi ndị ahụ duziri pope ka ọ kpọọ nzukọ pụrụ iche ya na ndị ndu Chọọchị Katọlik ma mee emume pụrụ iche iji rara Russia, nke ghọrọ Russia kọmunist n’afọ gara aga, nye Nwaagbọghọ na-amaghị nwoke Meri.
The messages contained a warning that if the pope refused to follow through on the command to dedicate Russia to Mary, the world would suffer another world war (the first world war was to end the month after the miracle). The messages of Fatima became a structure for conservative Catholic prophetic interpretation. It identified a struggle within the Catholic church between conservative Catholicism, represented by pope John Paul II and the first Vatican council, and Liberal Catholicism represented by the current “woke-pope” and the second Vatican council.
Ozi ndị ahụ nwere ịdọ aka ná ntị na ọ bụrụ na popu ajụ imezu iwu ahụ nke inye Russia nye Meri, ụwa ga-ata ahụhụ agha ụwa ọzọ (agha ụwa nke mbụ ga-akwụsị n’ọnwa sochirinụ mgbe ọrụ ebube ahụ gasịrị). Ozi Fatima ghọrọ ụkpụrụ maka nkọwa amụma Katọlik nke ndị mgbanwe ochie. Ọ kọwara ọgụ dị n’ime ụka Katọlik n’etiti Katọlik nke mgbanwe ochie, nke Popu John Paul II na Nzukọ Vatican Mbụ nọchiri anya ya, na Katọlik nke nnwere onwe, nke “popu-woke” nke ugbu a na Nzukọ Vatican nke Abụọ nọchiri anya ya.
In the messages of Fatima the “good pope”, was the “white pope”, and the “bad pope”, was the “black pope”. The good pope, Pope John Paul II, was the conservative pope who identified the Virgin of Fatima as his guiding idol, and the bad pope is the woke-pope, who also rejects any messages from the so-called virgin Mary. When you visit the shrine in Fatima, Portugal as you enter the premises the entrance is set between two giant statues of a black pope on one side and a white pope on the other side, thus representing the internal struggle identified in the Fatima prophecies.
N’ozi Fatima, “poopu ọma” ahụ bụ “poopu ọcha”, ma “poopu ọjọọ” ahụ bụ “poopu ojii”. Poopu ọma ahụ, Poopu John Paul II, bụ poopu na-akwado ọdịnala nke kpọrọ Nwaagbọghọ na-amaghị nwoke nke Fatima arụsị nduzi ya, ma poopu ọjọọ ahụ bụ poopu woke, onye na-ajụkwa ozi ọ bụla sitere n’aka nke a na-akpọ Nwaagbọghọ Meri. Mgbe ị gara ebe nsọ dị na Fatima, Portugal, ka ị na-abanye n’ogige ahụ, e debere ọnụ ụzọ mbata ahụ n’etiti nnukwu ihe oyiyi abụọ nke poopu ojii n’otu akụkụ na poopu ọcha n’akụkụ nke ọzọ, si otú a na-anọchi anya ọgụ dị n’ime Chọọchị a kọwara n’amụma Fatima.
The other element of the three secret messages of Fatima was its emphasis on the warfare of Catholicism (the king of the north), and atheism (the king of the south). Without recognizing that the warfare of Catholicism and atheistic Russia is a subject of the satanic prophecy, which directs a large percentage of Catholicism, it is difficult, if not impossible to understand the support which the Catholic church provided to Nazi Germany during World War Two.
Ihe ọzọ dị n’ime ozi atọ nzuzo nke Fatima bụ nkwusi-ike ya n’agha dị n’etiti Okpukpe Katọlik (eze nke ugwu), na ekweghị na Chineke (eze nke ndịda). E wezụga ịghọta na agha dị n’etiti Okpukpe Katọlik na Russia na-ekweghị na Chineke bụ isiokwu nke amụma Setan, nke na-eduzi nnukwu pasent nke Okpukpe Katọlik, ọ na-esiri ike, ma ọ bụrụ na ọ bụghị ihe na-agaghị ekwe omume, ịghọta nkwado nke ụka Katọlik nyere Nazi Germany n’oge Agha Ụwa nke Abụọ.
The Battle of Leningrad, which lasted from September 8, 1941 to January 27, 1944 during World War Two, was one of the longest and most brutal sieges in history. The Battle of Stalingrad, which occurred from August 23, 1942 to February 2, 1943, is often regarded as the bloodiest and most significant battle of World War Two. It resulted in immense casualties on both sides, with estimates of over 2 million total casualties, including deaths, wounded, and captured soldiers. The Battle of Stalingrad also marked a turning point in the war, as it resulted in a decisive Soviet victory over the German Army and led to the eventual defeat of Nazi Germany.
Agha Leningrad, nke dịruru site na Septemba 8, 1941 ruo Jenụwarị 27, 1944 n’oge Agha Ụwa nke Abụọ, bụ otu n’ime nnọchibido kacha ogologo ma kacha obi ọjọọ n’akụkọ ihe mere eme. Agha Stalingrad, nke mere site na Ọgọọst 23, 1942 ruo Febrụwarị 2, 1943, a na-ewerekarị ya dị ka agha kacha gba ọbara ma kacha mkpa n’Agha Ụwa nke Abụọ. O butere ọnwụ na mmerụ ahụ dị ukwuu n’akụkụ abụọ ahụ, ebe atụmatụ na-egosi ihe karịrị nde mmadụ abụọ nwụrụ, merụrụ ahụ, ma ọ bụ bụrụ ndị e jidere n’agha. Agha Stalingrad kpọkwara akara mgbanwe n’agha ahụ, n’ihi na o rụpụtara mmeri doro anya nke Soviet meriri ndị agha Germany ma duru gaa n’ịla n’iyi nke Nazi Germany n’ikpeazụ.
Without recognizing that Nazi Germany’s warfare against Russia, particularly in the two battles just cited, it is difficult to understand the role of Germany as the secret ally of the Catholic Church. Without the understanding of the premises of a spiritual war between Catholicism that was motivated by the satanic prophecy of Mary of Fatima, against the atheism of Russia, and thereafter the Communist Soviet Union, the logic for Catholicism secretly hiding and then transporting Nazi war criminals around the globe post-World War Two is missed. The Nazi’s were Catholicism’s proxy army in their struggle against Russia.
Na-enweghị ịghọta na agha Nazi Germany lụrụ megide Russia, ọkachasị n’agha abụọ ahụ a kpọtụrụ aha ugbu a, ọ na-esiri ike ịghọta ọrụ Germany dịka onye mmekọ nzuzo nke Chọọchị Katọlik. Na-enweghị nghọta nke ntọala agha ime mmụọ dị n’etiti Katọlik, nke amụma Setan nke Mary nke Fatima kpaliri, megide ekweghị na Chineke nke Russia, ma emesịa megide Soviet Union nke Kọmunist, a na-atụfu ezi uche dị n’ime ka Katọlik jiri zoo na mgbe ahụ bugharịa ndị omempụ agha Nazi n’ụwa niile mgbe Agha Ụwa nke Abụọ gasịrị. Ndị Nazi bụ ndị agha nnọchi anya Katọlik n’agha ha megide Russia.
It is in this prophetic logic that Putin, the head of atheistic Russia, is involved in a war in the Ukraine, whose leaders are openly known to be Nazi’s. The ground troops of Fatima’s war against atheism from World War Two and onward is fascism, and Nazism. Of course, even though this reality of the leaders of the Ukrainian government is well-documented, the modern manifestation of Hitler’s Reich Ministry of Public Enlightenment and Propaganda (the mainstream media), has covered these facts as best they could.
Ọ bụ n’ime ezi uche amụma a ka Putin, onye isi Russia ekweghị na Chineke, nọ na agha na Ukraine, nke a maara ndị ndu ya n’ụzọ doro anya dị ka ndị Nazi. Ndị agha dị n’ala nke agha Fatima megide ekweghị na Chineke site n’Agha Ụwa nke Abụọ gaa n’ihu bụ fasizim na Nazizim. N’ezie, ọbụna n’agbanyeghị na e dekọrọ nke ọma eziokwu a banyere ndị ndu ọchịchị Ukraine, ngosipụta nke oge a nke Reich Ministry of Public Enlightenment and Propaganda nke Hitler (ụlọ mgbasa ozi bụ isi) ekpuchila eziokwu ndị a nke ọma dịka ha nwere ike.
The name “Ukraine” is derived from the Slavic word “ukraina,” which means “borderland” or “the edge.” The term historically referred to the border regions of the Kievan Rus’, the medieval state that preceded modern-day Ukraine, and is situated on the crossroads between Eastern Europe and Eurasia. Throughout history, it has served as a meeting point between various cultures, civilizations, and empires, including the Byzantine Empire, the Ottoman Empire, the Russian Empire, and others. Its strategic location made it a frontier region that experienced significant cultural, political, and military interactions. During the medieval period, Ukraine was the border region of the Kievan Rus’, which was a powerful state that encompassed parts of modern-day Ukraine, Russia, and Belarus. As the Kievan Rus’ expanded and contracted over time, its borders often shifted, and Ukraine remained on the periphery of the state.
Aha “Ukraine” sitere n’okwu Slavic bụ “ukraina,” nke pụtara “ala ókè” ma ọ bụ “nsọtụ.” N’akụkọ ihe mere eme, a na-eji okwu a akọwa mpaghara ókè nke Kievan Rus’, steeti nke oge etiti gara aga nke buru ụzọ dịrị tupu Ukraine nke oge a, ma ọ dị n’ebe ụzọ ukwu na-ezukọta n’etiti Eastern Europe na Eurasia. N’ime akụkọ ihe mere eme nile, ọ rụọwo ọrụ dịka ebe nzukọ n’etiti omenala dị iche iche, mmepeanya, na alaeze ukwu, gụnyere Alaeze Ukwu Byzantine, Alaeze Ukwu Ottoman, Alaeze Ukwu Russia, na ndị ọzọ. Ebe ọ dị n’ọnọdụ dị mkpa n’usoro agha na ndọrọ ndọrọ ọchịchị mere ka ọ bụrụ mpaghara ókè nke hụrụ mmekọrịta dị ukwuu n’ihe gbasara omenala, ndọrọ ndọrọ ọchịchị, na agha. N’oge etiti gara aga, Ukraine bụ mpaghara ókè nke Kievan Rus’, nke bụ steeti dị ike nke gụnyere akụkụ ụfọdụ nke Ukraine, Russia, na Belarus nke oge a. Ka Kievan Rus’ na-agbasawanye ma na-ebelata ka oge na-aga, ókèala ya na-agbanwekarị, Ukraine wee nọgide n’akụkụ mpụta nke steeti ahụ.
After the collapse of the Soviet Union in 1989, as represented in verse ten, verses eleven and twelve identify a battle where the king of the south retaliates and prevails over the king of the north. That battle was fought at Raphia, which was the borderline of the domains of the king of the south and the king of the north.
Mgbe Soviet Union dara na 1989, dịka e gosiri ya n’amaokwu nke iri, amaokwu nke iri na otu na nke iri na abụọ na-akọwa agha ebe eze nke ndịda ga-emegwara ma merie eze nke ugwu. A lụrụ agha ahụ na Raphia, nke bụ ókè-ala n’etiti alaeze eze nke ndịda na eze nke ugwu.
The Battle of Raphia, which took place in 217 BC, comes from the name of the town near which the battle occurred. Raphia was a town located in the coastal region of ancient Palestine, near the border between the Ptolemaic Kingdom of Egypt and the Seleucid Empire. At the time of the battle the border between the Ptolemaic Kingdom of Egypt, ruled by King Ptolemy IV Philopator, and the Seleucid Empire, ruled by King Antiochus III, was located in the vicinity of Raphia. The battle was fought near this border region as both sides sought to assert control over strategic territories in the Levant.
Agha nke Raphia, nke mere n’afọ 217 T.K., sitere n’aha obodo dị nso ebe agha ahụ mere. Raphia bụ obodo dị n’ógbè ụsọ oké osimiri nke Palestine oge ochie, n’akụkụ ókè dị n’etiti Alaeze Ptolemaic nke Ijipt na Alaeze Ukwu Seleucid. N’oge agha ahụ, ókè dị n’etiti Alaeze Ptolemaic nke Ijipt, nke Eze Ptolemy IV Philopator na-achị, na Alaeze Ukwu Seleucid, nke Eze Antiochus III na-achị, dị n’akụkụ mpaghara Raphia. A lụrụ agha ahụ n’ebe dị nso na ókè mpaghara a, ebe akụkụ abụọ ahụ na-achọ iwulite ọchịchị ha n’elu ógbè ndị dị oké mkpa n’ala Levant.
The ancient town of Raphia, is located near the modern city of Rafah. Rafah is a city situated in the southern Gaza Strip, which is part of the Palestinian territories. After Ptolemy’s victory at Raphia in 217 BC, he initiated persecutions against the Jews in Jerusalem, and also in Egypt. The victory was short-lived and he met his Waterloo, so to speak, in the next three verses. In verse thirteen, the previously defeated king of the north returns and by verse fifteen he overwhelms the king of the south.
Obodo ochie nke a na-akpọ Raphia dị nso n’obodo nke oge a a na-akpọ Rafah. Rafah bụ obodo dị na ndịda Gaza Strip, nke bụ akụkụ nke ókèala ndị Palestina. Mgbe Ptolemy nwetara mmeri ya na Raphia n’afọ 217 T.K., ọ malitere mkpagbu megide ndị Juu nọ na Jerusalem, nakwa n’Ijipt. Mmeri ahụ adịteghị aka, ma o zutere njedebe mberede ya, dịka e nwere ike isi kwuo ya, n’amaokwu atọ sochirinụ. N’amaokwu nke iri na atọ, eze ugwu nke a meriri na mbụ laghachiri, ma ruo n’amaokwu nke iri na ise, ọ meriri eze ndịda ahụ kpamkpam.
The victory of Putin in the Ukraine will be used by Putin, a former KGB officer who specialized in propaganda, to most likely expose the Nazi roots of the Ukrainian leadership, and also expose those in the Western World who supported the regime for economic greed, and no doubt also expose the hidden black-sites and bio-labs employed by the globalists, which have been funded by the taxpayers of the United States.
A ga-eji mmeri Putin na Ukraine site n’aka Putin, onye bụbu onye ọrụ KGB nke pụrụ iche n’ọrụ mgbasa-ozi aghụghọ, o yikarịrị ka ọ bụ iji kpughee mgbọrọgwụ Nazi nke ndu Ukraine, ma kpugheekwa ndị nọ n’Ụwa Ọdịda Anyanwụ bụ ndị kwadoro ọchịchị ahụ n’ihi anyaukwu akụnaụba, ma n’enweghị obi abụọ ọ ga-akpọpụtakwa ebe nzuzo ojii na ụlọ nyocha bio nke ndị globalist ji arụ ọrụ, ndị a na-akwado site n’ego ụtụ isi nke ndị na-atụ ụtụ isi nke United States.
Those revelations will destroy the current talking points of the world globalists, and also of the Democratic talking heads in the United States. That victory for Putin will provide the mandate for the eighth President, that is of the seven, to take his role as the prophetic despot that arrives into history just before verse sixteen; and verse sixteen is the soon coming Sunday law.
Mkpughe ndị ahụ ga-ebibi isi okwu ndị a na-ekwusị ugbu a nke ndị ndọrọ ndọrọ ọchịchị ọchịchị ụwa, nakwa nke ndị ọnụ na-ekwuchitere Democratic nọ na United States. Mmeri ahụ nke Putin ga-enye iwu ikike nye Onyeisi nke asatọ ahụ, onye bụ nke asaa ahụ, ka o were ọnọdụ ya dịka onye ọchịchị aka ike amụma ahụ nke na-abata n’akụkọ ihe mere eme obere oge tupu amaokwu nke iri na isii; amaokwu nke iri na isii bụkwa iwu Ụka nke ụbọchị Sọnde nke na-abịa n’oge na-adịghị anya.
In verse thirteen, the king of the north regroups his army, and in verse fourteen, pagan Rome is introduced into history for the first time, though it is not yet the king of the north. It is there identified as the symbol which “establishes the vision”, and as the power who exalts himself and then falls. After the victory of Putin in the war in the Ukraine, the papacy will begin to lift itself up into world politics, just in advance of the Sunday law in verse sixteen.
N’amaokwu nke iri na atọ, eze nke ugwu na-achịkọtakwa ndị agha ya ọzọ, ma n’amaokwu nke iri na anọ, a na-ebute Rom nke ndị ọgọ mmụọ n’akụkọ ihe mere eme nke mbụ, ọ bụ ezie na ọ bụghị eze nke ugwu ka ọ dịbeghị n’oge ahụ. N’ebe ahụ, a na-akọwa ya dịka ihe nnọchianya nke “na-eme ka ọhụ ahụ guzosie ike”, na dịka ike ahụ nke na-ebuli onwe ya elu, emesia ọ daa. Mgbe Putin merichara n’agha dị na Ukraine, ọchịchị popu ga-amalite ibuli onwe ya elu n’ime ndọrọ ndọrọ ọchịchị ụwa, obere oge tupu iwu Sọnde ahụ dị n’amaokwu nke iri na isii.
The French Revolution, and its connection with the Russian Revolution; Napoleon and Putin; the miracle of Fatima, and its three secrets; the secret alliance between the Vatican and Hitler, the secret alliance between the Vatican and Reagan, are all prophetic “wheels” that intersect in the history of verses eleven through fifteen, which occur during the history of September 11, 2001 until the Sunday law in the United States. It was important to provide a brief summary of these prophetic “wheels” before we take up verse ten.
Mgbanwe ọchịchị nke France, na njikọ ya na Mgbanwe ọchịchị nke Russia; Napoleon na Putin; ọrụ-ebube nke Fatima, na ihe nzuzo atọ ya; njikọ nzuzo dị n’etiti Vatican na Hitler, njikọ nzuzo dị n’etiti Vatican na Reagan, bụcha “wiil” amụma ndị na-ezukọta n’akụkọ ihe mere eme nke amaokwu iri na otu ruo iri na ise, nke na-eme n’oge akụkọ ihe mere eme site na Septemba 11, 2001 ruo n’iwu Sọnde na United States. Ọ dị mkpa inye nchịkọta dị mkpirikpi nke “wiil” amụma ndị a tupu anyị amalite amaokwu nke iri.
The following article is taken from “NBC news,” which is as “Main Stream Media,” as it gets, and the “MSM” is the modern version of Hitler’s World War Two propaganda machine. The article is of course anti-Putin, anti-Russian, and pro-Ukraine, but that is not the point. As citizens of the heavenly kingdom, God’s people should not endorse either side of a satanic work, and all warfare is a satanic work.
E si n’“NBC news,” nke bụ ihe nnọchianya zuru oke nke “Main Stream Media,” ka e si wepụta isiokwu na-esonụ, ma “MSM” bụ ụdị ọgbara ọhụrụ nke igwe mgbasa ozi aghụghọ Hitler n’oge Agha Ụwa nke Abụọ. N’ezie, isiokwu ahụ bụ ihe na-emegide Putin, na-emegide Russia, ma na-akwado Ukraine, ma nke ahụ abụghị isi okwu ya. Dị ka ụmụ amaala nke alaeze eluigwe, ndị nke Chineke ekwesịghị ịkwado akụkụ ọ bụla n’ọrụ Setan, ma agha nile bụ ọrụ Setan.
The purpose of this article is to allow those who are unfamiliar with the prophetic warfare between Catholicism (the king of the north) and atheism (the king of the south), and the fact that in the warfare of those two prophetic powers, Naziism has been employed as Catholicism’s proxy army (just as the United States was used in 1989). Students of prophecy need to have enough evidence to see that the background history of World War Two, and of the Cold War, are represented in the current war in Ukraine, as it fulfills verses eleven and twelve, of chapter eleven of Daniel.
Nzube nke isiokwu a bụ ikwe ka ndị na-amaghị agha amụma dị n’etiti Katọlik (eze nke ugwu) na ekweghị na Chineke (eze nke ndịda), na eziokwu ahụ bụ na n’agha nke ike amụma abụọ ahụ, e jirila Naziism rụọ ọrụ dịka ndị agha nnọchi anya Katọlik (dị ka e si jiri United States mee ihe n’afọ 1989). Ndị na-amụ amụma kwesịrị inwe ihe akaebe zuru ezu iji hụ na akụkọ ihe mere eme ndabere nke Agha Ụwa nke Abụọ, na nke Agha Ọyị, ka a na-anọchi anya n’agha dị ugbu a na Ukraine, dịka ọ na-emezu amaokwu nke iri na otu na nke iri na abụọ, nke isi nke iri na otu nke Daniel.
“Historical events, showing the direct fulfillment of prophecy, were set before the people, and the prophecy was seen to be a figurative delineation of events leading down to the close of this earth’s history.” Selected Messages, book 2, 102.
“E debere ihe ndị mere eme, ndị na-egosi mmezu kpọmkwem nke amụma, n’ihu ndị mmadụ, a hụkwara amụma ahụ dịka nkọwa ihe atụ nke ihe ndị na-eduga ruo ná mmechi nke akụkọ ụwa a.” Selected Messages, book 2, 102.
NBC News Article: “Ukraine’s Nazi problem is real, even if Putin’s ‘denazification’ claim isn’t”
Akụkọ NBC News: “Nsogbu Nazi nke Ukraine bụ ihe dị adị n’ezie, ọbụna ma ọ bụrụ na nkwupụta Putin banyere ‘iwepụ Nazism’ abụghị eziokwu”
Of the many distortions manufactured by Russian President Vladimir Putin to justify Russia’s assault on Ukraine, perhaps the most bizarre is his claim that the action was taken to “denazify” the country and its leadership. In making his case for entering his neighbor’s territory with armored tanks and fighter jets, Putin has stated that the move was undertaken “to protect people” who have been “subjected to bullying and genocide,” and that Russia “will strive for the demilitarization and denazification of Ukraine.”
N’ime ọtụtụ mgbagwoju anya ndị Onyeisi ala Russia, Vladimir Putin, chepụtara iji kwado mwakpo Russia wakwasịrị Ukraine, eleghị anya nke kacha iju anya bụ nkwupụta ya na e mere omume ahụ iji “wepụ Nazism” n’ala ahụ na n’ime ndị ndu ya. N’ịkụpụta okwu ya maka ịbanye n’ókèala agbata obi ya site n’iji tankị agha nwere ígwè nche na ụgbọelu agha, Putin ekwuola na e mere nzọụkwụ ahụ “iji chebe ndị mmadụ” bụ́ ndị e “tinyeworo n’okpuru mmegbu na mgbukpọ agbụrụ,” nakwa na Russia “ga-agbalịsi ike maka iwepụ ngwa agha na iwepụ Nazism n’Ukraine.”
Putin’s destructive actions — among them the devastation of Jewish communities — make clear that he’s lying when he says his goal is to ensure anyone’s welfare.
Omume mbibi Putin na-eme—gụnyere mbibi nke obodo ndị Juu—na-eme ka o doo anya na ọ na-agha ụgha mgbe ọ na-ekwu na ebumnuche ya bụ ịhụ na ọdịmma onye ọ bụla dịrị.
On its face, Putin’s smear is absurd, not least because Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelenskyy is Jewish and has said that members of his family were killed during World War II. There is also no evidence of recent mass killings or ethnic purges taking place in Ukraine. Moreover, labeling enemies Nazis is a common political ploy in Russia, especially from a leader who favors disinformation campaigns and wants to stir up feelings of national vengeance against a WWII foe to justify conquest.
N’ile ya, nkwutọ Putin bụ ihe nzuzu doro anya, ọkachasị n’ihi na Onye isi ala Ukraine, Volodymyr Zelenskyy, bụ onye Juu ma kwuo na e gburu ụfọdụ ndị ezinụlọ ya n’Agha Ụwa nke Abụọ. E nwekwara ihe akaebe ọ bụla na-egosi na e nwere igbu mmadụ n’ìgwè n’oge na-adịbeghị anya ma ọ bụ mkpochapụ agbụrụ na-eme na Ukraine. Ọzọkwa, ịkpọ ndị iro ndị Nazi bụ aghụghọ ndọrọ ndọrọ ọchịchị a na-ahụkarị na Russia, karịsịa site n’aka onye ndu na-akwado mgbasa ozi ụgha ma chọọ ịkpali mmetụta nke ịbọ ọbọ mba megide onye iro nke Agha Ụwa nke Abụọ iji mee ka mmeri agha bụrụ ihe a ga-akwado.
But even though Putin is engaging in propaganda, it’s also true that Ukraine has a genuine Nazi problem — both past and present. Putin’s destructive actions — among them the devastation of Jewish communities — make clear that he’s lying when he says his goal is to ensure anyone’s welfare. But important as it is to defend the yellow-and-blue flag against the Kremlin’s brutal aggression, it would be a dangerous oversight to deny Ukraine’s antisemitic history and collaboration with Hitler’s Nazis, as well as the latter-day embrace of neo-Nazi factions in some quarters.
Ma n’agbanyeghị na Putin na-etinye aka n’ịgbasa mgbasa-ozi aghụghọ, ọ bụkwa eziokwu na Ukraine nwere nsogbu Nazi n’ezie — ma n’oge gara aga ma n’oge a. Omume mbibi nke Putin — tinyere mbibi nke obodo ndị Juu — na-eme ka o doo anya na ọ na-agha ụgha mgbe ọ na-ekwu na ebumnuche ya bụ ijide n’aka ọdịmma nke onye ọ bụla. Ma n’agbanyeghị na ọ dị mkpa ịgbachitere ọkọlọtọ odo na anụnụ anụnụ megide mwakpo obi ọjọọ nke Kremlin, ọ ga-abụ nleghara anya dị ize ndụ ịgọnarị akụkọ ihe mere eme nke imegide ndị Juu nke Ukraine na mmekorita ya na ndị Nazi nke Hitler, tinyere nnabata nke òtù neo-Nazi nke oge a n’akụkụ ụfọdụ.
Why are fleeing Ukrainians being talked about with such sympathy? They are white.
Gịnị mere e ji na-ekwu maka ndị Ukrainia na-agbapụ agbapụ n’ụzọ ebere dị ukwuu otu a? Ha bụ ndị ọcha.
On the eve of World War II, Ukraine was home to one the largest Jewish communities in Europe, with estimates as high as 2.7 million, a remarkable number considering the territory’s long record of antisemitism and pogroms. By the end, more than half would perish. When German troops took control of Kyiv in 1941, they were welcomed by “Heil Hitler” banners. Soon after, nearly 34,000 Jews — along with Roma and other “undesirables” — were rounded up and marched to fields outside the city on the pretext of resettlement only to be massacred in what became known as the “Holocaust by bullets.”
N’ụbọchị ndị bu Agha Ụwa nke Abụọ ụzọ, Ukraine bụ ebe obibi otu n’ime obodo ndị Juu kasị ibu na Europe, ebe ụfọdụ atụmatụ na-eru ihe ruru nde mmadụ 2.7, ọnụ ọgụgụ pụrụ iche n’ịtụle ogologo akụkọ ókèala ahụ nwere banyere ịkpọasị ndị Juu na pogroms. Ka ọ na-erule ọgwụgwụ ya, ihe karịrị ọkara n’ime ha ga-ala n’iyi. Mgbe ndị agha Germany jidere Kyiv n’afọ 1941, e jiri ọkọlọtọ ndị e dere “Heil Hitler” nabata ha. N’oge na-adịghị anya mgbe ahụ, a chịkọtara ihe fọrọ nke nta ka ọ bụrụ ndị Juu 34,000 — tinyere ndị Roma na ndị ọzọ e lere anya dị ka “ndị a na-achọghị” — ma duzie ha gaa n’ubi ndị dị n’èzí obodo ahụ n’ụzọ aghụghọ nke ịkwaga ha ebe ọzọ, naanị ka e wee gbuo ha n’ogbugbu ama ama nke e mesịrị kpọọ “Holocaust by bullets.”
The Babyn Yar ravine continued to fill up as a mass grave for two years. With as many as 100,000 murdered there, it became one of the largest single killing sites of the Holocaust outside of Auschwitz and other death camps. Researchers have noted the key role locals played in fulfilling Nazi kill orders at the site.
Ọwa ndagwurugwu Babyn Yar nọgidere na-ejupụta dị ka ili ọha ruo afọ abụọ. Ebe e gburu ihe ruru mmadụ 100,000 n’ebe ahụ, ọ ghọrọ otu n’ime ebe kasị ibu e mere otu mkpochapụ mmadụ n’oge Holocaust n’èzí Auschwitz na ogige ọnwụ ndị ọzọ. Ndị nchọpụta ekwuola na ọrụ ndị obodo ahụ rụrụ dị mkpa nke ukwuu n’ime imezu iwu igbu mmadụ ndị Nazi nyere n’ebe ahụ.
Nowadays, Ukraine counts between 56,000 to 140,000 Jews, who enjoy freedoms and protections never imagined by their grandparents. That includes an updated law passed last month criminalizing antisemitic acts. Unfortunately, the law was intended to address a pronounced uptick in public displays of bigotry, including swastika-laden vandalism of synagogues and Jewish memorials, and eerie marches in Kyiv and other cities that celebrated the Waffen SS.
N’oge ndị a, e nwere ndị Juu dị n’agbata puku iri ise na isii ruo puku otu narị na iri anọ bi na Ukraine, ndị na-enwe nnwere onwe na nchedo ndị nna nna ha ochie enweghị mgbe ha tụrụ anya ya. Nke a gụnyere iwu emelitere e nyere n’ọnwa gara aga nke na-eme ka omume mgbaasị megide ndị Juu bụrụ mpụ. O di nwute, e bu n’obi ka iwu ahụ dozie mmụba doro anya nke ngosipụta ịkpa ókè n’ihu ọha, tinyere mmebi ụlọ nzukọ ndị Juu na ebe ncheta ndị Juu e ji akara swastika mebie, na ije ngagharị na-akpata egwu na Kyiv na obodo ndị ọzọ nke na-eme emume ncheta Waffen SS.
In another ominous development, Ukraine has in recent years erected a glut of statues honoring Ukrainian nationalists whose legacies are tainted by their indisputable record as Nazi proxies. The Forward newspaper cataloged some of these deplorables, including Stepan Bandera, leader of the Organization of Ukrainian Nationalists (OUN), whose followers acted as local militia members for the SS and German army. “Ukraine has several dozen monuments and scores of street names glorifying this Nazi collaborator, enough to require two separate Wikipedia pages,” the Forward wrote.
N’ihe mmepe ọzọ jọgburu onwe ya, Ukraine ewuwo n’afọ ndị na-adịbeghị anya nnukwu ọnụ ọgụgụ ihe oyiyi na-asọpụrụ ndị ọchịchị mba Ukraine ndị ahụ, ndị aha na ihe nketa ha metọrọ site n’akwadoro nke ọma na ha jere ozi dị ka ndị nnọchi anya ndị Nazi. Akwụkwọ akụkọ The Forward depụtara ụfọdụ n’ime ndị a kwesịrị ịkpọasị, gụnyere Stepan Bandera, onye ndu nke Organization of Ukrainian Nationalists (OUN), onye ndị na-eso ụzọ ya rụrụ ọrụ dịka ndị otu milishia obodo maka SS na ndị agha Germany. “Ukraine nwere ọtụtụ iri ihe ncheta na ọtụtụ aha okporo ụzọ na-enye otuto nye onye a soro ndị Nazi rụkọọ ọrụ, nke ruru ókè na ọ dị mkpa ka e nwee ibe Wikipedia abụọ dị iche iche,” ka The Forward dere.
Another frequent honoree is Roman Shukhevych, revered as a Ukrainian freedom fighter but also the leader of a feared Nazi auxiliary police unit that the Forward notes was “responsible for butchering thousands of Jews and … Poles.” Statues have also been raised for Yaroslav Stetsko, a one-time chair of the OUN, who wrote “I insist on the extermination of the Jews in Ukraine.”
Onye ọzọ a na-asọpụrụ ugboro ugboro bụ Roman Shukhevych, onye a na-asọpụrụ dịka onye agha nnwere onwe nke Ukraine ma bụrụkwa onye ndu otu ndị uwe ojii enyemaka Nazi a na-atụ egwu nke Forward kwuru na ọ bụ “onye kpatara igbuchapụ puku ndị Juu na … ndị Poland.” E wukwalakwa ihe oyiyi maka Yaroslav Stetsko, onye bụbu otu oge onye isi oche nke OUN, onye dere, “Ana m ekwusi ike na a ga-ekpochapụ ndị Juu nọ na Ukraine.”
Far-right groups have also gained political currency in the past decade, none more chilling than Svoboda (formerly the Social National Party of Ukraine), whose leader claimed the country was controlled by a “Muscovite-Jewish mafia” and whose deputy used an antisemitic slur to describe Ukrainian-born Jewish actor Mila Kunis. Svoboda has sent several members to Ukraine’s Parliament, including one who called the Holocaust a “bright period” in human history, according to Foreign Policy.
N’ime afọ iri gara aga, òtù ndị dị n’aka nri nke ukwuu anatakwara nnukwu uru ndọrọ ndọrọ ọchịchị; ọ dịghị nke kasị atụ egwu karịa Svoboda (nke a na-akpọbu Social National Party of Ukraine), onye ndu ya kwuru na “mafia Muscovite-Juu” na-achịkwa mba ahụ, ma onye osote ya jiri okwu mkparị megide ndị Juu kọwaa Mila Kunis, onye na-eme ihe nkiri Juu a mụrụ na Ukraine. Dị ka Foreign Policy si kwuo, Svoboda ezipụla ọtụtụ ndị òtù ya n’Ụlọ Omebe Iwu Ukraine, gụnyere otu onye kpọrọ Holocaust “oge na-enwu enwu” n’akụkọ ihe mere eme nke mmadụ.
Just as disturbing, neo-Nazis are part of some of Ukraine’s growing ranks of volunteer battalions. They are battle-hardened after waging some of the toughest street fighting against Moscow-backed separatists in eastern Ukraine following Putin’s Crimean invasion in 2014. One is the Azov Battalion, founded by an avowed white supremacist who claimed Ukraine’s national purpose was to rid the country of Jews and other inferior races. In 2018, the U.S. Congress stipulated that its aid to Ukraine couldn’t be used “to provide arms, training or other assistance to the Azov Battalion.” Even so, Azov is now an official member of the Ukraine National Guard.
N’otu aka ahụ na-enye nsogbu, ndị neo-Nazi bụkwa akụkụ nke ụfọdụ n’ime otu ndị agha afọ ofufo Ukraine, ndị na-abawanye n’ọnụ ọgụgụ. A sachapụla ha n’agha mgbe ha busịrị ụfọdụ n’ime ọgụ kacha sie ike n’okporo ámá megide ndị nkewapụ kwadoro Moscow nọ n’ebe ọwụwa anyanwụ Ukraine, mgbe mwakpo Putin wakporo Crimea n’afọ 2014. Otu n’ime ha bụ Azov Battalion, nke onye na-ekwupụta n’ihu ọha na ọ kwadoro ịdị elu nke agbụrụ ọcha hiwere, onye kwuru na ebumnuche mba Ukraine bụ ikpochapụ ndị Juu na agbụrụ ndị ọzọ e lere anya dị ka ndị dị ala n’obodo ahụ. N’afọ 2018, Ụlọ Omebe Iwu U.S. kpebiri na enyemaka ya nye Ukraine agaghị enwe ike iji ya “nye Azov Battalion ngwa agha, ọzụzụ, ma ọ bụ enyemaka ọzọ.” N’agbanyeghị nke ahụ, Azov bụ ugbu a otu gọọmenti kwadoro nke Ukraine National Guard.
For sure, none of this disturbing context justifies the misery that has befallen Ukrainians over the past several weeks — and it’s unlikely that Putin was motivated by any of it when he launched his invasion. Indeed, thanks to Putin, Jews living in Odessa, Kharkiv and other eastern cities are under extreme duress. While many have taken refuge in local synagogues and Jewish centers, others have fled to foreign countries, including Israel, which has urged all Jews to leave Ukraine.
N’ezie, ọ dịghị nke ọ bụla n’ime ọnọdụ a na-akpasu iwe na-enye ezi ihe kpatara nhụjuanya dakwasịrị ndị Ukrain n’ime izu ole na ole gara aga—ọzọkwa, o yighị ka nke ọ bụla n’ime ha bụ ihe kpaliri Putin mgbe o bidoro mwakpo mbuso agha ya. N’eziokwu, n’ihi Putin, ndị Juu bi na Odessa, Kharkiv, na obodo ndị ọzọ dị n’ọwụwa anyanwụ nọ ugbu a n’oké mkpagbu. Ebe ọtụtụ achọtala ebe mgbaba n’ụlọ ekpere ndị Juu na ebe etiti ndị Juu dị n’ógbè ahụ, ndị ọzọ agbagala mba ọzọ, gụnyere Israel, nke arịọla ndị Juu niile ka ha hapụ Ukraine.
My own grandparents themselves had to flee western Ukraine to escape persecution, and it is tragic to see this cycle continue. If the country devolves into chaos and insurgency, Jews could once again be at risk from some of their fellow citizens. Not acknowledging this threat means that little is being done to guard against it.
Ndị mụrụ nne na nna m n’onwe ha aghaghị ịgbapụ n’Ụlọ Ọwụwa Anyanwụ Ukraine iji gbanahụ mkpagbu, ọ bụkwa ihe nwute ịhụ ka okirikiri a na-aga n’ihu. Ọ bụrụ na mba ahụ adaba n’ọgba aghara na nnupụisi, ndị Juu pụrụ ịnọ n’ihe ize ndụ ọzọ site n’aka ụfọdụ ụmụ amaala ibe ha. Ịghara ikweta ihe iyi egwu a pụtara na a na-eme obere ihe iji chebe megide ya.
But even if some elements of the country have been entangled with one of history’s most loathsome movements, standing with Ukraine is without doubt the honorable posture to take in this drama. Right now, every day that Putin ratchets up his assault against the Ukrainian people with scorched-earth zeal, it’s hard not to see who truly deserves the N-word.
Ma ọ bụrụgodị na ụfọdụ akụkụ nke mba ahụ ejikọtala onwe ha na otu n’ime mmegharị kasị jọgburu onwe ha n’akụkọ ihe mere eme, iguzo n’akụkụ Ukraine bụ, n’enweghị mgbagha ọ bụla, ọnọdụ nsọpụrụ kwesị ekwesị a ga-ewere n’egwuregwu ọdachi a. Ugbu a, kwa ụbọchị ọ bụla Putin na-arịgo n’ike n’agha mwakpo ya megide ndị Ukraine n’ịkpa ike nke na-ahapụ ala ka ọ bụrụ ihe a kpọrọ ọkụ bibie kpamkpam, ọ na-esi ike ịghara ịhụ onye n’ezie kwesiri ka a kpọọ ya okwu malitere na “N”.
Allen Ripp, March 5, 2022 – Source
Allen Ripp, Maachị 5, 2022 – Isi iyi
We will continue this study in our next article.
Anyị ga-aga n’ihu na ọmụmụ a n’isiokwu anyị sochirinụ.
“Those who cannot remember the past are condemned to repeat it.” George Santayana.
“Ndị na-apụghị icheta ihe gara aga, a mara ha ikpe ka ha megharịa ya ọzọ.” George Santayana.
“All that God has in prophetic history specified to be fulfilled in the past has been, and all that is yet to come in its order will be. Daniel, God’s prophet, stands in his place. John stands in his place. In the Revelation the Lion of the tribe of Judah has opened to the students of prophecy the book of Daniel, and thus is Daniel standing in his place. He bears his testimony, that which the Lord revealed to him in vision of the great and solemn events which we must know as we stand on the very threshold of their fulfillment.
“Ihe nile nke Chineke kpọmkwem depụtara n’akụkọ ihe mere eme amụma ka e mezuo n’oge gara aga emezuwo, ma ihe nile ka ga-abịa n’usoro ya ga-emezu kwa. Daniel, onye-amụma Chineke, guzo n’ọnọdụ ya. Jọn guzo n’ọnọdụ ya. N’ime Mkpughe, Ọdụm nke ebo Juda emeghewo ndị na-amụ amụma akwụkwọ Daniel, ya mere Daniel na-eguzo n’ọnọdụ ya. Ọ na-eburu àmà ya, ya bụ ihe ahụ Onyenwe anyị kpugheere ya n’ọhụụ banyere nnukwu na ihe omume ndị dị nsọ nke ukwuu nke anyị ga-amata ka anyị na-eguzo n’ọnụ ụzọ nnọọ nke mmezu ha.”
“In history and prophecy the Word of God portrays the long continued conflict between truth and error. That conflict is yet in progress. Those things which have been, will be repeated. Old controversies will be revived, and new theories will be continually arising. But God’s people, who in their belief and fulfillment of prophecy have acted a part in the proclamation of the first, second, and third angels’ messages, know where they stand. They have an experience that is more precious than fine gold. They are to stand firm as a rock, holding the beginning of their confidence steadfast unto the end.” Selected Messages, book 2, 109.
“N’akụkọ ihe mere eme na n’amụma Okwu Chineke na-egosi ọgụ ogologo oge gara n’ihu n’etiti eziokwu na njehie. Ọgụ ahụ ka na-aga n’ihu. Ihe ndị dịrịrị adị ga-emegharị ọzọ. A ga-eme ka esemokwu ochie bilie ọzọ, ma ozizi ọhụrụ ga-anọgide na-apụta. Ma ndị nke Chineke, ndị n’okwukwe ha na n’imezu amụma ha rụrụ òkè n’ịkpọsa ozi ndị mmụọ ozi mbụ, nke abụọ, na nke atọ, maara ebe ha guzo. Ha nwere ahụmahụ nke dị oké ọnụ karịa ọlaedo a nụchara anụcha. Ha ga-eguzo ike dịka nkume, na-ejidesi mmalite nke ntụkwasị obi ha ike ruo ọgwụgwụ.” Selected Messages, book 2, 109.