Verse forty of Daniel chapter eleven, represents one of the most profound verses of God’s Word. The prophetic histories that are represented therein are where the wheels within the wheels of Ezekiel’s vision are brought together. With the time of the end of the Millerite movement in 1798, and also the time of the end of the movement of the third angel in 1989, the internal and external histories of God’s people of the last days are portrayed. Within the verse is the announcement of the approaching judgment which arrived with the first angel in 1798, all the way until the Sunday law of verse forty-one. The verse therefore represents the investigative judgment of God’s church beginning with the dead, through to the sealing of the one hundred and forty-four thousand, and God spewing Laodicean Adventism out of His mouth.

Daniel 11. chapta 40. vas, God pa Wan bilong em i wanpela vas i gat bikpela tru mining. Ol profetik histri em dispela vas i makim, em hap we ol wil insait long ol wil bilong visen bilong Ezekiel i kam bung wantaim. Wantaim taim bilong pinis bilong muvmen bilong Miller long 1798, na tu taim bilong pinis bilong muvmen bilong namba tri ensel long 1989, ol insait na ausait histri bilong ol manmeri bilong God bilong ol las de i stap long dispela tok piksa. Insait long dispela vas i stap tok aut long kot i kam klostu, em kot i kam wantaim namba wan ensel long 1798, i go inap long Sunday law bilong vas 41. Olsem na dispela vas i makim investigative judgment bilong sios bilong God, i stat long ol dai pinis, i go inap long sealing bilong wan handret foti-fo tausen, na God i trautim Laodicean Adventism i lus long maus bilong Em.

The history where the papacy received its deadly wound in 1798, until the deadly wound is healed in verse forty-one is represented in the history of the verse. Verse forty-one onward is set within the context of the escalating executive judgments of God, which begin in that verse. In this prophetic sense, verse forty is the end of Daniel chapter eleven, and verses one and two, of the chapter are the beginning. Chapter eleven presents the rebellion of the antichrist, and chapter ten represents the beginning of the Hiddekel River vision, and chapter twelve represents the end. Chapters ten and twelve represent the first and the last, and chapter eleven is the rebellion in the middle.

1798 mwaka papa alipata jeraha lake la mauti, hadi jeraha hilo la mauti litakapoponywa katika aya ya arobaini na moja, huwakilishwa katika historia ya aya hiyo. Tangu aya ya arobaini na moja na kuendelea kumewekwa ndani ya muktadha wa hukumu za kiutendaji za Mungu zinazozidi kuongezeka, ambazo huanza katika aya hiyo. Katika maana hii ya kinabii, aya ya arobaini ndiyo mwisho wa Danieli sura ya kumi na moja, na aya za kwanza na za pili za sura ya kumi na mbili ndizo mwanzo. Sura ya kumi na moja huwasilisha uasi wa mpinga-Kristo, na sura ya kumi huwakilisha mwanzo wa maono ya Mto Hidekeli, na sura ya kumi na mbili huwakilisha mwisho. Sura ya kumi na sura ya kumi na mbili huwakilisha wa kwanza na wa mwisho, na sura ya kumi na moja ndiyo uasi ulioko katikati.

Chapters ten and twelve are the same, for, unlike chapter eleven, they represent Daniel’s experience in relation to the vision, and chapter eleven is the vision. Chapter ten is the first letter of the Hebrew alphabet, chapter eleven is the thirteenth rebellious letter of the Hebrew alphabet, and chapter twelve is the last letter of the alphabet. The Hiddekel River vision is the “Truth.”

ལེའུ་བཅུ་པ་དང་བཅུ་གཉིས་པ་གཉིས་ནི་གཅིག་པ་ཡིན། གང་ལགས་ཤེ་ན། ལེའུ་བཅུ་གཅིག་པ་དང་མི་འདྲ་བར། དེ་གཉིས་ཀྱིས་དཱ་ནི་ཡེལ་གྱི་མྱོང་བ་དེ་གཟིགས་སྣང་དང་འབྲེལ་བའི་ཐོག་ནས་མཚོན་པ་དང་། ལེའུ་བཅུ་གཅིག་པ་ནི་གཟིགས་སྣང་དེ་ཉིད་ཡིན། ལེའུ་བཅུ་པ་ནི་ཧེ་བྷིརུ་ཡིག་གི་གསལ་བྱེད་ཀྱི་དང་པོའི་ཡི་གེ་ཡིན་ལ། ལེའུ་བཅུ་གཅིག་པ་ནི་ཧེ་བྷིརུ་ཡིག་གི་ངོ་ལོག་པའི་ཡི་གེ་བཅུ་གསུམ་པ་ཡིན། ལེའུ་བཅུ་གཉིས་པ་ནི་གསལ་བྱེད་ཀྱི་མཐའ་མའི་ཡི་གེ་ཡིན། ཧིད་དེ་ཀེལ་གཙང་པོའི་གཟིགས་སྣང་ནི་“བདེན་པ་”ཡིན།

In chapter eleven, the beginning illustrates the end, for Christ never changes. The final history represented in verse forty, is the testing time of the image of the beast. That testing time concludes with the mark of the beast, which is represented in verse forty-one. Verses one and two, must therefore address the sealing time of the one hundred and forty-four thousand, for that period of time is also the period of the formation of the image of the beast.

Kikaro ky’ikumi na kimwe, entandikwa eraga iherezo, kuko Kristo adahinduka na rimwe. Amateka ya nyuma agaragajwe mu murongo wa mirongo ine ni igihe cy’igeragezwa cy’ishusho y’inyamaswa. Icyo gihe cy’igeragezwa kirangirana n’ikimenyetso cy’inyamaswa, kigaragajwe mu murongo wa mirongo ine na rimwe. Bityo rero, imirongo ya mbere n’uwa kabiri igomba kuvuga igihe cyo gushyirwaho ikimenyetso ku bihumbi ijana na mirongo ine na bine, kuko icyo gihe na cyo ari cyo gihe cyo kuremwa kw’ishusho y’inyamaswa.

“The Lord has shown me clearly that the image of the beast will be formed before probation closes; for it is to be the great test for the people of God, by which their eternal destiny will be decided. . ..

“Omukama yandaga bulungi ddala nti ekifaananyi ky’ensolo kijja kukolebwa nga ekiseera ky’okuganyizibwamu tekinnaggwaako; kubanga kye kigenda okuba okugezesebwa okw’amaanyi eri abantu ba Katonda, era olwo ekifo kyabwe eky’emirembe n’emirembe lwe kirisalibwawo....”

“This is the test that the people of God must have before they are sealed.” Manuscript Releases, volume 15, 15.

“Eci ni ikimanyetso abantu b’Imana bagomba kugira mbere y’uko bashyirwaho ikimenyetso.” Manuscript Releases, volume 15, 15.

There are always two waymarks that identify a time of the end. In the reform movement of Moses, it was Aaron’s birth followed three years later with Moses’ birth. In the reform movement to come out of Babylon and rebuild the temple it was king Darius, followed by king Cyrus. In the reform movement of Christ, it was the birth of John the Baptist, followed in six months by the birth of Christ. In the reform movement of the Millerites it was the death of the papal system in 1798, followed by the death of the pope in 1799. In the reform movement of the third angel, it was president Reagan and president Bush the first, who both represented 1989. In Daniel chapter ten, verse one, we find king Cyrus identified.

Kimanimi ci ibilimita bibili ebimenyesha igihe c’iherezo. Mu murimo wo kuvugurura wa Mose, cari ukuvuka kwa Aroni, hanyuma inyuma y’imyaka itatu hagakurikiraho ukuvuka kwa Mose. Mu murimo wo kuvugurura wo kuva i Babuloni no gusubira kwubaka urusengero, cari umwami Dariyo, agakurikirwa n’umwami Kuro. Mu murimo wo kuvugurura wa Kristo, cari ukuvuka kwa Yohani Umubatizi, hanyuma inyuma y’amezi atandatu hagakurikiraho ukuvuka kwa Kristo. Mu murimo wo kuvugurura w’Abamilerite, cari urupfu rw’ubutegetsi bwa gipapa mu 1798, rugakurikirwa n’urupfu rwa papa mu 1799. Mu murimo wo kuvugurura w’umumalayika agira gatatu, cari perezida Reagan na perezida Bush wa mbere, bompi bahagarariye 1989. Muri Daniyeli igice ca cumi, umurongo wa mbere, dusangamwo umwami Kuro avugwa.

In the third year of Cyrus king of Persia a thing was revealed unto Daniel, whose name was called Belteshazzar; and the thing was true, but the time appointed was long: and he understood the thing, and had understanding of the vision. Daniel 10:1.

Mu mwaka gwa gatatu gwa Koreshi, umwami w’i Peresiya, ikintu cahishuriwe Daniyeli, uwo izina ryiwe ryitwa Beluteshazari; kandi ico kintu cari ukuri, ariko igihe cashinzwe cari kirekire; na we ata ico kintu yaragisobanukiwe, kandi yari afise ugutahura kw’ivyo yeretswe. Daniyeli 10:1.

In the following verses of chapter ten, we see the experience of Daniel represented in advance of Gabriel delivering the vision of prophetic history in chapter eleven. Cyrus marks the time of the end, for previously Cyrus, Darius’ nephew, had been Darius’ general who slew Belshazzar, thus marking the end of the seventy years of captivity, which typified the twelve-hundred and sixty-year captivity of spiritual Israel in spiritual Babylon from 538 unto 1798.

Mavesi anji ma kapita ten, twamona vyakumile vya Daniel vyakulonjewa tangu kuluta kwa Gabriel kumupela mmonelo wa historia ya unabii mu kapita eleven. Cyrus aashiria kipindi kya mwisho, maana hapo mwanzo Cyrus, mzukulu wa upande wa dada wa Darius, aali jenerali wa Darius ye iwile Belshazzar, na kwa hiyo akaashiria mwisho wa miaka makumi saba ya utumwa, ambayo yaali mfano wa utumwa wa miaka elfu moja mia mbili sitini wa Israeli wa kiroho katika Babeli wa kiroho tangu 538 hata 1798.

“God’s church on earth was as verily in captivity during this long period of relentless persecution as were the children of Israel held captive in Babylon during the period of the exile.” Prophets and Kings, 714.

“Dibe ku li ser rûyê erdê, di vê heyama dirêj a çewisandina bêrawestan de, bi qasî ku rast bû ku zarokên Îsraîlê di dema sirgûnê de li Babilonê di dîltiyê de hatibûn girtin, ew qas jî bi rastî di dîltiyê de bû.” Prophets and Kings, 714.

The end of the twelve hundred and sixty years in 1798, marked the time of the end, so the end of the seventy years marked the “time of the end” for that history. Both Darius and Cyrus are represented at the death of Belshazzar and end of the kingdom of Babylon, for as Darius’s general who accomplished the work, Cyrus was representing Darius. When George Bush the first was inaugurated on January 20, 1989, Reagan had been president for the first nineteen days of 1989.

1798年における千二百六十年の終結は、終わりの時を画した。それゆえ、七十年の終結もまた、その歴史における「終わりの時」を画したのである。ダリヨスとクロスの双方は、ベルシャザルの死とバビロン王国の終焉において表されている。というのも、その業を成し遂げたダリヨスの将軍として、クロスはダリヨスを代表していたからである。父ジョージ・ブッシュが1989年1月20日に大統領就任したとき、レーガンは1989年の最初の十九日間、大統領であった。

The vision of the Hiddekel began at the time of the end, in the third year of Cyrus. When Gabriel begins to unfold to Daniel the prophetic history of chapter eleven, he first references the first year of Darius, to establish clearly that the vision of prophetic history that he was about to present to Daniel begins in the last time of the end, in 1989, for all the prophets speak more of the last days than the days in which they lived.

Umboni wa Hiddekel wakabandanya pa nthawi ya mapeto, mu chaka cha chitatu cha Kuro. Apo Gabriele wakwamba kuvumbulira Danieli mbiri ya unenesko ya mutu wa khumi na umoza, wakwamba wayowoya chakwamba vya chaka chakwamba cha Dariyo, kuti walongosore mwakupulikikwa makora kuti mboniwoni ya mbiri ya unenesko iyo wakaŵa pafupi kupereka kwa Danieli yikwambira mu nyengo yaumaliro ya mapeto, mu 1989, pakuti ŵaprofeti wose ŵakuyowoya chomene za mazuŵa ghaumaliro kuluska mazuŵa agho iwo ŵakakhalamo.

But I will show thee that which is noted in the scripture of truth: and there is none that holdeth with me in these things, but Michael your prince. Also I in the first year of Darius the Mede, even I, stood to confirm and to strengthen him. Daniel 10:21, 11:1.

Nanging Aku bakal nedahaké marang kowé apa kang katulis ana ing Kitab Kayekten; lan ora ana siji waé sing jejeg bebarengan karo Aku ing prakara-prakara iki, kajaba Mikhael, pangeranmu. Uga aku, ing taun kapisané Darius, wong Média iku, ya aku, ngadeg kanggo netegaké lan nguwataké dhèwèké. Daniel 10:21, 11:1.

In the first year of Darius, which represents the time of the end in 1989, Gabriel “stood”, thus identifying that at a “time of the end”, an angel arrives. In 1798 the first angel arrived, and in 1989, the third angel arrived. It wasn’t until the message of the third angel was empowered in 2001 that the sealing of the third angel began, but the movement of the third angel arriving in 1989, is represented by Gabriel standing at the time of the end. Gabriel is going to show Daniel “that which is noted in the scripture of truth,” and the vision of the Hiddekel possesses the signature of “Truth,” which Gabriel is about to set forth.

Dario-ren lehen urtean, zeinak 1989ko amaieraren denbora irudikatzen baitu, Gabrielek “zutik egon” zen; horrela adieraziz, “amaieraren denbora” batean, aingeru bat iristen dela. 1798an lehen aingerua iritsi zen, eta 1989an, hirugarren aingerua iritsi zen. Hirugarren aingeruaren zigilatzea ez zen hasi 2001ean hirugarren aingeruaren mezua indartu zen arte; baina 1989an hirugarren aingerua iristen den mugimendua, Gabrielek amaieraren denboran zutik egoteak irudikatzen du. Gabrielek Danieli erakutsiko dio “egiaren Eskrituran idatzia dagoena”, eta Hiddekelgo ikuspenak “Egiaren” sinadura dauka, Gabrielek orain azaldu behar duena.

In verse fourteen of chapter ten Gabriel had already informed Daniel that what he was addressing in the vision of the Hiddekel was “what would happen to God’s people in the last days.”

Yɛlɛ mɛɛna ka kɛrɛnkɛrɛnna kɛmɛ naani ni taani la, Gabriyɛli tun ka Danyɛli lafiya ko, ko a bɛna kuma min kan Hiddɛkɛli yeerelakɔrɔ la, o ye “fɛn minnu bɛ Seigi tɔgɔsira la Alla ka mɔgɔw la tile laban na.”

Now I am come to make thee understand what shall befall thy people in the latter days: for yet the vision is for many days. Daniel 10:14.

None nize kuzile ukakumvwisya cila cikaŵako ku ŵanthu ŵako mu mazuŵa ghaumaliro; pakuti cakuwona ici cikadali ca mazuŵa ghanandi. Daniel 10:14.

Verse two of Daniel chapter eleven represents the knowledge that was unsealed at the time of the end in 1989, and which identifies what “shall befall” God’s people “in the latter days”.

ئایەتی دووەمی بەشی یازدەی دانیال نوێنەرایەتی ئەو زانیارییە دەکات کە لە کاتی کۆتایی لە ساڵی 1989 کراوەوە، و ئەوە دیاری دەکات کە چی «بەسەردەهێنێت» سەر گەلی خودا «لە ڕۆژانی دوایی»دا.

And now will I show thee the truth. Behold, there shall stand up yet three kings in Persia; and the fourth shall be far richer than they all: and by his strength through his riches he shall stir up all against the realm of Grecia. Daniel 11:2.

Û niha ez ê rastiyê ji te re nîşan bidim. Va, hîn sê padîşah di Persyayê de dê rabin; û ya çarem dê ji hemû wan pir dewlemendtir be: û bi hêza xwe, bi riya dewlemendiya xwe, dê hemûyan li dijî padîşahiya Yewnanistanê bihejîne. Daniel 11:2

Cyrus prefigures the second king since 1989. He is the king of the Medo-Persian Empire, which represents the kingdom of Bible prophecy in the last days that is made up of two horns, represented by the Medes and the Persians. After the second king of the kingdom of the two-horned earth beast at the time of the end in 1989, there would yet be three kings (Clinton, Bush the last, Obama), and then there would be a king that was far richer than they all were. The three kings that followed Bush the first, got wealthy after their presidencies, and only because they had become president. Trump, the fourth that was far richer, and was the wealthiest president ever, did not make his money because he had been president, but primarily through his work in real estate investments, well before he ran for president.

Kûrus, ji 1989-an vir ve, pêşnîşanîya padîşahê duyem dike. Ew padîşahê Împaratoriya Med û Farsan e, ku nîşana wê padîşahiya pêxemberiya Kitêba Pîroz a di rojên dawî de ye, ya ku ji du qirnan pêk tê, ku bi Medan û Farsan têne temsîl kirin. Piştî padîşahê duyem ê padîşahiya heywana erdê ya du-qirnî di dema dawiyê de di 1989-an de, hîn sê padîşah hebûn (Clinton, Bushê dawî, Obama), û dûv re padîşahêk hebû ku ji hemû wan gelek dewlemendtir bû. Sê padîşahên ku piştî Bushê yekem hatin, piştî serokatiyên xwe dewlemend bûn, û tenê ji ber ku bûbûn serok. Trump, yê çarem, ku gelek dewlemendtir bû, û herî dewlemend ê serokan bû, pereyê xwe ne ji ber ku bûbû serok qezenc kir, lê bi sereke ji xebata xwe ya di veberhênanên milk û axê de, pir berî ku ji bo serokatiyê bibe namzed.

Formerly the richest president in American history, relatively speaking, was the first president of the United States. Prior to Donald Trump, George Washington was the richest president in American history, and he made his money as did Donald Trump, through real estate investments. Both Washington and Trump came to the presidency from non-traditional political backgrounds. Washington was primarily a military leader before becoming president, and Trump was a businessman and television personality, who like unto Washington was without any prior political experience.

Amerika ya Leta Zunze Ubumwe irekana ko, ku buryo bw’igereranyo, perezida wa mbere ari we wari umukire kurusha abandi bose mu mateka y’ubuperezida bw’Amerika. Mbere ya Donald Trump, George Washington ni we wari perezida wakize kurusha abandi mu mateka y’Amerika, kandi umutungo we yawubonye nk’uko na Donald Trump yawubonye, binyuze mu ishoramari ry’imitungo itimukanwa. Bombi, Washington na Trump, bageze ku buyobozi bwa perezida baturutse mu nzego za politiki zitari izisanzwe. Mbere yo kuba perezida, Washington yari cyane cyane umuyobozi wa gisirikare, naho Trump yari umucuruzi n’umuntu wamamaye kuri televiziyo, we kimwe na Washington akaba atari yarigeze agira uburambe ubwo ari bwo bwose muri politiki.

Both presidents were known for their strong personalities and leadership styles, although they manifested these traits quite differently. Washington was known for his stoic, calm, and confident leadership and unifying presence during the Revolutionary War and the early years of the Republic, while Trump is known for his assertive approach to leadership and governance. Both Washington and Trump were figures of significant controversy, albeit for very different reasons. Washington, while widely revered, faced criticism during his time for various issues, including his views on slavery. Trump’s presidency was marked by numerous controversies, including his use of “mean tweets” on social media, his America-first policy decisions, and his own self-awareness.

Beri her du serok ji bo kesayetên xwe yên bihêz û şêwazên serokatiyê yên xwe hatibûn nasîn, her çend wan ev taybetmendî bi awayekî gelek cuda nîşan didan. Washington bi serokatiya xwe ya stoîk, aram û bi bawer, û bi hebûna xwe ya yekîtî-bexş di dema Şerê Şoreşgerî û di salên destpêkê yên Komarê de hate nasîn, lê Trump bi nêzîkatiya xwe ya teqez ji bo serokatiyê û rêvebirinê tê nasîn. Hem Washington û hem jî Trump kesayetên nakokiya girîng bûn, her çend ji ber sedemên gelek cuda. Washington, her çend bi firehî dihate rêzgirtin, di dema xwe de ji bo gelek mijaran rexne li ser hat kirin, di nav wan de jî bo dîtinên wî yên li ser koletiyê. Serdema serokatiya Trump bi gelek nakokiyan hate nîşankirin, di nav wan de bikaranîna wî ya “tweet”ên tûj li ser medyaya civakî, biryarên siyaseta wî ya “America-first”, û haydariya wî ya li ser xwe.

The richest and sixth president was to stir up the globalist dragon powers. When we lay the history of verse two of chapter eleven, upon the history of the period of 1776, 1789, and 1798, we find further information addressing the last president of the earth beast, for Jesus illustrates the end with the beginning. The first two periods represented by 1776, and 1789, provide two witnesses that the final president, will be the eighth president, who was of the seven. Trump was the sixth president after Reagan, and as the eighth president, he will be “of the seven”. The final, and eighth president will rule when the United States forms the image “to and of” the beast.

Atwikalo wa bunonshi ne mulembi wa mutwe wa mutanda wa ba presidenti, wakafwile ukuselemya amaka ya shing’anga ya ba globalist. Ilyo twatula amateka ya vesi ya bubili iya chapitala ya ikumi na umo pa mateka ya nshita ya 1776, 1789, ne 1798, tusangapo amalyashi na yambi ayalanda pa presidenti wa kulekelesha wa chilombo cha pano nse, pantu Yesu alanga impela ku kutendeka. Inshita sha kutendeka shibili, ishaimininwa na 1776 ne 1789, shilapela bakamonyi babili abalangisha ukuti presidenti wa kulekelesha akaba presidenti wa munani, uwafuma muli balya musanvu. Trump ali wa mutanda pa ba presidenti panyuma ya Reagan, kabili nga presidenti wa munani, akaba “wa muli balya musanvu.” Presidenti wa kulekelesha, kabili wa munani, akateeka mu nshita iyo United States ikapanga icikope “ku kabili ka” chilombo.

The president who rules when the image of the beast is formed by the United States, must be the eighth, that is of the seven, as witnessed to by Peyton Randolph, and John Hancock. The papacy is the eighth head that was of the seven, and it received a prophetic deadly wound. To be an image of the papacy, the eighth president that is of the seven, must also have a prophetic identification of being prophetically “wounded” or “killed”.

Rais ambaye atatawala wakati sanamu ya mnyama itakapofanywa na Marekani lazima awe wa nane, yaani, atokane na wale saba, kama inavyoshuhudiwa na Peyton Randolph, na John Hancock. Upapa ndio kichwa cha nane kilichotokana na wale saba, nacho kilipata jeraha la mauti la kinabii. Ili kuwa sanamu ya upapa, rais wa nane atokanaye na wale saba lazima naye pia awe na utambulisho wa kinabii wa kuwa “amejeruhiwa” au “ameuawa” kwa namna ya kinabii.

The papacy received its deadly wound from a dragon power (France), a dragon power who the papacy had been struggling against since the time when Paul identified that, the mystery of iniquity (the man of sin), did already work at that time. The dragon of paganism was restraining the papacy from taking the throne, which it did in 538.

Upapa ulipokea jeraha lake la mauti kutoka kwa uwezo wa joka (Ufaransa), uwezo wa joka ambao upapa ulikuwa ukipambana nao tangu wakati ambapo Paulo alitambua kwamba siri ya uasi-sheria (mtu wa dhambi) ilikuwa tayari ikitenda kazi wakati huo. Joka la upagani lilikuwa likiuzuia upapa usikitwae kiti cha enzi, jambo ambalo liliufanya mwaka 538.

From the beginning of the papacy unto its final demise it struggles against dragon powers. An image of the papacy requires that the image struggles with a dragon power. In Revelation seventeen the papacy, who is the eighth head, that is of the seven heads, is ultimately burned with fire and her flesh is eaten by the ten kings. In both deaths (1798 and the last days), the papal beast is killed by a dragon power. In order for the United States to form an image of the beast, the eighth president would also need to be killed by a dragon power that it was at war with, and the sixth king after the time of the end in 1989, is the king that stirred up all the dragon powers.

Ku mwanzo wa upapa hadi maangamizi yake ya mwisho, upapa hupigana dhidi ya mamlaka za joka. Sanamu ya upapa yahitaji kwamba sanamu hiyo ipigane na mamlaka ya joka. Katika Ufunuo kumi na saba, upapa, ambaye ni kichwa cha nane, aliye wa vile vichwa saba, hatimaye huchomwa kwa moto, na nyama yake huliwa na wale wafalme kumi. Katika mauti zote mbili (1798 na siku za mwisho), mnyama wa kipapa huuawa na mamlaka ya joka. Ili Marekani ifanye sanamu ya mnyama, rais wa nane naye angelazimika kuuawa na mamlaka ya joka ambayo ilikuwa katika vita nayo, na mfalme wa sita baada ya wakati wa mwisho katika 1989 ndiye mfalme aliyeyaamsha mamlaka yote ya joka.

Ronald Reagan was an apostate Protestant, but George Bush the first, was a classic globalist. One of his famous quotes is where he lied by saying, on August 18, 1988, “And I’m the one who will not raise taxes. My opponent now says he’ll raise them as a last resort, or a third resort. But when a politician talks like that, you know that’s one resort he’ll be checking into. My opponent won’t rule out raising taxes. But I will. And the Congress will push me to raise taxes and I’ll say no. And they’ll push, and I’ll say no, and they’ll push again, and all I can say to them is: read my lips: no new taxes.”

Ronald Reagan akɨla aProtestanti akatengʉkʉ, ndɨ George Bush wa mbere aali mʉndʉ wa uandawazi wa dunia wakuaniinia. Mʉtwe wa ndeto syake syakuumanyika ni pala aathɨlie akasya, mʉthenya wa August 18, 1988, “Na ni niĩ ndingĩnina mboo. Mʉsindani wakwa nĩwiasya sasa atiinina syĩu ta mũtumĩo wa mũth mwisho, kana wa katatũ. No rĩrĩ mũpolitiki akwaria kwa njira ĩyo, nĩwĩĩ atĩ ũsu nĩ ũtumĩo ũmwe ũkaakũnyita. Mʉsindani wakwa ndakamĩa kwĩnina mboo. No niĩ ngakamĩa. Na Bunge nĩrikũndũkĩrĩria ngĩnina mboo na niĩ ngasye aa. Na makandũkĩrĩria, na ngasye aa, na makandũkĩrĩria ingĩ, na kĩu kĩothe ngĩmaasya nĩ gĩkĩ: somai mĩomo yakwa: gũtirĩ mboo njerũ.”

Other than that public lie, which is an attribute of a representative of the dragon power, his most famous quote was at a joint session of Congress on September 11, 1990, where he said, “Now, we can see a new world coming into view. A world in which there is the very real prospect of a new world order. In the words of Winston Churchill, a ‘world order’ in which ‘the principles of justice and fair play … protect the weak against the strong …’ A world where the United Nations, freed from cold war stalemate, is poised to fulfill the historic vision of its founders.” Bush the senior was a globalist, even if he identified as a Republican.

Kule na uongo huo wa hadharani, ambao ni sifa ya mwakilishi wa nguvu ya joka, nukuu yake iliyo maarufu zaidi ilikuwa katika kikao cha pamoja cha Bunge la Congress mnamo Septemba 11, 1990, ambako alisema, “Sasa, tunaweza kuona ulimwengu mpya ukija waziwazi mbele ya macho. Ulimwengu ambao ndani yake kuna matarajio halisi kabisa ya utaratibu mpya wa ulimwengu. Kwa maneno ya Winston Churchill, ‘utaratibu wa ulimwengu’ ambao ndani yake ‘kanuni za haki na mchezo wa haki … huwalinda wanyonge dhidi ya wenye nguvu …’ Ulimwengu ambamo Umoja wa Mataifa, ukiwa umewekwa huru kutoka mkwamo wa vita baridi, uko tayari kutimiza maono ya kihistoria ya waanzilishi wake.” Bush mkubwa alikuwa mfuasi wa utandawazi, hata kama alijitambulisha kama Mrepublikan.

Bill Clinton was the first president to hold his inauguration ceremony at the Lincoln Memorial, which means he turned his back to Lincoln and faced the obelisk of Washington’s monument, an obelisk that is internally filled with symbols of Freemasonry. Both the obelisk and the symbols of Freemasonry he chose to face as he falsely swore his allegiance to the Constitution, represented not only that he had turned his back upon the anti-slavery symbol of the Lincoln Memorial, but Clintons’ chosen historic positioning, agrees with his acceptance speech, where he praised a professor whom he had studied under in the Jesuit University that he had attended.

Bill Clinton alikuwa rais wa kwanza kufanya sherehe yake ya kuapishwa katika Kumbukumbu la Lincoln, jambo linalomaanisha kwamba alimpa Lincoln mgongo na akatazama obelisk ya mnara wa ukumbusho wa Washington, obelisk ambayo ndani yake imejaa alama za Uuashi wa Kisiri. Obelisk hiyo pamoja na alama za Uuashi wa Kisiri alizochagua kuzielekea alipokuwa akiapa kwa uongo utii wake kwa Katiba, havikuonyesha tu kwamba alikuwa ameupa mgongo ule mfano wa kupinga utumwa wa Kumbukumbu la Lincoln, bali pia msimamo wa kihistoria aliouchagua Clinton unaafikiana na hotuba yake ya kukubali, ambamo alimsifu profesa mmoja ambaye alikuwa amesoma chini yake katika Chuo Kikuu cha Kiyesuiti alichohudhuria.

That professor, Carroll Quigley, wrote the book: Tragedy and Hope: A History of the World in Our Time, which was published in 1966, and is correctly and widely understood to represent “the Bible for globalist ideas”. As the Koran is to Islam, and as Morals and Dogma of the Ancient and Accepted Scottish Rite of Freemasonry, written by Albert Pike, and published in 1871, is considered the most comprehensive exposition of the esoteric teachings of Freemasonry; or as The Book of Mormon is to the Latter Day Saints, Quigley’s book is the Bible of globalist philosophy. Most would have known if Clinton praised Mohammed of the Koran, or if he praised Joseph Smith of The Book of Mormon, and some would have known who Albert Pike was, but few knew that Clinton’s praise of Quigley was consistent with his own globalist agenda, and his rejection of the principles represented by Abraham Lincoln.

ئه‌و مامۆستایه، Carroll Quigley، ئەو کتێبەی نووسی: Tragedy and Hope: A History of the World in Our Time، کە لە ساڵی 1966 بڵاوکرایەوە، و بە دروستی و بە شێوەیەکی فراوان تێگەیشتووە وەک نوێنەرایەتی‌کردنی “ئینجیلی بیرۆکە جیهانییەکان”. وەک ئەوەی قورئان بۆ ئیسلامە، وەک ئەوەی Morals and Dogma of the Ancient and Accepted Scottish Rite of Freemasonry، کە لەلایەن Albert Pike نووسراوە و لە ساڵی 1871 بڵاوکرایەوە، بە وردترین ڕوونکردنەوەی فێرکارییە نهێنییەکانی فریماسۆنری دادەنرێت؛ یان وەک ئەوەی The Book of Mormon بۆ Latter Day Saints ـە، کتێبەکەی Quigley ئینجیلی فەلسەفەی جیهانگرایییە. زۆربەیان ئەوەیان دەزانی ئەگەر Clinton ستایشی Mohammed ـی قورئانی کردبایە، یان ئەگەر ستایشی Joseph Smith ـی The Book of Mormon ـی کردبایە، و هەندێکیان دەیانزانی Albert Pike کێ بوو، بەڵام کەم‌کەس دەیزانی کە ستایشی Clinton بۆ Quigley هاوتا بوو لەگەڵ بەرنامەی خۆیی جیهانگرایانە، و ڕەتکردنەوەی ئەو بنەمايانەی کە لەلایەن Abraham Lincoln ـەوە نوێنەرایەتی دەکران.

In the speech, Clinton said: “As a teenager, I heard John Kennedy’s summons to citizenship. And then, as a student at Georgetown, I heard that call clarified by a professor named Carroll Quigley, who said to us that America was the greatest nation in history because our people have always believed in two things: that tomorrow can be better than today and that every one of us has a personal moral responsibility to make it so.” Carroll Quigley’s idea on how to “make America great again”, was for the United States to surrender its national sovereignty to the United Nations. Clinton was a Democrat, globalist, representative of the dragon.

لەو وتارەدا، کڵینتۆن وتی: «لە تەمەنی هەرزەکاری‌مدا، بانگەوازەکەی جۆن کێنێدی بۆ هاووڵاتیبوونم بیست. پاشان، وەک خوێندکارێک لە جۆرجتاون، ئەو بانگەوازەم بیست کە مامۆستایەک بە ناوی کارۆڵ کوئیگلی ڕوونی کردەوە، کە پێی وتین ئەمریکا گەورەترین نەتەوەی مێژووە، چونکە گەلی ئێمە هەمیشە بە دوو شت باوەڕیان هەبووە: ئەوەی سبەی دەتوانێت لە ئەمڕۆ باشتر بێت، و ئەوەی هەر یەکێک لە ئێمە بەرپرسیاریەتییەکی کەسیی ئەخلاقی هەیە بۆ ئەوەی وا بکات.» بیری کارۆڵ کوئیگلی سەبارەت بە چۆنیەتی «دووبارە گەورەکردنەوەی ئەمریکا»، ئەوە بوو کە ویلایەتە یەکگرتووەکان دەوڵەتمەندیی نیشتمانیی خۆی بۆ نەتەوە یەکگرتووەکان واز بهێنێت. کڵینتۆن دیموکراتێک، گڵۆبالیستێک، نوێنەری ئەژدە بوو.

“Like father, like son”, George Bush the last, was a globalist, and just as was his father, a globalist who professed to be Republican. The apple does not fall far from the tree. The Bible raises the rhetorical question, “Can two walk together, except they be agreed?” One simply needs to track the many enterprises that Bush the last, accomplished together with Bill and Hillary Clinton to see who Bush the last agreed with.

“Si tata, si mwana,” George Bush wa ku shiyeka, uvwa muntu wa globalisme, kabidi bu mwine tata wakwe, muntu wa globalisme uvwa ulondakana ne kuyi wa Republican. Mupundu wa apulo kawena kuwela kule ne mutshi awo wafuma. Biblia ileta dipwilo dya mibele: “Bantu babidi badi bakwasha kutambakana pamo, pa kubula ne bàvumina anyi?” Muntu udi nebelemu wa kusaka bukese bwa byenzedi byavule biakafikishije Bush wa ku shiyeka pamo ne Bill ne Hillary Clinton, mpata wa kumona ba Bush wa ku shiyeka uvwile pamwe nabu.

Barack Hussein Obama made a statement about fundamentally transforming the United States during a campaign rally shortly before he was elected as President. On October 30, 2008, in Columbia, Missouri, Obama said: “We are five days away from fundamentally transforming the United States of America.” The statement was part of Obama’s broader message of “hope and change”, which was a central theme of his 2008 presidential campaign, emphasizing his commitment to significant policy reforms and a different direction for the country. The direction he turned the country was into the dragon policies of globalism, anti-white, pro-abortion, anti-carbon fuels, anti-America pro-globalism, Diversity, Equity, Inclusion, the false history of Critical Race Theory, and on and on. Obama was not simply a community organizer; he was and still is a representative of the dragon power’s globalist agenda.

Barack Hussein Obama alitoa kauli kuhusu kuibadili Marekani kimsingi wakati wa mkutano wa kampeni muda mfupi kabla hajachaguliwa kuwa Rais. Tarehe 30 Oktoba 2008, huko Columbia, Missouri, Obama alisema: “Tuko siku tano tu kutoka kuibadili Marekani ya Marekani kimsingi.” Kauli hiyo ilikuwa sehemu ya ujumbe mpana wa Obama wa “tumaini na mabadiliko”, ambao ulikuwa dhamira kuu ya kampeni yake ya urais ya mwaka 2008, ukisisitiza kujitolea kwake kwa mageuzi makubwa ya sera na mwelekeo tofauti kwa taifa. Mwelekeo alioligeuzia taifa ulikuwa katika sera za joka za utandawazi, kupinga wazungu, kuunga mkono utoaji mimba, kupinga nishati za kaboni, kupinga Amerika huku akiunga mkono utandawazi, Uanuwai, Usawa, Ujumuishaji, historia ya uongo ya Nadharia Muhimu ya Mbio, na mengineyo mengi. Obama hakuwa tu mratibu wa jamii; alikuwa, na bado ni, mwakilishi wa ajenda ya kiutandawazi ya mamlaka ya yule joka.

Trump however, unlike a typical modern politician, kept more promises than all the other seven presidents in the period beginning in 1989, combined. He was committed to making America great again, and in so attempting, he stirred up the globalist powers that be, not only in the United States, but in the entire world.

Hata hivyo, Trump, tofauti na mwanasiasa wa kisasa wa kawaida, alitimiza ahadi nyingi zaidi kuliko marais wengine saba wote katika kipindi kilichoanza mwaka 1989, kwa pamoja. Alijitoa kwa dhamira ya kuifanya Amerika kuwa kuu tena, na katika jitihada hizo, alizichochea nguvu za utandawazi zilizoko madarakani, si katika Marekani pekee, bali katika ulimwengu mzima.

Joe Biden has no evidence whatsoever that he is anything other than another globalist.

Joe Biden kaele na evidence nando ya kusonga koonisa ete yandi kele ata kima mosi ve ya kuluta globaliste yankaka.

The beast of Catholicism waged a long-drawn-out war with the dragon powers, and the president that is reigning when the United States forms an image of the papacy, will, of prophetic necessity, be in a struggle with the dragon powers. None of the living presidents, other than Donald Trump, would wage war with the dragon powers, for the Democrats are openly globalist (dragons), and George Bush the last, was, as his father was (a professed Republican, that is actually a globalist dragon), for Jesus always illustrates the last with the first.

ئاژەڵی کاتۆلیکی شەڕێکی درێژخایەن لەگەڵ هێزەکانی ئەژدیها کرد، و ئەو سەرۆکەی کە لەو کاتەدا حوکم دەکات کە ویلایەتە یەکگرتووەکانی ئەمەریکا وێنەیەکی پاپایەتی پێکدەهێنێت، بە پێویستیی پێشبینییەوە، دەبێت لە ململاێنێکدا لەگەڵ هێزەکانی ئەژدیها بێت. هیچ یەکێک لە سەرۆکە زیندووەکان، جگە لە دۆنالد ترەمپ، شەڕ لەگەڵ هێزەکانی ئەژدیها ناکەن، چونکە دیموکراتەکان بە ئاشکرا گلوباڵیستن (ئەژدیهاکان)، و جۆرج بوشی دواهەمیش، وەک باوکی بوو (کۆمارییەکی دانپێدانراو، کە لە ڕاستیدا ئەژدیهایەکی گلوباڵیستە)، چونکە عیسا هەمیشە دواهەم بە یەکەم وێنا دەکات.

We will continue this study in the next article.

Tokukoba o bukayabuya obusomeezi buno mu kyandiko ekiddako.

“A great crisis awaits the people of God. A crisis awaits the world. The most momentous struggle of all the ages is just before us. Events which for more than forty years we have upon the authority of the prophetic word declared to be impending are now taking place before our eyes. Already the question of an amendment to the Constitution restricting liberty of conscience has been urged upon the legislators of the nation. The question of enforcing Sunday observance has become one of national interest and importance. We well know what the result of this movement will be. But are we ready for the issue? Have we faithfully discharged the duty which God has committed to us of giving the people warning of the danger before them?

“Watu wa Mungu wanangojea msukosuko mkuu. Ulimwengu nao unangojea msukosuko. Mapambano yenye uzito mkuu kuliko yote ya vizazi vyote yako mbele yetu sasa hivi. Matukio ambayo kwa zaidi ya miaka arobaini, kwa mamlaka ya neno la unabii, tumetangaza kuwa yanakaribia kutokea, sasa yanatendeka mbele ya macho yetu. Tayari suala la marekebisho ya Katiba yanayozuia uhuru wa dhamiri limesisitizwa mbele ya watunga sheria wa taifa. Suala la kulazimisha ushikaji wa Jumapili limekuwa jambo la kitaifa lenye masilahi na umuhimu. Tunajua vema matokeo ya mwamko huu yatakavyokuwa. Lakini je, tumekuwa tayari kwa tukio hilo? Je, tumetekeleza kwa uaminifu wajibu ambao Mungu ametukabidhi wa kuwapa watu onyo juu ya hatari iliyo mbele yao?”

“There are many, even of those engaged in this movement for Sunday enforcement, who are blinded to the results which will follow this action. They do not see that they are striking directly against religious liberty. There are many who have never understood the claims of the Bible Sabbath and the false foundation upon which the Sunday institution rests. Any movement in favor of religious legislation is really an act of concession to the papacy, which for so many ages has steadily warred against liberty of conscience. Sunday observance owes its existence as a so-called Christian institution to ‘the mystery of iniquity;’ and its enforcement will be a virtual recognition of the principles which are the very cornerstone of Romanism. When our nation shall so abjure the principles of its government as to enact a Sunday law, Protestantism will in this act join hands with popery; it will be nothing else than giving life to the tyranny which has long been eagerly watching its opportunity to spring again into active despotism.

“Bali wengi, ndiko n’umwe mu bari mu mugambi wo gutegeka umunsi wa Ku wa Mbere, bahumishijwe amaso ku ngaruka zizakurikiraho icyo gikorwa. Ntibabona yuko barimo gukubita mu buryo butaziguye umudendezo w’idini. Hari benshi batigeze basobanukirwa n’ibyo Isabato ya Bibiliya isaba n’urufatiro rw’ibinyoma urwego rw’umunsi wa Ku wa Mbere rwubatsweho. Umugambi uwo ari wo wose ushyigikira amategeko y’idini, mu by’ukuri uba ari igikorwa cyo kwemera ubupapa, bwo mu bihe byinshi cyane bwahoraga burwanya ubutajegajega umudendezo w’umutimanama. Kubahiriza umunsi wa Ku wa Mbere kubaho kwabyo nk’urwego rwitwa urwa Gikristo bikomoka kuri ‘amayobera y’ubugome;’ kandi guhatirwa kwabyo kuzaba ari ukwemera mu buryo nyakuri amahame ari yo buhari bw’ifatizo rya Roma. Igihe igihugu cyacu kizihakana gityo amahame y’ubutegetsi bwacyo kugeza aho gishyiraho itegeko ry’umunsi wa Ku wa Mbere, Ubuporotesitanti muri icyo gikorwa buzafatanya amaboko n’ubupapa; nta kindi bizaba ari cyo uretse guha ubuzima ubunyagitugu bumaze igihe kirekire butegereje n’ishyaka ryinshi uburyo bwo kongera kwadukana ubutegetsi bw’igitugu bukora.”

“The National Reform movement, exercising the power of religious legislation, will, when fully developed, manifest the same intolerance and oppression that have prevailed in past ages. Human councils then assumed the prerogatives of Deity, crushing under their despotic power liberty of conscience; and imprisonment, exile, and death followed for those who opposed their dictates. If popery or its principles shall again be legislated into power, the fires of persecution will be rekindled against those who will not sacrifice conscience and the truth in deference to popular errors. This evil is on the point of realization.

“Bizûtina Reformê ya Neteweyî, ku hêza yasadana ayînî bikar tîne, dema ku bi tevahî pêş bikeve, wê heman bêberdanî û zordariyê nîşan bide ku di serdemên borî de serdest bûne. Di wê demê de meclîsên mirovî maf û erkiyên Xwedê bi dest xwe girtin, û bi hêza xwe ya despôtîk azadiya wijdanê perçiqandin; û zindan, sürgûn û mirin ji bo wan kesan hatin ku li hember fermanan wan rawestan. Heke papîstî an jî prensîbên wê dîsa bi qanûnê bihatana gihandin hêzê, agirên persekûsyônê dê dîsa li dijî wan kesan werin şewitandin ku naxwazin wijdan û rastiyê ji bo rêzgirtina ji şaşiya gel re qurban bikin. Ev xerabî li ser xala pêkhatinê ye.”

“When God has given us light showing the dangers before us, how can we stand clear in His sight if we neglect to put forth every effort in our power to bring it before the people? Can we be content to leave them to meet this momentous issue unwarned?” Testimonies, volume 5, 711, 712.

“Akudaat tangeita wa toni u ikona ũrĩa ũtũonania ngũri iria irĩ mbere yaitũ, no tũngĩikara atĩa twatheru maithoini make angĩkorwo tũreka kũheana wĩra wothe ũrĩa ũrĩ hinya-inĩ witũ nĩguo tũũrehe mbere ya andũ? No tũngĩkena kũmareka maingĩrĩre kĩeha gĩkĩ kĩrĩa gĩnene ta gĩkĩ mataratigirwo?” Testimonies, vol. 5, 711, 712.