As we begin to consider the typification of the time of the end in 1989, by the prophetic history of verse ten, it is necessary to drop back into the history of the third generation of both horns of the earth beast. In 1913, the earth beast’s horn of Republicanism began its generation of compromise with the globalist banking system, and in 1919, the horn of true Protestantism began its generation of compromise with the theologians of apostate Protestantism and also the American Medical Association as it surrendered the accreditation of its educational system to the world. Both horns began a compromised relationship with the world that would change the direction of their respective messages from that point onward.

Nalika kita wiwit nimbang tipifikasi jaman wekasan ing taun 1989, lumantar sajarah kenabian ing ayat sepuluh, kita perlu mundur marang sajarah generasi katelu saka loro sungu kewan bumi kasebut. Ing taun 1913, sungu Republikanisme saka kewan bumi wiwit generasine kompromi karo sistem perbankan globalis, lan ing taun 1919, sungu Protestanisme sejati wiwit generasine kompromi karo para teolog Protestanisme murtad lan uga American Medical Association nalika nyerahake akreditasi sistem pendidikane marang donya. Loro-lorone sungu kasebut wiwit sesambungan kompromistis karo donya kang wiwit titik iku lan sabanjure bakal ngowahi arah pesen-pesene dhewe-dhewe.

In that history the starting point for the king of the north, and the king of the south of the last days also reached a turning point. The Miracle of Fatima occurred on October 13, 1917, in Fatima, Portugal. It was the culmination of a series of Marian apparitions witnessed by three young shepherd children: Lucia dos Santos and her cousins Francisco and Jacinta Marto. According to the accounts provided by the children, the Virgin Mary, identified as Our Lady of Fatima, appeared to them on the 13th day of each month from May to October 1917.

Ing sajroning sajarah punika titik wiwitan tumrap ratu saka sisih lor, lan ratu saka sisih kidul ing dina-dina pungkasan ugi nggayuh satunggaling titik balik. Mukjijat Fatima kelampahan tanggal 13 Oktober 1917, ing Fatima, Portugal. Prastawa punika dados pucaking rerangken pawujudan Maria ingkang kaseksèn déning tigang bocah angon enèm: Lucia dos Santos lan para sepupunipun, Francisco lan Jacinta Marto. Miturut cariyos ingkang kaparingaken déning bocah-bocah punika, Sang Perawan Maria, ingkang dipunwastani Bunda Kami saka Fatima, ngatingal dhateng piyambakipun saben tanggal 13 ing saben sasi wiwit Mei dumugi Oktober 1917.

During the final apparition on October 13, 1917, tens of thousands of people gathered at the Cova da Iria, near Fatima, expecting to witness a miracle as predicted by the children. According to the witnesses, the sun appeared to change colors, spin, and dance in the sky. This event came to be known as the Miracle of the Sun or the Miracle of Fatima.

Sajeroning panampakan pungkasan tanggal 13 Oktober 1917, puluhan èwu wong nglumpuk ana ing Cova da Iria, cedhak Fatima, kanthi ngarep-arep bakal nyeksèni sawijining mukjijat kaya kang wis diramalaké déning bocah-bocah kuwi. Miturut paseksèn para saksi, srengéngé katingal kaya ganti warna, muter, lan njogèd ana ing langit. Prastawa iki banjur kawentar kanthi aran Mukjijat Srengéngé utawa Mukjijat Fatima.

The Miracle of Fatima is a significant event in Catholic history and devotion, and it has been the subject of much study, debate, and religious interpretation over the years. The events at Fatima have had a lasting impact on popular piety, Marian devotion, and the interpretation of apocalyptic themes within the Catholic Church.

Mujijat Fatima punika satunggaling kadadosan ingkang wigati ing sajarah lan devosi Katulik, sarta sampun dados jejering kathah panaliten, pirembagan, lan tafsiran religius salebeting pirang-pirang taun. Kadadosan-kadadosan ing Fatima punika sampun gadhah pangaruh ingkang langgeng tumrap kasalehan umat, devosi Marian, lan tafsiran tema-tema apokaliptik wonten ing salebeting Gréja Katulik.

The Bolshevik Revolution occurred in Russia on November 7, 1917, when Bolshevik forces, led by Vladimir Lenin and the Bolshevik Party, seized key government buildings and infrastructure in Petrograd (now Saint Petersburg). This event marked the culmination of the Russian Revolution of 1917, which had begun with the February Revolution earlier in the year that led to the abdication of Tsar Nicholas II and the establishment of a provisional government.

Révolusi Bolshevik dumadi ing Rusia tanggal 7 November 1917, nalika pasukan Bolshevik, dipimpin déning Vladimir Lenin lan Partai Bolshevik, ngrebut gedhong-gedhong utama pamaréntahan sarta prasarana penting ing Petrograd (saiki Saint Petersburg). Prastawa iki nandhani puncak Révolusi Rusia taun 1917, kang wis diwiwiti déning Révolusi Februari ing wiwitan taun iku, sing njalari Tsar Nicholas II turun takhta lan madegé sawijining pamaréntahan sementara.

During the Revolution, the Bolsheviks successfully overthrew the provisional government and established Soviet control over Russia. The Bolsheviks proclaimed the establishment of a socialist state and began implementing their revolutionary program, including the nationalization of industry, land redistribution, and the withdrawal of Russia from World War I. The October Revolution ultimately led to the creation of the Soviet Union and had profound and far-reaching consequences for Russia and the world, shaping the course of 20th-century history.

Sajeroning Revolusi, kaum Bolshevik kasil nggulingaké pamaréntahan provisional lan netepaké kontrol Soviet ing saindhenging Rusia. Kaum Bolshevik ngumumaké pambentukan sawijining nagara sosialis lan wiwit ngleksanakaké program revolusionèré, kalebu nasionalisasi indhustri, redistribusi tanah, lan munduré Rusia saka Perang Donya I. Revolusi Oktober pungkasane nuwuhaké pambentukan Uni Soviet lan nduwèni akibat kang jero lan amba tumrap Rusia lan jagad, mbentuk lakuning sajarah abad kaping 20.

Jesus illustrates the end with the beginning, and in order to fully see the king of the north and the king of the south of the last days, it is necessary to understand their beginnings. The literal kings of the south and the north that are identified in Daniel chapter eleven are defined as the power that rules the literal area of Egypt as the king of the south, and the power that rules the literal geographical area associated with Babylon as the king of the north.

Gusti Yesus nggambarake wekasan kanthi wiwitan, lan supaya bisa ndeleng kanthi pepak ratu sisih lor lan ratu sisih kidul ing dina-dina wekasan, perlu mangerteni wiwitane. Para ratu harfiah sisih kidul lan sisih lor sing diidentifikasi ing Daniel bab sewelas ditemtokake minangka kakuwatan sing mrentah wewengkon harfiah Mesir minangka ratu sisih kidul, lan kakuwatan sing mrentah wewengkon géografis harfiah sing kagandhengan karo Babel minangka ratu sisih lor.

Literal prophecy transitioned to spiritual prophecy in the time of the cross, when ancient literal Israel was transitioning to modern spiritual Israel. Literal pagan Rome trampled down literal Jerusalem for three and a half literal years from 67 AD unto 70 AD, and spiritual papal Rome trampled down spiritual Jerusalem for three and a half spiritual years.

Ramalan harfiah ngalih dadi ramalan rohaniah ing mangsané salib, nalika Israel harfiah kuna lagi ngalih dadi Israel rohaniah modhèrn. Roma pagan harfiah ngidak-idak Yerusalem harfiah sajroning telung taun setengah harfiah wiwit taun 67 M nganti taun 70 M, lan Roma kapapaan rohaniah ngidak-idak Yerusalem rohaniah sajroning telung taun setengah rohaniah.

Spiritual Babylon is identified in Revelation chapter seventeen, as the whore who commits fornication with the kings of the earth. Spiritual Egypt is identified in Revelation chapter eleven as atheistic France. The modern manifestations of the spiritual king of the north, that received its deadly wound at the time of the end in 1798 and then retaliated against the modern manifestation of the spiritual king of the south at the time of the end in 1989, are both represented in verse forty of Daniel eleven. Both powers have their origins in their last day manifestation in the 1917 to 1918 time frame, which is the same time frame as the generation of compromise for both horns of the earth beast. Those beginnings must be recognized to rightly apply the endings. The beginnings of the last day kings of the north and south both start at the French Revolution.

Babil rohani kaidentifikasi ing Wahyu pasal pitulas minangka sundel sing laku jina karo para ratu ing bumi. Mesir rohani kaidentifikasi ing Wahyu pasal sewelas minangka Prancis sing ateistis. Wujud modern saka ratu lor rohani, sing nampa tatu sing matèni ing wektu wekasan taun 1798 lan banjur mbales marang wujud modern saka ratu kidul rohani ing wektu wekasan taun 1989, kalorone kawakili ing ayat patang puluh saka Daniel sewelas. Kaloro kakuwatan iku duwé asal-usulé ing wujud penampakané ing dina-dina pungkasan sajroning kurun wektu 1917 nganti 1918, yaiku kurun wektu sing padha karo generasi kompromi kanggo loro sungu kéwan bumi. Wiwitan-wiwitan mau kudu diakoni supaya pungkasan-pungkasané bisa ditrapaké kanthi bener. Wiwitan para ratu lor lan kidul ing dina-dina pungkasan, kalorone, diwiwiti ing Révolusi Prancis.

“In the sixteenth century the Reformation, presenting an open Bible to the people, had sought admission to all the countries of Europe. Some nations welcomed it with gladness, as a messenger of Heaven. In other lands the papacy succeeded to a great extent in preventing its entrance; and the light of Bible knowledge, with its elevating influences, was almost wholly excluded. In one country, though the light found entrance, it was not comprehended by the darkness. For centuries, truth and error struggled for the mastery. At last the evil triumphed, and the truth of Heaven was thrust out. ‘This is the condemnation, that light is come into the world, and men loved darkness rather than light.’ John 3:19. The nation was left to reap the results of the course which she had chosen. The restraint of God’s Spirit was removed from a people that had despised the gift of His grace. Evil was permitted to come to maturity. And all the world saw the fruit of willful rejection of the light.

“Ing abad kaping nembelas, Reformasi, kanthi ngetingalaké Kitab Suci sing kabuka marang rakyat, wus ngupaya supaya bisa lumebu ing sakehing nagara Éropah. Sawenèh bangsa nampani iku kanthi kabungahan, kaya utusan saka Swarga. Ing nagara-nagara liyané, kapausan kasil, ing ukuran gedhé, ngalang-alangi mlebué; lan pepadhanging kawruh Kitab Suci, bebarengan karo pangaribawa kang ngluhuraké, mèh kabèh kapencilaké. Ing sawijining nagara, sanadyan pepadhang iku bisa lumebu, pepeteng ora mangertèni iku. Sajroning pirang-pirang abad, kayekten lan kaluputan padha gumumul kanggo nguwasani. Ing wekasané piala menang, lan kayekten saka Swarga katundhung metu. ‘Lan iki paukumané, yèn pepadhang wus rawuh ing jagad, nanging manungsa luwih tresna marang pepeteng tinimbang marang pepadhang.’ Yohanes 3:19. Bangsa iku banjur dipasrahaké kanggo ngundhuh wohing dalan sing wis dipilihé dhéwé. Panahaning Rohé Gusti Allah dicopot saka sawijining umat sing wis ngrèmèhaké peparing sih-rahmaté. Piala diidini nganti tumeka ing kasampurnané. Lan saklumahing jagad nyumurupi woh saka panampikan pepadhang kanthi sengaja.”

“The war against the Bible, carried forward for so many centuries in France, culminated in the scenes of the Revolution. That terrible outbreaking was but the legitimate result of Rome’s suppression of the Scriptures. It presented the most striking illustration which the world has ever witnessed of the working out of the papal policy—an illustration of the results to which for more than a thousand years the teaching of the Roman Church had been tending.

“Peperangan nglawan Kitab Suci, kang dilajengaké sajroning pirang-pirang abad ing Prancis, pungkasané nggayuh pucaké ana ing prastawa-prastawa Révolusi. Pambledhose kang nggegirisi iku mung minangka akibat kang lumrah saka panyingkiran Kitab Suci déning Roma. Prastawa iku nedahaké gambaran kang paling cetha kang tau kasaksekaké déning donya bab kawujudaning kawicaksanan kapausan—yaiku sawijining gambaran bab asil-asil kang sajroning luwih saka sèwu taun wis dadi ancasing piwulang Greja Roma.”

“The suppression of the Scriptures during the period of papal supremacy was foretold by the prophets; and the Revelator points also to the terrible results that were to accrue especially to France from the domination of the ‘man of sin.’” The Great Controversy, 265, 266.

“Panyingkiran Kitab Suci sajrone mangsa kaluhuran kakuwasan kepausan wis wis diramalaké déning para nabi; lan Sang Wahyu uga nuding marang akibat-akibat nggegirisi kang bakal dumadi, mliginé tumrap Prancis, saka panguwasané ‘wong duraka.’” The Great Controversy, 265, 266.

The French Revolution was produced by the suppression of the Scriptures “during the period of papal supremacy.” The birth of atheism, which was to become the archenemy of the papacy, was brought about by the papacy itself. The French Revolution took place from 1789 to 1799, but the atheistic revolutionary spirit that began in France continued to spread across Europe and beyond. One-hundred eighteen years after the end of the revolution in France, the Russian Revolution began in Russia. The revolution of atheism that began in France, ended in Russia, and in 1917 Russia became the prophetic representative of the nation symbolized by the atheism of Egypt. The dragon power represented as the king of the south had migrated from France to Russia.

Revolusi Prancis kadadèkaké déning penindhesan marang Kitab Suci “sajroning mangsa kaluhuran kakuwasan kapausan.” Lairé ateisme, kang bakal dadi mungsuh utama tumrap kapausan, diudhakaké déning kapausan piyambak. Revolusi Prancis dumadi wiwit taun 1789 nganti 1799, nanging roh revolusioner ateistis kang diwiwiti ing Prancis terus sumebar ing saindhenging Éropah lan ngliwati wewengkon-wewengkon liya. Satus wolulas taun sawisé pungkasaning revolusi ing Prancis, Revolusi Rusia diwiwiti ing Rusia. Revolusi ateisme kang diwiwiti ing Prancis, mungkasi ing Rusia, lan ing taun 1917 Rusia dadi wakil profetis tumrap bangsa kang dilambangaké déning ateisme Mesir. Kakuwasan naga kang dipratelakaké minangka ratu ing sisih kidul wis ngalih saka Prancis menyang Rusia.

The revolution in France was represented politically and prophetically by Napoleon Bonaparte, and in that sense, Napoleon represents the first leader of a nation established in a revolution brought about by the atheism of Egypt. The narcissism of Napoleon is fitly repeated by the narcissism of Putin.

Révolusi ing Prancis diprayogakaké kanthi politis lan profètis déning Napoleon Bonaparte, lan ing pangertèn iku, Napoleon nggambaraké pemimpin kapisan saka sawijining bangsa sing diadegaké lumantar sawijining révolusi kang ditimbulaké déning ateisme Mesir. Narsisisme Napoleon kanthi trep kaulang manèh déning narsisisme Putin.

Napoleon was keenly aware of the power of imagery and propaganda, as is Putin, who was a former KGB officer. The KGB specializes in propaganda. Napoleon used portraiture as a means of projecting his authority, power, and image of leadership to the public. He commissioned portraits from some of the most celebrated artists of his time, including Jacques-Louis David, Antoine-Jean Gros, and Jean-Auguste-Dominique Ingres, among others.

Napoleon sanget mangertos daya pangaribawa citra lan propaganda, mekaten ugi Putin, ingkang biyen dados perwira KGB. KGB mligi nggarap propaganda. Napoleon migunakaken potret minangka sarana kangge nyawisaken proyeksi wewenangipun, kakiyatanipun, lan citra kapamimpinanipun dhateng masarakat. Panjenenganipun maringi dhawuh damel potret dhateng sawatawis seniman ingkang paling kinurmatan ing jamanipun, kalebet Jacques-Louis David, Antoine-Jean Gros, lan Jean-Auguste-Dominique Ingres, saha sanes-sanesipun.

These portraits depicted Napoleon in various poses and settings, ranging from official state portraits to more informal scenes. They served not only as personal mementos for Napoleon himself but also as tools for spreading his image and influence both domestically and internationally. Putin has accomplished the identical work for himself, with a multitude of pictures of himself in settings that rival any of the modern influencers on the Internet.

Potret-potret iki nggambarake Napoleon ana ing manéka warna pasemon lan latar, wiwit saka potret resmi nagara nganti tekan adegan-adegan sing luwih ora resmi. Potret-potret iki ora mung dadi kenang-kenangan pribadi tumrap Napoleon dhéwé, nanging uga dadi piranti kanggo nyebarake citra lan pangaribawané, ing njero nagara uga ing tataran internasional. Putin wis nindakaké pakaryan kang padha pas kanggo dhèwèké, kanthi gambar-gambaré dhèwèké sing akèh banget ing manéka latar sing bisa saingan karo sapa waé para influencer modern ing Internet.

At the beginning of the French Revolution the king, his family and staff were overthrown and executed. At the beginning of the Russian Revolution the Czar, his family and staff were overthrown and executed. The revolution that began in France culminated in Russia. The French Revolution is the subject of the prophecy of chapter eleven of Revelation, and therefore the French Revolution is subject to the rules of prophetic interpretation. Jesus always illustrates the end of a thing with the beginning of a thing, so the Russian Revolution is the end of the French Revolution.

Ing wiwitaning Révolusi Prancis, ratu, kulawargané, lan para punggawané ditumbangaké lan dipatèni. Ing wiwitaning Révolusi Rusia, Sang Czar, kulawargané, lan para punggawané ditumbangaké lan dipatèni. Révolusi kang diwiwiti ing Prancis iku tumeka pucaké ing Rusia. Révolusi Prancis iku dadi pokoking ramalan ing Wahyu pasal sewelas, lan mulané Révolusi Prancis iku kudu katitèn manut paugeran-paugeraning tafsir ramalan. Gusti Yésus tansah nggambaraké pungkasané sawijiné prakara lumantar wiwitané prakara iku, mula Révolusi Rusia iku pungkasané Révolusi Prancis.

Vladimir Putin represents the last leader of a nation established in a revolution brought about with the atheism of Egypt. The first leader of Russia was Vladimir Lenin. The name “Vladimir” is of Slavic origin and is composed of two elements: “vlad” and “mir.” “Vlad” is derived from the Slavic root “vladeti,” which means “to rule” or to wield power. “Mir” means “world”. The first Vladimir (Lenin) typifies the last Vladimir (Putin), who is also typified by the first leader of the revolution of atheism (Napoleon).

Vladimir Putin nggambarake pamimpin pungkasan saka sawijining bangsa sing didegake ing satengahing revolusi kang kalakon kanthi ateisme Mesir. Pamimpin kapisan Rusia yaiku Vladimir Lenin. Jeneng “Vladimir” asale saka basa Slavik lan kabangun saka rong unsur: “vlad” lan “mir.” “Vlad” asalé saka akar tembung Slavik “vladeti,” kang tegesé “mrentah” utawa ngasta kakuwasan. “Mir” tegesé “donya”. Vladimir kang kapisan (Lenin) minangka pralambang tumrap Vladimir kang pungkasan (Putin), kang uga dipralambangi déning pamimpin kapisan revolusi ateisme (Napoleon).

After Napoleon’s defeat in the War of the Sixth Coalition and the Treaty of Fontainebleau in April 1814, he abdicated the throne of France and was exiled to the Mediterranean island of Elba. He was granted sovereignty over the island and allowed to retain the title of Emperor, albeit in a much-reduced capacity. Napoleon spent around ten months on Elba, during which he made plans to return to power in France. Following his escape from Elba and his brief return to power in France during the Hundred Days, Napoleon was decisively defeated at the Battle of Waterloo in June 1815. After this defeat the Allied powers, particularly Great Britain, were determined to prevent Napoleon from causing any further trouble. Consequently, he was exiled again, this time to the remote island of Saint Helena in the South Atlantic. Napoleon spent the remainder of his life in exile on Saint Helena until his death in 1821.

Sawisé kalahé Napoleon ing Perang Koalisi Kaping Nemṭu lan Prajanjian Fontainebleau ing April 1814, dhèwèké nyerahaké dhampar Prancis lan dibuwang menyang pulo Elba ing Segara Tengah. Dhèwèké diparingi kadhaulatan nguwasani pulo iku lan diidinaké tetep nyandang gelar Kaisar, sanadyan kanthi kakuwasan kang wis suda banget. Napoleon nglampahi watara sepuluh sasi ana ing Elba, sajrone wektu iku dhèwèké nyusun rancangan kanggo bali ngrebut kakuwasan ing Prancis. Sawisé uwal saka Elba lan bali sedhéla marang kakuwasan ing Prancis sajrone Satus Dina, Napoleon dikalahaké kanthi temenan ing Peperangan Waterloo ing Juni 1815. Sawisé kekalahan iki, kakuwasan Sekutu, mliginé Britania Raya, padha manteb tekadé kanggo nyegah Napoleon supaya ora nimbulaké reribed manèh. Mulané, dhèwèké dibuwang manèh, lan wektu iki menyang pulo Saint Helena kang adoh ing Atlantik Kidul. Napoleon nglampahi sésané uripé ing pambuwangan ing Saint Helena nganti séda ing taun 1821.

Putin is a representative of the old guard KGB. The KGB was the main security agency and intelligence agency of the Soviet Union from 1954 until its dissolution in 1991. It was responsible for internal security, counterintelligence, and intelligence gathering, both domestically and internationally. The KGB was known for its extensive network of spies, surveillance operations, and its role in maintaining the Communist regime’s control over the population. Vladimir Putin was a member of the KGB (Committee for State Security), the main security and intelligence agency of the Soviet Union.

Putin punika satunggaling wakil saking garda lawas KGB. KGB punika badan keamanan utama lan badan intelijen utama Uni Soviet wiwit taun 1954 dumugi bubaré ing taun 1991. Badan punika kagungan tanggel jawab tumrap keamanan internal, kontraintelijen, lan pangumpulan intelijen, ing salebeting nagari lan ugi ing tingkat internasional. KGB misuwur awit jaringan mata-matanipun ingkang wiyar, operasi pengawasan, lan peranipun ing njagi pangwasaning rézim Komunis dhateng populasi. Vladimir Putin punika anggota KGB (Committee for State Security), badan keamanan lan intelijen utama Uni Soviet.

Putin joined the KGB in 1975 after graduating from Leningrad State University. Putin worked for the KGB until the collapse of the Soviet Union in 1991, after which he entered politics and eventually became the President of Russia in 2000. His background in the KGB has had a significant influence on his approach to governance and foreign policy. Napoleon’s first exile on the Island of Elba, represents the history of 1991 until the year 2000, when the philosophy of the KGB returned. When Putin is eventually defeated, as represented in verses thirteen to fifteen, that second defeat (the first being 1989), is typified by Waterloo and Napoleon’s second exile, where he died.

Putin mlebet KGB ing taun 1975 sawisé lulus saka Universitas Negeri Leningrad. Putin nyambut damel kanggo KGB nganti rubuhipun Uni Soviet ing taun 1991, sawisé punika piyambakipun mlebet ing jagad pulitik lan ing wekasanipun dados Présidhèn Rusia ing taun 2000. Latar wingkingipun ing KGB sampun gadhah pangaribawa ingkang wigati tumrap pendekatanipun dhateng pamrentahan lan kawicaksanan manca nagari. Pangasingan kapisanipun Napoleon ing Pulo Elba makili sajarah wiwit taun 1991 ngantos taun 2000, nalika filsafat KGB wangsul malih. Nalika Putin ing wekasanipun kasor, kados ingkang dipratélakakên wonten ing ayat tigang welas ngantos gangsal welas, kasor kaping kalih punika (ingkang kapisan inggih punika taun 1989), dipuntipifikasi déning Waterloo lan pangasingan kaping kalihipun Napoleon, papan piyambakipun tilar donya.

Napoleon delivered the deadly wound to the papacy in 1798 and 1799. In 1799 the French Revolution ended in France, but by 1917 it had reached Russia in the Bolshevik Revolution. In 1917 the miracle of Fatima took place in Portugal, and the three children who supposedly communicated with Mary and Joseph were given three secret messages. The three messages were secret in the sense they were only to be read by the pope, the king of the north. The messages directed the pope to call a special meeting with the leaders of the Catholic Church and hold a special ceremony in order to dedicate Russia, which had just become communist Russia the year before, to the virgin Mary.

Napoléon maringi tatu pati marang kapausan ing taun 1798 lan 1799. Ing taun 1799 Révolusi Prancis rampung ing Prancis, nanging ing taun 1917 révolusi iku wis tekan Rusia ing Révolusi Bolshevik. Ing taun 1917 mujijat Fatima dumadi ing Portugal, lan telung bocah sing miturut panganggep sesambungan karo Maria lan Yusuf diparingi telung pesen rahasia. Telung pesen mau rahasia ing pangertèn yèn mung kena diwaca déning paus, raja lor. Pesen-pesen mau nuntun paus supaya nimbali pasamuwan mirunggan karo para pamimpin Gréja Katulik lan nganakaké upacara mirunggan kanggo nyucekaké Rusia, sing nembe dadi Rusia komunis ing taun sadurungé, marang Maria prawan.

The messages contained a warning that if the pope refused to follow through on the command to dedicate Russia to Mary, the world would suffer another world war (the first world war was to end the month after the miracle). The messages of Fatima became a structure for conservative Catholic prophetic interpretation. It identified a struggle within the Catholic church between conservative Catholicism, represented by pope John Paul II and the first Vatican council, and Liberal Catholicism represented by the current “woke-pope” and the second Vatican council.

Pesen-pesen mau ngemot pepeling bilih manawi paus nolak netepi dhawuh kanggo ngaturake Rusia marang Maria, jagad badhé nandhang perang donya sanès malih (perang donya kapisan badhé rampung ing sasi sawisé mukjijat punika). Pesen-pesen Fatima dados sawijining struktur tumrap penafsiran nubuat Katulik konservatif. Punika ngidentifikasi sawijining perjuwangan ing salebeting gréja Katulik antawisipun Katulik konservatif, ingkang dipunwakili déning paus Yohanes Paulus II lan Konsili Vatikan kapisan, lan Katulik Liberal ingkang dipunwakili déning “paus-woke” ingkang sapunika lan Konsili Vatikan kapindho.

In the messages of Fatima the “good pope”, was the “white pope”, and the “bad pope”, was the “black pope”. The good pope, Pope John Paul II, was the conservative pope who identified the Virgin of Fatima as his guiding idol, and the bad pope is the woke-pope, who also rejects any messages from the so-called virgin Mary. When you visit the shrine in Fatima, Portugal as you enter the premises the entrance is set between two giant statues of a black pope on one side and a white pope on the other side, thus representing the internal struggle identified in the Fatima prophecies.

Ing pesen-pesen Fatima, “paus sing becik” iku “paus putih”, lan “paus sing ala” iku “paus ireng”. Paus sing becik, Paus Yohanes Paulus II, yaiku paus konservatif sing ngenali Prawan Fatima minangka brahala pituduhé, lan paus sing ala iku paus woke, sing uga nampik pesen-pesen apa waé saka sing kasebut minangka prawan Maria. Nalika panjenengan ngunjungi pasareyan suci ing Fatima, Portugal, nalika mlebet ing papan iku, lawangé dipasang ana ing antarané rong patung raseksa: paus ireng ana ing sisih siji lan paus putih ana ing sisih liyané, mangkono iku makili perjuwangan batin sing diidentifikasi ing ramalan-ramalan Fatima.

The other element of the three secret messages of Fatima was its emphasis on the warfare of Catholicism (the king of the north), and atheism (the king of the south). Without recognizing that the warfare of Catholicism and atheistic Russia is a subject of the satanic prophecy, which directs a large percentage of Catholicism, it is difficult, if not impossible to understand the support which the Catholic church provided to Nazi Germany during World War Two.

Unsur liyane saka telu pesen rahasia Fatima iku penekanane marang peperangan antarané Katulikisme (raja lor) lan ateisme (raja kidul). Tanpa ngakoni yèn peperangan antarané Katulikisme lan Rusia sing ateistis iku minangka sawijining perkara ing wangsit satanis, kang ngarahaké sawatara gedhé saka Katulikisme, bakal angel, manawa ora mokal, kanggo mangertèni panyengkuyung kang diwènèhaké déning gréja Katulik marang Jerman Nazi sajroning Perang Donya II.

The Battle of Leningrad, which lasted from September 8, 1941 to January 27, 1944 during World War Two, was one of the longest and most brutal sieges in history. The Battle of Stalingrad, which occurred from August 23, 1942 to February 2, 1943, is often regarded as the bloodiest and most significant battle of World War Two. It resulted in immense casualties on both sides, with estimates of over 2 million total casualties, including deaths, wounded, and captured soldiers. The Battle of Stalingrad also marked a turning point in the war, as it resulted in a decisive Soviet victory over the German Army and led to the eventual defeat of Nazi Germany.

Peperangan Leningrad, kang lumaku wiwit tanggal 8 September 1941 nganti 27 Januari 1944 sajrone Perang Donya II, iku salah siji pengepungan kang paling suwé lan paling kejem ing sajarah. Peperangan Stalingrad, kang dumadi wiwit tanggal 23 Agustus 1942 nganti 2 Februari 1943, asring dianggep minangka peperangan kang paling getih lan paling wigati ing Perang Donya II. Peperangan iki njalari korban jiwa kang nggegirisi gedhéné ana ing loro-loroné pihak, kanthi prakiraan gunggung korban ngluwihi 2 yuta, kalebu wong mati, wong tatu, lan prajurit kang katawan. Peperangan Stalingrad uga dadi tandha titik balik ing perang iku, amarga ngasilaké kamenangan Soviet kang nemtokaké tumrap Tentara Jerman lan nuntun marang kakalahan pungkasané Jerman Nazi.

Without recognizing that Nazi Germany’s warfare against Russia, particularly in the two battles just cited, it is difficult to understand the role of Germany as the secret ally of the Catholic Church. Without the understanding of the premises of a spiritual war between Catholicism that was motivated by the satanic prophecy of Mary of Fatima, against the atheism of Russia, and thereafter the Communist Soviet Union, the logic for Catholicism secretly hiding and then transporting Nazi war criminals around the globe post-World War Two is missed. The Nazi’s were Catholicism’s proxy army in their struggle against Russia.

Tanpa ngakoni manawa perangé Jerman Nazi nglawan Rusia, mligi ing rong peperangan sing nembe kasebut mau, angel kanggo mangertèni perané Jerman minangka sekutu rahasia Gréja Katulik. Tanpa pangerten bab premis-premis sawijining perang rohani antarané Katulikisme, sing kapracaya dipajoni déning ramalan satanis saka Maria saka Fatima, nglawan atheisme Rusia, lan sawisé iku Uni Soviet Komunis, logika ngenani Katulikisme kanthi rahasia ndhelikaké banjur ngeteraké para penjahat perang Nazi ngubengi jagad sawisé Perang Donya II dadi ora ketara. Wong-wong Nazi iku dadi tentara wakilé Katulikisme ing perjuangané nglawan Rusia.

It is in this prophetic logic that Putin, the head of atheistic Russia, is involved in a war in the Ukraine, whose leaders are openly known to be Nazi’s. The ground troops of Fatima’s war against atheism from World War Two and onward is fascism, and Nazism. Of course, even though this reality of the leaders of the Ukrainian government is well-documented, the modern manifestation of Hitler’s Reich Ministry of Public Enlightenment and Propaganda (the mainstream media), has covered these facts as best they could.

Ana ing logika profetik iki Putin, kepala Rusia sing ateistis, melu sajroning perang ing Ukraina, kang para pimpinane kanthi terang-terangan dikenal minangka Nazi. Pasukan darat ing perangé Fatima nglawan ateisme wiwit saka Perang Donya II lan sabanjuré yaiku fasisme lan Nazisme. Mesthi waé, sanadyan kasunyatan bab para pimpinan pamaréntahan Ukraina iki kacathet kanthi becik, perwujudan modhèren saka Reich Ministry of Public Enlightenment and Propaganda duwèké Hitler (media arus utama), wis nutupi bukti-bukti iki sabisa-bisané.

The name “Ukraine” is derived from the Slavic word “ukraina,” which means “borderland” or “the edge.” The term historically referred to the border regions of the Kievan Rus’, the medieval state that preceded modern-day Ukraine, and is situated on the crossroads between Eastern Europe and Eurasia. Throughout history, it has served as a meeting point between various cultures, civilizations, and empires, including the Byzantine Empire, the Ottoman Empire, the Russian Empire, and others. Its strategic location made it a frontier region that experienced significant cultural, political, and military interactions. During the medieval period, Ukraine was the border region of the Kievan Rus’, which was a powerful state that encompassed parts of modern-day Ukraine, Russia, and Belarus. As the Kievan Rus’ expanded and contracted over time, its borders often shifted, and Ukraine remained on the periphery of the state.

Jeneng “Ukraine” asalé saka tembung Slavik “ukraina,” kang tegesé “tlatah tapel wates” utawa “pinggiran.” Sacara sajarah, istilah iki ngarujuk marang dhaérah-dhaérah tapel wates Kievan Rus’, nagara abad tengahan kang ndhisiki Ukraina jaman saiki, lan mapan ana ing persimpangan antarané Éropah Wétan lan Eurasia. Sadawaning sajarah, tlatah iki wis dadi papan patemoné manéka warna kabudayan, peradaban, lan kakaisaran, klebu Kakaisaran Bizantium, Kakaisaran Ottoman, Kakaisaran Rusia, lan liya-liyané. Panggonané kang strategis ndadèkaké Ukraina dadi wewengkon tapel wates kang ngalami sesambungan budaya, pulitik, lan militèr kang wigati. Sajeroning mangsa abad tengahan, Ukraina iku minangka wewengkon tapel wates Kievan Rus’, yaiku nagara kuwasa kang nyakup pérangan-pérangan saka Ukraina, Rusia, lan Belarus jaman saiki. Nalika Kievan Rus’ ngrembaka lan nyusut saka wektu ke wektu, tapel watese kerep owah, lan Ukraina tetep ana ing pinggiran nagara mau.

After the collapse of the Soviet Union in 1989, as represented in verse ten, verses eleven and twelve identify a battle where the king of the south retaliates and prevails over the king of the north. That battle was fought at Raphia, which was the borderline of the domains of the king of the south and the king of the north.

Sawisé ambruké Uni Soviet ing taun 1989, kaya sing kaélingaké ing ayat sepuluh, ayat sewelas lan rolas ngenali sawijining peperangan nalika ratu ing sisih kidul nindakake pambalesan lan menang nglawan ratu ing sisih lor. Peperangan iku kelakon ing Raphia, kang dadi tapel watesing wilayah panguwasané ratu ing sisih kidul lan ratu ing sisih lor.

The Battle of Raphia, which took place in 217 BC, comes from the name of the town near which the battle occurred. Raphia was a town located in the coastal region of ancient Palestine, near the border between the Ptolemaic Kingdom of Egypt and the Seleucid Empire. At the time of the battle the border between the Ptolemaic Kingdom of Egypt, ruled by King Ptolemy IV Philopator, and the Seleucid Empire, ruled by King Antiochus III, was located in the vicinity of Raphia. The battle was fought near this border region as both sides sought to assert control over strategic territories in the Levant.

Peperangan Raphia, kang dumadi ing taun 217 SM, asalé saka jeneng kutha ing sacedhaké papan perang iku kalakon. Raphia iku sawijining kutha kang dumunung ing dhaérah pasisir Palestina kuna, cedhak tapel wates antarané Karajan Ptolemaik Mesir lan Kakaisaran Seleukia. Nalika perang iku kelakon, tapel wates antarané Karajan Ptolemaik Mesir, kang dipréntah déning Raja Ptolemaios IV Philopator, lan Kakaisaran Seleukia, kang dipréntah déning Raja Antiokhus III, dumunung ing sacedhaké Raphia. Perang iku ditindakake ing sacedhaké dhaérah tapel wates iki, amarga loro-loroné pihak padha ngupaya netepaké panguwasané marang wilayah-wilayah strategis ing Levant.

The ancient town of Raphia, is located near the modern city of Rafah. Rafah is a city situated in the southern Gaza Strip, which is part of the Palestinian territories. After Ptolemy’s victory at Raphia in 217 BC, he initiated persecutions against the Jews in Jerusalem, and also in Egypt. The victory was short-lived and he met his Waterloo, so to speak, in the next three verses. In verse thirteen, the previously defeated king of the north returns and by verse fifteen he overwhelms the king of the south.

Kutha kuna Raphia dumunung cedhak kutha modhèren Rafah. Rafah iku sawijining kutha sing mapan ana ing sisih kidul Jalur Gaza, kang dadi bagéan saka wewengkon Palestina. Sawisé kamenangan Ptolemy ing Raphia ing taun 217 SM, dhèwèké miwiti panganiaya tumrap wong-wong Yahudi ing Yerusalem, uga ing Mesir. Kamenangan iku ora suwé umuré lan dhèwèké banjur nemoni “Waterloo”-né, upamané mangkono, ing telung ayat sabanjuré. Ing ayat telulas, raja sisih lor sing sadurungé wis dikalahaké bali manèh, lan ing ayat limalas dhèwèké ngremuk raja sisih kidul.

The victory of Putin in the Ukraine will be used by Putin, a former KGB officer who specialized in propaganda, to most likely expose the Nazi roots of the Ukrainian leadership, and also expose those in the Western World who supported the regime for economic greed, and no doubt also expose the hidden black-sites and bio-labs employed by the globalists, which have been funded by the taxpayers of the United States.

Kamenanganipun Putin ing Ukraina badhé dipunginakakén déning Putin, mantan perwira KGB ingkang mliginipun nggeluti propaganda, kanggé kanthi sanget kamungkinan mbabar oyod Nazi saking kapamimpinan Ukraina, lan ugi mbabar para ing Donya Kulon ingkang ndhukung rézim punika amargi srakah ékonomi, lan tanpa mangu ugi mbabar situs-situs ireng rahasia saha laboratorium bio ingkang dipunginakakén déning para globalis, ingkang sampun dipunbiayai déning para wajib pajeg Amerika Sarékat.

Those revelations will destroy the current talking points of the world globalists, and also of the Democratic talking heads in the United States. That victory for Putin will provide the mandate for the eighth President, that is of the seven, to take his role as the prophetic despot that arrives into history just before verse sixteen; and verse sixteen is the soon coming Sunday law.

Wahyu-wahyu mau bakal ngrusak pokok-pokok pamicara sing saiki diwartakake déning para globalis donya, lan uga déning para juru wicara Demokrat ing Amérika Sarékat. Kamenangan iku kanggo Putin bakal maringi mandat marang Présidhèn kaping wolu, yaiku kang asalé saka pitu, supaya njupuk kalungguhané minangka lalim profetik sing mlebu ing sajarah sakdurungé ayat nembelas; lan ayat nembelas iku hukum Minggu sing enggal bakal teka.

In verse thirteen, the king of the north regroups his army, and in verse fourteen, pagan Rome is introduced into history for the first time, though it is not yet the king of the north. It is there identified as the symbol which “establishes the vision”, and as the power who exalts himself and then falls. After the victory of Putin in the war in the Ukraine, the papacy will begin to lift itself up into world politics, just in advance of the Sunday law in verse sixteen.

Ing ayat telulas, raja saka lor nglumpukaké maneh bala tentarané, lan ing ayat patbelas, Roma kapir kapacak ing sajarah kanggo sapisanan, sanadyan durung dadi raja saka lor. Ing kono Roma kapir iku kawènèhaké pratandha minangka simbol sing “netepaké wahyu”, lan minangka kakuwatan kang ngluhuraké awaké dhéwé banjur tumiba. Sawisé kamenangan Putin ing perang ing Ukraina, kapausan bakal wiwit ngluhuraké awaké dhéwé menyang politik donya, pas sadurungé hukum Minggu ing ayat nembelas.

The French Revolution, and its connection with the Russian Revolution; Napoleon and Putin; the miracle of Fatima, and its three secrets; the secret alliance between the Vatican and Hitler, the secret alliance between the Vatican and Reagan, are all prophetic “wheels” that intersect in the history of verses eleven through fifteen, which occur during the history of September 11, 2001 until the Sunday law in the United States. It was important to provide a brief summary of these prophetic “wheels” before we take up verse ten.

Révolusi Prancis, lan gandhèng cenenge karo Révolusi Rusia; Napoleon lan Putin; mukjijat Fatima, lan telung rahasiané; aliansi rahasia antarané Vatikan lan Hitler, aliansi rahasia antarané Vatikan lan Reagan, kabèh iku minangka “roda-roda” kenabian sing silih patemon ing sajarah ayat sewelas nganti limalas, kang dumadi sajroning sajarah wiwit 11 September 2001 nganti hukum Minggu ing Amérika Sarékat. Wigati kanggo nyawisaké ringkesan cekak ngenani “roda-roda” kenabian iki sadurungé kita ngrembug ayat sepuluh.

The following article is taken from “NBC news,” which is as “Main Stream Media,” as it gets, and the “MSM” is the modern version of Hitler’s World War Two propaganda machine. The article is of course anti-Putin, anti-Russian, and pro-Ukraine, but that is not the point. As citizens of the heavenly kingdom, God’s people should not endorse either side of a satanic work, and all warfare is a satanic work.

Artikel ing ngisor iki dijupuk saka “NBC news,” sing kalebu “Main Stream Media” ing teges sing paling murni, lan “MSM” iku versi modhèren saka mesin propaganda Hitler nalika Perang Donya II. Mesthiné artikel iki anti-Putin, anti-Rusia, lan pro-Ukraina, nanging kuwi dudu pokok prekarané. Minangka warga Kratoning Swarga, umaté Allah ora kena ndhukung salah siji sisih saka pakaryan Iblis, lan sakabèhé peperangan iku pakaryan Iblis.

The purpose of this article is to allow those who are unfamiliar with the prophetic warfare between Catholicism (the king of the north) and atheism (the king of the south), and the fact that in the warfare of those two prophetic powers, Naziism has been employed as Catholicism’s proxy army (just as the United States was used in 1989). Students of prophecy need to have enough evidence to see that the background history of World War Two, and of the Cold War, are represented in the current war in Ukraine, as it fulfills verses eleven and twelve, of chapter eleven of Daniel.

Tujuan artikel iki yaiku supaya wong-wong sing durung kenal marang peperangan profetik antarane Katulik (raja sisih lor) lan atheisme (raja sisih kidul), lan marang kasunyatan manawa ing peperangan antarané loro kakuwatan profetik kasebut, Nazisme wis dienggo minangka bala pasukan wakil Katulik (kaya déné Amerika Serikat dienggo ing taun 1989), bisa mangertèni prakara iku. Para siswa ramalan profetik perlu nduwèni bukti sing cukup supaya bisa ndeleng manawa sajarah latar mburi Perang Donya Kapindho lan Perang Dingin iku kagambar ing perang saiki ing Ukraina, nalika perang kasebut nggenepi ayat sewelas lan rolas saka Daniel pasal sewelas.

“Historical events, showing the direct fulfillment of prophecy, were set before the people, and the prophecy was seen to be a figurative delineation of events leading down to the close of this earth’s history.” Selected Messages, book 2, 102.

“Kadadéan-kadadéan sajarah, kang nedahaké kawujudan langsung saka wangsit, kaatur ana ing sangarepé umat, lan wangsit mau kapirsanan minangka pepindhan figuratif tumrap rerangkening kadadéan kang nuntun tumeka ing panutuping sajarahing bumi iki.” Selected Messages, buku 2, 102.

NBC News Article: “Ukraine’s Nazi problem is real, even if Putin’s ‘denazification’ claim isn’t”

Artikel NBC News: “Masalah Nazi Ukraina iku nyata, sanajan pratelan ‘denazifikasi’-né Putin dudu mangkono”

Of the many distortions manufactured by Russian President Vladimir Putin to justify Russia’s assault on Ukraine, perhaps the most bizarre is his claim that the action was taken to “denazify” the country and its leadership. In making his case for entering his neighbor’s territory with armored tanks and fighter jets, Putin has stated that the move was undertaken “to protect people” who have been “subjected to bullying and genocide,” and that Russia “will strive for the demilitarization and denazification of Ukraine.”

Saka akèh pepilènengan sing direkayasa déning Présidhèn Rusia Vladimir Putin kanggo mbeneraké serangan Rusia marang Ukraina, mbokmenawa sing paling anèh yaiku pangakuané yèn tumindak mau ditindakaké kanggo “ngedenazifikasi” nagara iku lan kapemimpinané. Nalika ngaturaké alesané kanggo mlebu ing wewengkon nagara tanggané nganggo tank lapis baja lan pesawat tempur, Putin wis nyatakaké yèn langkah iku ditindakaké “kanggo nglindhungi wong-wong” sing wis “dadi sasaran pambullyan lan genosida,” lan yèn Rusia “bakal ngupaya demiliterisasi lan denazifikasi Ukraina.”

Putin’s destructive actions — among them the devastation of Jewish communities — make clear that he’s lying when he says his goal is to ensure anyone’s welfare.

Tumindak ngrusaké Putin — kalebu ngrusak komunitas-komunitas Yahudi — nduduhaké kanthi cetha yèn dhèwèké goroh nalika ngandhakaké yèn tujuwané yaiku njamin karaharjan sapa waé.

On its face, Putin’s smear is absurd, not least because Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelenskyy is Jewish and has said that members of his family were killed during World War II. There is also no evidence of recent mass killings or ethnic purges taking place in Ukraine. Moreover, labeling enemies Nazis is a common political ploy in Russia, especially from a leader who favors disinformation campaigns and wants to stir up feelings of national vengeance against a WWII foe to justify conquest.

Miturut katonane, fitnahé Putin iku cetha nggelakake, ora mung amarga Présidhèn Ukraina Volodymyr Zelenskyy iku wong Yahudi lan wis ngandharaké yèn sawatara anggota kulawargané tiwas sajroning Perang Donya II. Uga ora ana bukti bab pati massal utawa pembersihan ètnis sing kadadéan ing Ukraina ing jaman saiki. Saliyané iku, maringi cap mungsuh minangka Nazi iku sawijining akal-politik sing lumrah ing Rusia, mliginé saka sawijining pamimpin sing ngugemi kampanye disinformasi lan kepéngin ngobar raos pambalesing bangsa marang mungsuh ing Perang Donya II kanggo mbeneraké panaklukan.

But even though Putin is engaging in propaganda, it’s also true that Ukraine has a genuine Nazi problem — both past and present. Putin’s destructive actions — among them the devastation of Jewish communities — make clear that he’s lying when he says his goal is to ensure anyone’s welfare. But important as it is to defend the yellow-and-blue flag against the Kremlin’s brutal aggression, it would be a dangerous oversight to deny Ukraine’s antisemitic history and collaboration with Hitler’s Nazis, as well as the latter-day embrace of neo-Nazi factions in some quarters.

Nanging sanadyan Putin lagi nindakake propaganda, kasunyatané uga pancèn bener manawa Ukraina nduwèni masalah Nazi sing nyata — ing jaman biyèn uga ing jaman saiki. Tumindak Putin sing ngrusak — kalebu ing antarané karusakan marang komunitas-komunitas Yahudi — nduduhaké kanthi cetha manawa dhèwèké goroh nalika ngandika yèn ancasé yaiku njamin karaharjan sapa waé. Nanging, sanajan mbéla gendéra kuning-lan-biru saka agresi kasar Kremlin iku wigati banget, bakal dadi kaluputan sing mbebayani manawa sajarah antisemitisme Ukraina lan kolaborasiné karo Nazi-né Hitler dipungingkari, uga panariman ing mangsa pungkasan iki marang fraksi-fraksi neo-Nazi ing sawatara kalangan.

Why are fleeing Ukrainians being talked about with such sympathy? They are white.

Yagéné para wong Ukraina sing padha ngungsi dirembug kanthi rasa welas asih kang mangkono gedhéné? Awit padha wong kulit putih.

On the eve of World War II, Ukraine was home to one the largest Jewish communities in Europe, with estimates as high as 2.7 million, a remarkable number considering the territory’s long record of antisemitism and pogroms. By the end, more than half would perish. When German troops took control of Kyiv in 1941, they were welcomed by “Heil Hitler” banners. Soon after, nearly 34,000 Jews — along with Roma and other “undesirables” — were rounded up and marched to fields outside the city on the pretext of resettlement only to be massacred in what became known as the “Holocaust by bullets.”

Ing wengi sadurunge Perang Donya II, Ukraina dadi papan padunungan salah siji komunitas Yahudi paling gedhé ing Éropah, kanthi prakiraan cacahé nganti 2,7 yuta jiwa, sawijining angka sing nggumunakaké manawa dipirsani saka dawaing sajarah antisemitisme lan pogrom ing wewengkon iku. Ing pungkasané, luwih saka saparoné bakal nemoni pati. Nalika pasukan Jerman nguwasani Kyiv ing taun 1941, wong-wong mau ditampani kanthi spanduk “Heil Hitler.” Ora suwé sawisé iku, meh 34.000 wong Yahudi — bebarengan karo wong Roma lan “wong-wong sing ora dikarepaké” liyané — diklumpukaké lan digiring menyang ara-ara ing njaban kutha kanthi alesan pamukiman maneh, nanging banjur dipatèni ing pembantaian sing banjur kawentar kanthi sebutan “Holocaust by bullets.”

The Babyn Yar ravine continued to fill up as a mass grave for two years. With as many as 100,000 murdered there, it became one of the largest single killing sites of the Holocaust outside of Auschwitz and other death camps. Researchers have noted the key role locals played in fulfilling Nazi kill orders at the site.

Jurang Babyn Yar terus kaisi minangka kuburan massal sajrone rong taun. Kanthi nganti 100.000 wong dipatèni ana ing kono, papan iku dadi salah siji saka papan pembantaian tunggal paling gedhé sajrone Holocaust ing njaban Auschwitz lan kamp-kamp pati liyané. Para panaliti wis nyathet peran wigati sing dipundhut déning warga setempat ing nglaksanani prentah-prentah pembantaian Nazi ana ing papan iku.

Nowadays, Ukraine counts between 56,000 to 140,000 Jews, who enjoy freedoms and protections never imagined by their grandparents. That includes an updated law passed last month criminalizing antisemitic acts. Unfortunately, the law was intended to address a pronounced uptick in public displays of bigotry, including swastika-laden vandalism of synagogues and Jewish memorials, and eerie marches in Kyiv and other cities that celebrated the Waffen SS.

Saiki, ing Ukraina ana watara 56.000 nganti 140.000 wong Yahudi, sing ngrasakake kabébasan lan pangayoman sing ora tau kabayang déning para simbahé. Kuwi kalebu undhang-undhang sing wis dianyari lan disahaké wulan kepungkur, kang ndadèkaké tumindak antisemit dadi tindak pidana. Nanging sayangé, undhang-undhang iku dimaksudaké kanggo nanggapi mundhaké sing cetha ing tampilan kefanatikan lan sengit ing ngarepé umum, kalebu vandalisme marang sinagog lan pangéling-éling Yahudi sing kebak swastika, uga pawai-pawai sing nggegirisi ing Kyiv lan kutha-kutha liyané sing ngluhuraké Waffen SS.

In another ominous development, Ukraine has in recent years erected a glut of statues honoring Ukrainian nationalists whose legacies are tainted by their indisputable record as Nazi proxies. The Forward newspaper cataloged some of these deplorables, including Stepan Bandera, leader of the Organization of Ukrainian Nationalists (OUN), whose followers acted as local militia members for the SS and German army. “Ukraine has several dozen monuments and scores of street names glorifying this Nazi collaborator, enough to require two separate Wikipedia pages,” the Forward wrote.

Ing sawijining perkembangan ala liyané, Ukraina ing taun-taun pungkasan iki wis ngadegaké kaluwihan reca kanggo ngurmati para nasionalis Ukraina sing warisané kecemar déning cathetan sing ora bisa disangkal minangka proksi Nazi. Koran The Forward nyathet sawatara tokoh sing nistha iki, kalebu Stepan Bandera, pamimpin Organisasi Nasionalis Ukraina (OUN), sing para pandhèrèké tumindak minangka anggota milisi lokal kanggo SS lan tentara Jerman. “Ukraina nduwèni pirang-pirang lusin monumèn lan akèh banget jeneng dalan sing ngluhuraké kolaborator Nazi iki, nganti mbutuhaké loro kaca Wikipedia sing kapisah,” mangkono tulisé The Forward.

Another frequent honoree is Roman Shukhevych, revered as a Ukrainian freedom fighter but also the leader of a feared Nazi auxiliary police unit that the Forward notes was “responsible for butchering thousands of Jews and … Poles.” Statues have also been raised for Yaroslav Stetsko, a one-time chair of the OUN, who wrote “I insist on the extermination of the Jews in Ukraine.”

Sosok liya sing asring diajeni yaiku Roman Shukhevych, sing diajeni minangka pejuwang kamardikan Ukraina nanging uga minangka pimpinan sawijining unit pulisi pembantu Nazi sing diwedèni, kang miturut cathetan Forward “tanggung jawab tumrap pambantaian èwonan wong Yahudi lan … wong Polen.” Patung-patung uga wis diadegaké kanggo Yaroslav Stetsko, mantan ketua OUN, sing nate nulis, “Aku negesake pambinasan wong-wong Yahudi ing Ukraina.”

Far-right groups have also gained political currency in the past decade, none more chilling than Svoboda (formerly the Social National Party of Ukraine), whose leader claimed the country was controlled by a “Muscovite-Jewish mafia” and whose deputy used an antisemitic slur to describe Ukrainian-born Jewish actor Mila Kunis. Svoboda has sent several members to Ukraine’s Parliament, including one who called the Holocaust a “bright period” in human history, according to Foreign Policy.

Golongan tengen-ekstrem uga wis oleh pengaruh pulitik sajrone dasawarsa pungkasan, lan ora ana sing luwih nggegirisi tinimbang Svoboda (biyèn Partai Nasional Sosial Ukraina), sing pimpinane ngaku manawa nagara iku dikuwasani déning sawijining “mafia Muskovit-Yahudi” lan sing wakilé nggunakaké tembung panyenyamah antisemit kanggo njlèntrèhaké aktris Yahudi kelairan Ukraina, Mila Kunis. Svoboda wis ngirim sawetara anggotané menyang Parlemen Ukraina, klebu salah siji sing nyebut Holocaust minangka sawijining “wektu padhang” ing sajarah umat manungsa, miturut Foreign Policy.

Just as disturbing, neo-Nazis are part of some of Ukraine’s growing ranks of volunteer battalions. They are battle-hardened after waging some of the toughest street fighting against Moscow-backed separatists in eastern Ukraine following Putin’s Crimean invasion in 2014. One is the Azov Battalion, founded by an avowed white supremacist who claimed Ukraine’s national purpose was to rid the country of Jews and other inferior races. In 2018, the U.S. Congress stipulated that its aid to Ukraine couldn’t be used “to provide arms, training or other assistance to the Azov Battalion.” Even so, Azov is now an official member of the Ukraine National Guard.

Sing ora kalah nguwatiraké, para neo-Nazi dadi bagéan saka sawetara jajaran batalyon sukarelawan Ukraina sing saya ngrembaka. Wong-wong mau wis atos déning perang sawisé nglakoni sapérangan perang dalan sing paling sengit nglawan para separatis ing Ukraina sisih wétan sing didhukung déning Moskwa sawisé invasi Krimea déning Putin ing taun 2014. Salah sijiné yaiku Batalyon Azov, sing diadegaké déning sawijining panyengkuyung supremasi kulit putih sing kanthi terang-terangan ngaku yèn ancas nasional Ukraina yaiku mbébaské nagara iku saka wong Yahudi lan ras-ras liyané sing dianggep luwih asor. Ing taun 2018, Kongres A.S. netepaké yèn pitulungané marang Ukraina ora kena digunakaké “kanggo nyedhiyakké gaman, latihan, utawa pitulungan liyané marang Batalyon Azov.” Senadyan mangkono, Azov saiki dadi anggota resmi Garda Nasional Ukraina.

For sure, none of this disturbing context justifies the misery that has befallen Ukrainians over the past several weeks — and it’s unlikely that Putin was motivated by any of it when he launched his invasion. Indeed, thanks to Putin, Jews living in Odessa, Kharkiv and other eastern cities are under extreme duress. While many have taken refuge in local synagogues and Jewish centers, others have fled to foreign countries, including Israel, which has urged all Jews to leave Ukraine.

Mesthi waé, ora ana siji waé saka konteks kang ngganggu iki sing mbeneraké kasangsaran sing wis nimpa bangsa Ukraina sajroning sawetara minggu kepungkur iki — lan ora kamungkinan yèn Putin kagugah déning samubarang iki nalika dhèwèké miwiti invasiné. Satemené, amarga Putin, wong-wong Yahudi sing manggon ing Odessa, Kharkiv, lan kutha-kutha liyané ing sisih wétan lagi nandhang panindhesan kang banget abot. Nalika akèh sing ngupaya pangungsèn ing sinagoga-sinagoga lokal lan pusat-pusat Yahudi, liyané wis padha ngungsi menyang nagara-nagara manca, kalebu Israel, sing wis ngajak kabèh wong Yahudi supaya ninggal Ukraina.

My own grandparents themselves had to flee western Ukraine to escape persecution, and it is tragic to see this cycle continue. If the country devolves into chaos and insurgency, Jews could once again be at risk from some of their fellow citizens. Not acknowledging this threat means that little is being done to guard against it.

Simbah-simbah kula piyambak biyèn kedah mlayu saka Ukraina sisih kulon kanggo uwal saka panganiaya, lan pancèn tragis nyumurupi bilih siklus punika terus lumampah. Manawi nagari punika ambruk dados kekacauan lan pambrontakan, tiyang-tiyang Yahudi saged malih kapapar bebaya saking sapérangan sesami warganipun piyambak. Boten ngakoni ancaman punika ateges namung sethithik kemawon ingkang dipuntindakaken kanggo njagi supaya punika boten kalampahan.

But even if some elements of the country have been entangled with one of history’s most loathsome movements, standing with Ukraine is without doubt the honorable posture to take in this drama. Right now, every day that Putin ratchets up his assault against the Ukrainian people with scorched-earth zeal, it’s hard not to see who truly deserves the N-word.

Nanging sanadyan sawatara unsur ing nagara iku wis kepéntang-péntung karo salah siji gerakan kang paling njijiki ing sajarah, ngadeg bebarengan karo Ukraina tanpa mangu iku sawijining sikap kang mulya kanggo dijupuk ing drama iki. Saiki, saben dina nalika Putin saya ngencengi serangané marang rakyat Ukraina kanthi semangat bumi angus, angel banget ora nyumurupi sapa sejatiné kang pancèn pantes nampa sebutan kanthi huruf N iku.

Allen Ripp, March 5, 2022 – Source

Allen Ripp, 5 Maret 2022 – Sumber

We will continue this study in our next article.

Kita bakal nerusake panaliten iki ing artikel kita sabanjure.

“Those who cannot remember the past are condemned to repeat it.” George Santayana.

“Wong-wong kang ora bisa ngélingi jaman biyèn iku katamtokaké bakal mbalèni manèh.” George Santayana.

“All that God has in prophetic history specified to be fulfilled in the past has been, and all that is yet to come in its order will be. Daniel, God’s prophet, stands in his place. John stands in his place. In the Revelation the Lion of the tribe of Judah has opened to the students of prophecy the book of Daniel, and thus is Daniel standing in his place. He bears his testimony, that which the Lord revealed to him in vision of the great and solemn events which we must know as we stand on the very threshold of their fulfillment.

“Samubarang kang ing sajarah kenabian wis ditemtokake déning Allah supaya kalakon ing jaman biyèn, iku wis kalakon, lan samubarang kang isih bakal teka manut urut-urutane mesthi bakal kalakon. Dhanièl, nabi Allah, jumeneng ana ing panggonane. Yokanan jumeneng ana ing panggonane. Ing Kitab Wahyu, Singa saka taler Yehuda wis mbukak marang para mahasiswa kenabian kitab Dhanièl, lan kanthi mangkono Dhanièl jumeneng ana ing panggonane. Panjenengane maringake paseksene, yaiku apa kang Gusti wis nyatakaké marang dheweke ana ing wahyu bab prekara-prekara gedhé lan nggegirisi kang kudu kita mangertèni nalika kita ngadeg ing ambang banget saka kasampurnane.”

“In history and prophecy the Word of God portrays the long continued conflict between truth and error. That conflict is yet in progress. Those things which have been, will be repeated. Old controversies will be revived, and new theories will be continually arising. But God’s people, who in their belief and fulfillment of prophecy have acted a part in the proclamation of the first, second, and third angels’ messages, know where they stand. They have an experience that is more precious than fine gold. They are to stand firm as a rock, holding the beginning of their confidence steadfast unto the end.” Selected Messages, book 2, 109.

“Ing sajarah lan ramalan, Sabda Allah nggambarake pasulayan kang wis suwé lumaku antarane kayektèn lan kaluputan. Pasulayan iku isih lumaku nganti saiki. Prekara-prekara kang wis kelakon bakal kapingbalèn. Pasulayan-pasulayan lawas bakal diuripaké manèh, lan téyori-téyori anyar bakal terus muncul. Nanging umaté Allah, kang sajroning kapitadosané lan ing panggenan netepi ramalan wis njupuk pérangan ing nglairaké pawartosé malaékat kapisan, kapindho, lan katelu, padha sumurup ing ngendi panggonané. Wong-wong mau nduwèni pengalaman kang luwih aji tinimbang emas murni. Wong-wong mau kudu jejeg kukuh kaya watu karang, nyekel teguh wiwitan kapercayané tanpa goyah nganti tekan wekasan.” Selected Messages, buku 2, 109.