As we begin to consider the typification of the time of the end in 1989, by the prophetic history of verse ten, it is necessary to drop back into the history of the third generation of both horns of the earth beast. In 1913, the earth beast’s horn of Republicanism began its generation of compromise with the globalist banking system, and in 1919, the horn of true Protestantism began its generation of compromise with the theologians of apostate Protestantism and also the American Medical Association as it surrendered the accreditation of its educational system to the world. Both horns began a compromised relationship with the world that would change the direction of their respective messages from that point onward.

Nalika urang mimiti mertimbangkeun tipifikasi waktu ahir dina taun 1989, ku sajarah nubuat dina ayat sapuluh, perlu urang mundur heula kana sajarah generasi katilu tina duanana tanduk sato galak bumi. Dina taun 1913, tanduk Républikanisme tina sato galak bumi mimiti generasi kompromina jeung sistem perbankan globalis, sarta dina taun 1919, tanduk Protestanisme sajati mimiti generasi kompromina jeung para teolog Protestanisme murtad sarta ogé jeung American Medical Association nalika éta nyerahkeun akreditasi sistem pendidikanna ka dunya. Duanana tanduk ngamimitian hiji hubungan anu dikompromikeun jeung dunya, anu ti titik éta saterusna bakal ngarobah arah amanat maranéhna masing-masing.

In that history the starting point for the king of the north, and the king of the south of the last days also reached a turning point. The Miracle of Fatima occurred on October 13, 1917, in Fatima, Portugal. It was the culmination of a series of Marian apparitions witnessed by three young shepherd children: Lucia dos Santos and her cousins Francisco and Jacinta Marto. According to the accounts provided by the children, the Virgin Mary, identified as Our Lady of Fatima, appeared to them on the 13th day of each month from May to October 1917.

Dina éta sajarah, titik awal pikeun raja ti kalér, jeung raja ti kidul dina poé-poé panungtungan, ogé ngahontal hiji titik balik. Mujijat Fatima kajadian dina tanggal 13 Oktober 1917, di Fatima, Portugal. Ieu téh puncak tina hiji runtuyan penampakan Maria anu kasaksian ku tilu budak angon ngora: Lucia dos Santos jeung dulur misan-misanna, Francisco jeung Jacinta Marto. Numutkeun kana katerangan anu dipasihkeun ku budak-budak éta, Parawan Maria, anu diidéntifikasi minangka Our Lady of Fatima, nembongan ka maranéhna dina tanggal 13 unggal bulan ti Méi nepi ka Oktober 1917.

During the final apparition on October 13, 1917, tens of thousands of people gathered at the Cova da Iria, near Fatima, expecting to witness a miracle as predicted by the children. According to the witnesses, the sun appeared to change colors, spin, and dance in the sky. This event came to be known as the Miracle of the Sun or the Miracle of Fatima.

Dina panampakan anu pamungkas dina tanggal 13 Oktober 1917, puluhan rébu jalma ngariung di Cova da Iria, deukeut Fatima, bari ngarep-ngarep nyaksian hiji mujijat sakumaha geus diramalkeun ku barudak éta. Numutkeun para saksi, panonpoé katingalina robah warna, muter, sarta nari di langit. Kajadian ieu tuluy dipikawanoh minangka Mujijat Panonpoé atawa Mujijat Fatima.

The Miracle of Fatima is a significant event in Catholic history and devotion, and it has been the subject of much study, debate, and religious interpretation over the years. The events at Fatima have had a lasting impact on popular piety, Marian devotion, and the interpretation of apocalyptic themes within the Catholic Church.

Mujijat Fatima mangrupa hiji kajadian anu penting dina sajarah jeung devosi Katolik, sarta salila mangtaun-taun geus jadi jejer loba panalungtikan, perdebatan, jeung tafsir kaagamaan. Kajadian-kajadian di Fatima geus méré pangaruh anu langgeng kana kasalehan umat, devosi ka Maria, jeung panafsiran tema-tema apokaliptik di jero Garéja Katolik.

The Bolshevik Revolution occurred in Russia on November 7, 1917, when Bolshevik forces, led by Vladimir Lenin and the Bolshevik Party, seized key government buildings and infrastructure in Petrograd (now Saint Petersburg). This event marked the culmination of the Russian Revolution of 1917, which had begun with the February Revolution earlier in the year that led to the abdication of Tsar Nicholas II and the establishment of a provisional government.

Révolusi Bolshevik kajadian di Rusia dina tanggal 7 Nopémber 1917, nalika pasukan Bolshevik, dipingpin ku Vladimir Lenin jeung Partéy Bolshevik, ngarebut gedong-gedong pamaréntahan anu utama sarta infrastruktur di Petrograd (ayeuna Saint Petersburg). Kajadian ieu nandaan puncakna Révolusi Rusia taun 1917, anu geus dimimitian ku Révolusi Pébruari dina awal taun éta, anu nyababkeun turun tahta-na Tsar Nicholas II jeung ngadegna hiji pamaréntahan samentara.

During the Revolution, the Bolsheviks successfully overthrew the provisional government and established Soviet control over Russia. The Bolsheviks proclaimed the establishment of a socialist state and began implementing their revolutionary program, including the nationalization of industry, land redistribution, and the withdrawal of Russia from World War I. The October Revolution ultimately led to the creation of the Soviet Union and had profound and far-reaching consequences for Russia and the world, shaping the course of 20th-century history.

Salila mangsa Révolusi, kaum Bolshevik hasil ngagulingkeun pamaréntahan samentara sarta ngadegkeun kakawasaan Soviét di Rusia. Kaum Bolshevik ngumumkeun ngadegna nagara sosialis sarta mimiti ngalaksanakeun program révolusionér maranéhna, kaasup nasionalisasi industri, redistribusi taneuh, jeung mundurna Rusia tina Perang Dunya I. Révolusi Oktober ahirna nyababkeun kabentukna Uni Soviét sarta mawa balukar anu jero tur lega jangkauan-na pikeun Rusia jeung dunya, ngabentuk jalanna sajarah abad ka-20.

Jesus illustrates the end with the beginning, and in order to fully see the king of the north and the king of the south of the last days, it is necessary to understand their beginnings. The literal kings of the south and the north that are identified in Daniel chapter eleven are defined as the power that rules the literal area of Egypt as the king of the south, and the power that rules the literal geographical area associated with Babylon as the king of the north.

Yesus ngagambarkeun ahir ku awalna, sarta supaya bisa ningali kalayan gembleng raja ti kalér jeung raja ti kidul dina poé-poé panungtungan, perlu ngartos asal-mimitina maranéhna. Raja-raja literal ti kidul jeung ti kalér anu diidéntifikasi dina Daniel pasal sabelas ditangtukeun minangka kakawasaan anu maréntah wewengkon literal Mesir minangka raja ti kidul, sarta kakawasaan anu maréntah wewengkon géografis literal anu pakait jeung Babul minangka raja ti kalér.

Literal prophecy transitioned to spiritual prophecy in the time of the cross, when ancient literal Israel was transitioning to modern spiritual Israel. Literal pagan Rome trampled down literal Jerusalem for three and a half literal years from 67 AD unto 70 AD, and spiritual papal Rome trampled down spiritual Jerusalem for three and a half spiritual years.

Nubuat literal robah jadi nubuat rohani dina mangsa salib, nalika Israil literal baheula keur robah jadi Israil rohani modéren. Roma kapir literal nincak-injak Yerusalem literal salila tilu satengah taun literal ti taun 67 M nepi ka taun 70 M, jeung Roma kapausan rohani nincak-injak Yerusalem rohani salila tilu satengah taun rohani.

Spiritual Babylon is identified in Revelation chapter seventeen, as the whore who commits fornication with the kings of the earth. Spiritual Egypt is identified in Revelation chapter eleven as atheistic France. The modern manifestations of the spiritual king of the north, that received its deadly wound at the time of the end in 1798 and then retaliated against the modern manifestation of the spiritual king of the south at the time of the end in 1989, are both represented in verse forty of Daniel eleven. Both powers have their origins in their last day manifestation in the 1917 to 1918 time frame, which is the same time frame as the generation of compromise for both horns of the earth beast. Those beginnings must be recognized to rightly apply the endings. The beginnings of the last day kings of the north and south both start at the French Revolution.

Babul rohani dicirikeun dina Wahyu pasal tujuh welas minangka awewe palacur anu ngalakukeun cabul jeung raja-raja di bumi. Mesir rohani dicirikeun dina Wahyu pasal sawelas minangka Perancis anu atheis. Wujud-wujud modéren tina raja rohani kalér, anu narima tatu maotna dina mangsa ahir taun 1798 tuluy males ka wujud modéren tina raja rohani kidul dina mangsa ahir taun 1989, duanana dilambangkeun dina ayat opat puluh Daniel sabelas. Duanana kakawasaan miboga asal-usulna dina wujud ahir jamanna dina kurun waktu 1917 nepi ka 1918, anu mangrupa kurun waktu anu sarua jeung generasi kompromi pikeun duanana tanduk sato galak bumi. Éta awal-awalna kudu dipikawanoh sangkan tungtung-tungtungna bisa diterapkeun kalayan leres. Mimiti raja-raja ahir jaman kalér jeung kidul duanana dimimitian dina Révolusi Perancis.

“In the sixteenth century the Reformation, presenting an open Bible to the people, had sought admission to all the countries of Europe. Some nations welcomed it with gladness, as a messenger of Heaven. In other lands the papacy succeeded to a great extent in preventing its entrance; and the light of Bible knowledge, with its elevating influences, was almost wholly excluded. In one country, though the light found entrance, it was not comprehended by the darkness. For centuries, truth and error struggled for the mastery. At last the evil triumphed, and the truth of Heaven was thrust out. ‘This is the condemnation, that light is come into the world, and men loved darkness rather than light.’ John 3:19. The nation was left to reap the results of the course which she had chosen. The restraint of God’s Spirit was removed from a people that had despised the gift of His grace. Evil was permitted to come to maturity. And all the world saw the fruit of willful rejection of the light.

Dina abad ka genep belas Reformasi, ku nyangking Kitab Suci anu kabuka ka rahayat, geus ngupayakeun asup ka sakumna nagara Éropa. Sababaraha bangsa narima éta kalayan kabungah, saperti utusan ti Sawarga. Di nagara-nagara séjén kapausan hasil, dina ukuran anu gedé, nyegah asupna éta; sarta cahaya pangaweruh Kitab Suci, kalayan pangaruhna anu ngangkat darajat, ampir sakabéhna dikaluarkeun. Di hiji nagara, sanajan cahaya meunang jalan asup, éta henteu kahartikeun ku gelap. Salila mangabad-abad, bebeneran jeung kasalahan silih tarung pikeun ngarebut kakawasaan. Tungtungna kajahatan meunang, sarta bebeneran ti Sawarga dipiceun ka luar. “Jeung ieu hukumanana, yén caang geus datang ka dunya, tapi manusa leuwih mikaasih poek tibatan caang.” Yohanes 3:19. Bangsa éta ditinggalkeun pikeun ngala hasil tina jalan anu geus dipilih ku dirina. Kakangan Roh Allah dicabut ti hiji umat anu geus nganggap hina kana kurnia rahmat-Na. Kajahatan diidinan nepi ka asak pinuh. Jeung sakumna dunya ningali buah tina panolakan anu dihaja kana cahaya.

“The war against the Bible, carried forward for so many centuries in France, culminated in the scenes of the Revolution. That terrible outbreaking was but the legitimate result of Rome’s suppression of the Scriptures. It presented the most striking illustration which the world has ever witnessed of the working out of the papal policy—an illustration of the results to which for more than a thousand years the teaching of the Roman Church had been tending.

“Perang ngalawan Alkitab, anu diteruskeun salila mangabad-abad di Perancis, ngahontal puncakna dina kajadian-kajadian Révolusi. Ledakan anu pikasieuneun éta ngan saukur mangrupa hasil anu sah tina panindesan Roma kana Kitab Suci. Ieu nembongkeun gambaran anu pangmatak narik, anu kantos disaksian ku dunya, ngeunaan kumaha kawijakan kapapaan dijalankeun—gambaran ngeunaan hasil-hasil anu, salila leuwih ti sarébu taun, geus dituju ku pangajaran Garéja Roma.”

“The suppression of the Scriptures during the period of papal supremacy was foretold by the prophets; and the Revelator points also to the terrible results that were to accrue especially to France from the domination of the ‘man of sin.’” The Great Controversy, 265, 266.

“Pangahambatna Kitab-kitab Suci salila mangsa kakawasaan paus geus diprediksikeun ku para nabi; jeung nu nampi wahyu ogé nunjuk kana balukar anu pikasieuneun anu bakal timbul hususna ka Perancis ku panguasaan ti ‘jalma dosa.’” The Great Controversy, 265, 266.

The French Revolution was produced by the suppression of the Scriptures “during the period of papal supremacy.” The birth of atheism, which was to become the archenemy of the papacy, was brought about by the papacy itself. The French Revolution took place from 1789 to 1799, but the atheistic revolutionary spirit that began in France continued to spread across Europe and beyond. One-hundred eighteen years after the end of the revolution in France, the Russian Revolution began in Russia. The revolution of atheism that began in France, ended in Russia, and in 1917 Russia became the prophetic representative of the nation symbolized by the atheism of Egypt. The dragon power represented as the king of the south had migrated from France to Russia.

Révolusi Perancis lahir ku panekanan kana Kitab Suci “salila mangsa kakawasaan kapapaan.” Lahirna ateisme, anu bakal jadi musuh pangutamana kapapaan, ditimbulkeun ku kapapaan sorangan. Révolusi Perancis lumangsung ti taun 1789 nepi ka 1799, tapi sumanget révolusionér anu ateistis, anu mimiti di Perancis, terus sumebar ka sakuliah Éropa jeung saluareunana. Saratus dalapan welas taun sanggeus ahirna révolusi di Perancis, Révolusi Rusia mimiti lumangsung di Rusia. Révolusi ateisme anu mimiti di Perancis réngsé di Rusia, sarta dina taun 1917 Rusia jadi wakil nubuat tina bangsa anu dilambangkeun ku ateisme Mesir. Kakawasaan naga anu digambarkeun minangka raja kidul geus pindah ti Perancis ka Rusia.

The revolution in France was represented politically and prophetically by Napoleon Bonaparte, and in that sense, Napoleon represents the first leader of a nation established in a revolution brought about by the atheism of Egypt. The narcissism of Napoleon is fitly repeated by the narcissism of Putin.

Revolusi di Perancis sacara pulitik jeung profétis dilambangkeun ku Napoleon Bonaparte, jeung dina harti éta, Napoleon ngawakilan pamingpin kahiji tina hiji bangsa anu diadegkeun dina hiji revolusi anu disababkeun ku ateisme Mesir. Narsisisme Napoleon pantes pisan diulang ku narsisisme Putin.

Napoleon was keenly aware of the power of imagery and propaganda, as is Putin, who was a former KGB officer. The KGB specializes in propaganda. Napoleon used portraiture as a means of projecting his authority, power, and image of leadership to the public. He commissioned portraits from some of the most celebrated artists of his time, including Jacques-Louis David, Antoine-Jean Gros, and Jean-Auguste-Dominique Ingres, among others.

Napoleon kacida ngartina kana kakuatan citra jeung propaganda, sakumaha ogé Putin, anu baheulana saurang perwira KGB. KGB memang ngahususkeun diri dina propaganda. Napoleon ngamangpaatkeun seni potret minangka sarana pikeun ngaproyeksikeun kawibawaanana, kakawasaanana, jeung citrana minangka pamingpin ka hareupeun balaréa. Anjeunna maréntahkeun dijieunna potret-potret ku sawatara seniman anu pangsohorna dina jamanna, di antarana Jacques-Louis David, Antoine-Jean Gros, jeung Jean-Auguste-Dominique Ingres, jeung nu lianna.

These portraits depicted Napoleon in various poses and settings, ranging from official state portraits to more informal scenes. They served not only as personal mementos for Napoleon himself but also as tools for spreading his image and influence both domestically and internationally. Putin has accomplished the identical work for himself, with a multitude of pictures of himself in settings that rival any of the modern influencers on the Internet.

Potrét-potrét ieu ngagambarkeun Napoleon dina rupa-rupa pasang aksi jeung kaayaan, ti mimiti potrét resmi nagara nepi ka adegan anu leuwih teu resmi. Ieu potrét henteu ngan ukur jadi pangéling-éling pribadi pikeun Napoleon sorangan, tapi ogé jadi sarana pikeun nyebarkeun citra jeung pangaruhna boh di jero nagri boh di tingkat internasional. Putin geus ngalaksanakeun pagawéan anu sarua pisan pikeun dirina sorangan, kalayan lobana gambar dirina dina rupa-rupa kaayaan anu bisa nandingan saha waé pangaruh modéren di Internét.

At the beginning of the French Revolution the king, his family and staff were overthrown and executed. At the beginning of the Russian Revolution the Czar, his family and staff were overthrown and executed. The revolution that began in France culminated in Russia. The French Revolution is the subject of the prophecy of chapter eleven of Revelation, and therefore the French Revolution is subject to the rules of prophetic interpretation. Jesus always illustrates the end of a thing with the beginning of a thing, so the Russian Revolution is the end of the French Revolution.

Dina awal Revolusi Perancis, raja, kulawargana, jeung para pangiringna digulingkeun sarta dihukum pati. Dina awal Revolusi Rusia, Czar, kulawargana, jeung para pangiringna digulingkeun sarta dihukum pati. Revolusi anu dimimitian di Perancis ngahontal puncakna di Rusia. Revolusi Perancis téh jadi jejer nubuat dina pasal sabelas Kitab Wahyu, ku kituna Revolusi Perancis tunduk kana aturan-aturan panapsiran nubuat. Isa salawasna ngagambarkeun ahir hiji perkara ku awal hiji perkara, jadi Revolusi Rusia téh ahir tina Revolusi Perancis.

Vladimir Putin represents the last leader of a nation established in a revolution brought about with the atheism of Egypt. The first leader of Russia was Vladimir Lenin. The name “Vladimir” is of Slavic origin and is composed of two elements: “vlad” and “mir.” “Vlad” is derived from the Slavic root “vladeti,” which means “to rule” or to wield power. “Mir” means “world”. The first Vladimir (Lenin) typifies the last Vladimir (Putin), who is also typified by the first leader of the revolution of atheism (Napoleon).

Vladimir Putin ngagambarkeun pamingpin panungtungan tina hiji bangsa anu diadegkeun dina hiji révolusi anu dibawa ku ateisme Mesir. Pamingpin kahiji Rusia nyaéta Vladimir Lenin. Ngaran “Vladimir” asalna tina basa Slavia sarta diwangun ku dua unsur: “vlad” jeung “mir.” “Vlad” diturunkeun tina akar basa Slavia “vladeti,” anu hartina “maréntah” atawa nyekel kakawasaan. “Mir” hartina “dunya”. Vladimir anu kahiji (Lenin) jadi tipé pamingpin pikeun Vladimir anu panungtungan (Putin), anu ogé ditipékeun ku pamingpin kahiji tina révolusi ateisme (Napoleon).

After Napoleon’s defeat in the War of the Sixth Coalition and the Treaty of Fontainebleau in April 1814, he abdicated the throne of France and was exiled to the Mediterranean island of Elba. He was granted sovereignty over the island and allowed to retain the title of Emperor, albeit in a much-reduced capacity. Napoleon spent around ten months on Elba, during which he made plans to return to power in France. Following his escape from Elba and his brief return to power in France during the Hundred Days, Napoleon was decisively defeated at the Battle of Waterloo in June 1815. After this defeat the Allied powers, particularly Great Britain, were determined to prevent Napoleon from causing any further trouble. Consequently, he was exiled again, this time to the remote island of Saint Helena in the South Atlantic. Napoleon spent the remainder of his life in exile on Saint Helena until his death in 1821.

Sanggeus kakalahan Napoleon dina Perang Koalisi Kagenep jeung Perjangjian Fontainebleau dina April 1814, anjeunna mundur tina tahta Perancis sarta dibuang ka pulo Elba di Laut Tengah. Anjeunna dipaparin kadaulatan atas éta pulo sarta diidinan tetep nyandang gelar Kaisar, sanajan dina kakawasaan anu geus jauh ngurangan. Napoleon nyéépkeun kurang leuwih sapuluh bulan di Elba, salila éta anjeunna nyusun rarancang pikeun mulang deui kana kakawasaan di Perancis. Sanggeus anjeunna hasil kabur ti Elba sarta sakeudeung mulang deui kana kakawasaan di Perancis salila Saratus Poé, Napoleon dikalahkeun sacara tuntas dina Patempuran Waterloo dina Juni 1815. Sanggeus kakalahan ieu, kakawasaan-kakawasaan Sekutu, hususna Britania Raya, geus pageuh tekadna pikeun nyegah Napoleon sangkan henteu nimbulkeun kaributan deui. Ku kituna, anjeunna dibuang deui, ayeuna mah ka pulo Saint Helena anu jauh di Atlantik Kidul. Napoleon ngaliwatan sesa hirupna dina pangasingan di Saint Helena nepi ka pupusna dina taun 1821.

Putin is a representative of the old guard KGB. The KGB was the main security agency and intelligence agency of the Soviet Union from 1954 until its dissolution in 1991. It was responsible for internal security, counterintelligence, and intelligence gathering, both domestically and internationally. The KGB was known for its extensive network of spies, surveillance operations, and its role in maintaining the Communist regime’s control over the population. Vladimir Putin was a member of the KGB (Committee for State Security), the main security and intelligence agency of the Soviet Union.

Putin mangrupakeun wawakil tina golongan heubeul KGB. KGB téh nya éta badan kaamanan utama jeung badan intelijen utama Uni Soviét ti taun 1954 nepi ka bubarna dina taun 1991. Eta nanggung jawab kana kaamanan internal, kontra-intelijen, jeung pangumpulan intelijen, boh di jero nagri boh di tingkat internasional. KGB dipikawanoh ku jaringan mata-mata anu lega, operasi panjagaan, jeung kalungguhanana dina ngajaga kadali rezim Komunis kana rahayat. Vladimir Putin kungsi jadi anggota KGB (Committee for State Security), badan kaamanan jeung intelijen utama Uni Soviét.

Putin joined the KGB in 1975 after graduating from Leningrad State University. Putin worked for the KGB until the collapse of the Soviet Union in 1991, after which he entered politics and eventually became the President of Russia in 2000. His background in the KGB has had a significant influence on his approach to governance and foreign policy. Napoleon’s first exile on the Island of Elba, represents the history of 1991 until the year 2000, when the philosophy of the KGB returned. When Putin is eventually defeated, as represented in verses thirteen to fifteen, that second defeat (the first being 1989), is typified by Waterloo and Napoleon’s second exile, where he died.

Putin ngagabung kana KGB dina taun 1975 sanggeus lulus ti Leningrad State University. Putin digawé pikeun KGB nepi ka ragragna Uni Soviét dina taun 1991, satuluyna anjeunna asup kana pulitik sarta ahirna jadi Présidén Rusia dina taun 2000. Latar tukangna dina KGB geus méré pangaruh anu penting kana cara anjeunna ngajalankeun pamaréntahan jeung kawijakan luar nagri. Pangasingan kahiji Napoleon di Pulo Elba ngagambarkeun sajarah ti taun 1991 nepi ka taun 2000, nalika filsafat KGB mulang deui. Nalika Putin ahirna dikalahkeun, sakumaha digambarkeun dina ayat tilu welas nepi ka lima welas, éléh anu kadua éta (anu kahiji nyaéta taun 1989), ditipologikeun ku Waterloo jeung pangasingan kadua Napoleon, tempat anjeunna maot.

Napoleon delivered the deadly wound to the papacy in 1798 and 1799. In 1799 the French Revolution ended in France, but by 1917 it had reached Russia in the Bolshevik Revolution. In 1917 the miracle of Fatima took place in Portugal, and the three children who supposedly communicated with Mary and Joseph were given three secret messages. The three messages were secret in the sense they were only to be read by the pope, the king of the north. The messages directed the pope to call a special meeting with the leaders of the Catholic Church and hold a special ceremony in order to dedicate Russia, which had just become communist Russia the year before, to the virgin Mary.

Napoleon masrahkeun tatu nu matak paéh ka kapapaan dina taun 1798 jeung 1799. Dina taun 1799 Revolusi Perancis réngsé di Perancis, tapi dina taun 1917 éta geus nepi ka Rusia dina Revolusi Bolshevik. Dina taun 1917 mujijat Fatima kajadian di Portugal, sarta tilu budak anu cenah kungsi komunikasi jeung Maryam jeung Yusuf dipaparinkeun tilu pesen rusiah. Tilu pesen éta disebut rusiah dina harti yén éta ngan ukur meunang dibaca ku paus, raja ti kalér. Pesen-pesen éta maréntahkeun sang paus supaya nyaur rapat husus jeung para pamingpin Garéja Katolik sarta ngayakeun upacara husus pikeun nyucikeun Rusia, anu kakara jadi Rusia komunis dina taun saméméhna, ka parawan Maryam.

The messages contained a warning that if the pope refused to follow through on the command to dedicate Russia to Mary, the world would suffer another world war (the first world war was to end the month after the miracle). The messages of Fatima became a structure for conservative Catholic prophetic interpretation. It identified a struggle within the Catholic church between conservative Catholicism, represented by pope John Paul II and the first Vatican council, and Liberal Catholicism represented by the current “woke-pope” and the second Vatican council.

Pesen-pesen éta ngandung hiji pangéling yén upama paus nampik ngalaksanakeun parentah pikeun ngadedikasikeun Rusia ka Maria, dunya bakal nandangan perang dunya deuih (perang dunya kahiji bakal réngsé dina bulan sanggeus mujijat éta). Pesen-pesen ti Fatima jadi hiji kerangka pikeun tafsir profétik Katolik konservatif. Éta nandaan ayana hiji pergulatan di jero garéja Katolik antara Katolik konservatif, anu diwakilan ku paus Yohanes Paulus II jeung Konsili Vatikan kahiji, jeung Katolik liberal anu diwakilan ku “paus woke” kiwari jeung Konsili Vatikan kadua.

In the messages of Fatima the “good pope”, was the “white pope”, and the “bad pope”, was the “black pope”. The good pope, Pope John Paul II, was the conservative pope who identified the Virgin of Fatima as his guiding idol, and the bad pope is the woke-pope, who also rejects any messages from the so-called virgin Mary. When you visit the shrine in Fatima, Portugal as you enter the premises the entrance is set between two giant statues of a black pope on one side and a white pope on the other side, thus representing the internal struggle identified in the Fatima prophecies.

Dina pesen-pesen Fatima, “paus nu hadé” téh nyaéta “paus bodas”, sedengkeun “paus nu goréng” téh nyaéta “paus hideung”. Paus nu hadé, Paus Yohanes Paulus II, nyaéta paus konservatif anu ngaidentipikasi Parawan Fatima minangka brahala pituduhna, sedengkeun paus nu goréng nyaéta paus woke, anu ogé nolak sagala pesen ti nu disebut parawan Maryam. Nalika anjeun ngadatangan tempat suci di Fatima, Portugal, basa asup ka wewengkonna, lawangna dipasang di antara dua arca raksasa: hiji arca paus hideung di hiji sisi jeung hiji arca paus bodas di sisi séjénna, ku kituna ngalambangkeun perjuangan batin anu diidéntifikasi dina nubuat-nubuat Fatima.

The other element of the three secret messages of Fatima was its emphasis on the warfare of Catholicism (the king of the north), and atheism (the king of the south). Without recognizing that the warfare of Catholicism and atheistic Russia is a subject of the satanic prophecy, which directs a large percentage of Catholicism, it is difficult, if not impossible to understand the support which the Catholic church provided to Nazi Germany during World War Two.

Unsur séjén tina tilu pesen rusiah Fatima nyaéta tekenanana kana peperangan antara Katolikisme (raja kalér) jeung ateisme (raja kidul). Tanpa ngakuan yén peperangan antara Katolikisme jeung Rusia nu ateis téh mangrupa poko tina nubuat satanis, anu ngadalikeun perséntase anu gedé tina Katolikisme, hésé, malah bisa disebut mustahil, pikeun ngartos pangrojong anu dipasihkeun ku garéja Katolik ka Jérman Nazi salila Perang Dunya Kadua.

The Battle of Leningrad, which lasted from September 8, 1941 to January 27, 1944 during World War Two, was one of the longest and most brutal sieges in history. The Battle of Stalingrad, which occurred from August 23, 1942 to February 2, 1943, is often regarded as the bloodiest and most significant battle of World War Two. It resulted in immense casualties on both sides, with estimates of over 2 million total casualties, including deaths, wounded, and captured soldiers. The Battle of Stalingrad also marked a turning point in the war, as it resulted in a decisive Soviet victory over the German Army and led to the eventual defeat of Nazi Germany.

Patempuran Leningrad, anu lumangsung ti 8 Séptémber 1941 nepi ka 27 Januari 1944 salila Perang Dunya Kadua, mangrupa salah sahiji pengepungan pangpanjangna jeung pangkejemna dina sajarah. Patempuran Stalingrad, anu lumangsung ti 23 Agustus 1942 nepi ka 2 Pébruari 1943, mindeng dianggap minangka patempuran anu panggetihna jeung pangpentingna dina Perang Dunya Kadua. Patempuran éta nyababkeun korban anu kacida lobana di dua pihak, kalayan perkiraan jumlah korban sakabéhna leuwih ti 2 juta, kaasup anu maot, tatu, jeung prajurit anu katangkep. Patempuran Stalingrad ogé nandaan hiji titik balik dina éta perang, sabab éta ngahasilkeun kameunangan mutlak Soviét ngalawan Tentara Jérman sarta nyababkeun ahirna éléhna Jérman Nazi.

Without recognizing that Nazi Germany’s warfare against Russia, particularly in the two battles just cited, it is difficult to understand the role of Germany as the secret ally of the Catholic Church. Without the understanding of the premises of a spiritual war between Catholicism that was motivated by the satanic prophecy of Mary of Fatima, against the atheism of Russia, and thereafter the Communist Soviet Union, the logic for Catholicism secretly hiding and then transporting Nazi war criminals around the globe post-World War Two is missed. The Nazi’s were Catholicism’s proxy army in their struggle against Russia.

Tanpa ngakuan yen perang Jérman Nazi ngalawan Rusia, hususna dina dua patempuran anu kakara dicutat, hese pikeun ngartos kalungguhan Jérman minangka sekutu rusiah Garéja Katolik. Lamun henteu ngartos kana premis-premis hiji perang rohani antara Katolikisme—anu didorong ku nubuat satanis Maryam ti Fatima—ngalawan ateisme Rusia, sarta saterusna Uni Soviét Komunis, mangka logika kunaon Katolikisme sacara rusiah nyumputkeun tuluy mindahkeun para penjahat perang Nazi ka sakuliah dunya sanggeus Perang Dunya Kadua moal katarima. Kaum Nazi téh mangrupa tentara proksi Katolikisme dina perjuangan maranéhna ngalawan Rusia.

It is in this prophetic logic that Putin, the head of atheistic Russia, is involved in a war in the Ukraine, whose leaders are openly known to be Nazi’s. The ground troops of Fatima’s war against atheism from World War Two and onward is fascism, and Nazism. Of course, even though this reality of the leaders of the Ukrainian government is well-documented, the modern manifestation of Hitler’s Reich Ministry of Public Enlightenment and Propaganda (the mainstream media), has covered these facts as best they could.

Dina logika nubuat ieu Putin, pamingpin Rusia anu ateistis, keur kalibet dina hiji perang di Ukraina, anu para pamingpinna dipikawanoh sacara kabuka minangka Nazi. Pasukan darat tina perang Fatima ngalawan ateisme ti saprak Perang Dunya Kadua jeung satuluyna nyaéta fasisme jeung Nazisme. Tangtu waé, sanajan kanyataan ngeunaan para pamingpin pamaréntahan Ukraina ieu kacatet kalayan hadé, perwujudan modéren tina Reich Ministry of Public Enlightenment and Propaganda milik Hitler (média arus utama), geus nutupan fakta-fakta ieu sajauh kamampuh maranéhna.

The name “Ukraine” is derived from the Slavic word “ukraina,” which means “borderland” or “the edge.” The term historically referred to the border regions of the Kievan Rus’, the medieval state that preceded modern-day Ukraine, and is situated on the crossroads between Eastern Europe and Eurasia. Throughout history, it has served as a meeting point between various cultures, civilizations, and empires, including the Byzantine Empire, the Ottoman Empire, the Russian Empire, and others. Its strategic location made it a frontier region that experienced significant cultural, political, and military interactions. During the medieval period, Ukraine was the border region of the Kievan Rus’, which was a powerful state that encompassed parts of modern-day Ukraine, Russia, and Belarus. As the Kievan Rus’ expanded and contracted over time, its borders often shifted, and Ukraine remained on the periphery of the state.

Ngaran “Ukraine” asalna tina kecap Slavia “ukraina,” anu hartina “tanah wates” atawa “pinggiran.” Istilah éta sacara sajarah ngarujuk kana wewengkon-wewengkon wates Kievan Rus’, nagara abad pertengahan anu miheulaan Ukraina kiwari, sarta perenahna aya dina simpang jalan antara Éropa Wétan jeung Eurasia. Sapanjang sajarah, éta geus ngaladénan minangka titik patepungan antara rupa-rupa kabudayaan, peradaban, jeung kakaisaran, kaasup Kakaisaran Bizantium, Kakaisaran Ottoman, Kakaisaran Rusia, jeung nu séjénna. Lokasina anu strategis ngajadikeun éta hiji wewengkon tapel wates anu ngalaman interaksi budaya, pulitik, jeung militér anu penting. Dina mangsa abad pertengahan, Ukraina mangrupa wewengkon wates Kievan Rus’, anu mangrupa nagara kuat anu ngawengku sabagian tina Ukraina, Rusia, jeung Bélarus kiwari. Nalika Kievan Rus’ ngalegaan jeung nyirorot sapanjang waktu, wates-watesna remen robah, sarta Ukraina tetep aya di pinggiran nagara éta.

After the collapse of the Soviet Union in 1989, as represented in verse ten, verses eleven and twelve identify a battle where the king of the south retaliates and prevails over the king of the north. That battle was fought at Raphia, which was the borderline of the domains of the king of the south and the king of the north.

Sanggeus runtuhna Uni Soviét dina taun 1989, sakumaha dilambangkeun dina ayat sapuluh, ayat sabelas jeung dua belas nandakeun hiji peperangan nalika raja kidul ngabales sarta ngéléhkeun raja kalér. Peperangan éta lumangsung di Raphia, anu mangrupa wates daérah kakawasaan raja kidul jeung raja kalér.

The Battle of Raphia, which took place in 217 BC, comes from the name of the town near which the battle occurred. Raphia was a town located in the coastal region of ancient Palestine, near the border between the Ptolemaic Kingdom of Egypt and the Seleucid Empire. At the time of the battle the border between the Ptolemaic Kingdom of Egypt, ruled by King Ptolemy IV Philopator, and the Seleucid Empire, ruled by King Antiochus III, was located in the vicinity of Raphia. The battle was fought near this border region as both sides sought to assert control over strategic territories in the Levant.

Perang Raphia, anu lumangsung dina taun 217 SM, asalna tina ngaran kota nu deukeut ka tempat kajadianana éta perang. Raphia téh hiji kota nu perenahna di wewengkon basisir Paléstina kuna, deukeut kana tapel wates antara Karajaan Ptolemaik Mesir jeung Kakaisaran Seleukid. Dina mangsa éta perang lumangsung, tapel wates antara Karajaan Ptolemaik Mesir, nu diparéntah ku Raja Ptolemaios IV Philopator, jeung Kakaisaran Seleukid, nu diparéntah ku Raja Antiokhos III, perenahna di sabudeureun Raphia. Perang éta lumangsung deukeut wewengkon tapel wates ieu, sabab dua pihak sarua narékahan pikeun netepkeun pangawasaan kana wewengkon-wewengkon strategis di Levant.

The ancient town of Raphia, is located near the modern city of Rafah. Rafah is a city situated in the southern Gaza Strip, which is part of the Palestinian territories. After Ptolemy’s victory at Raphia in 217 BC, he initiated persecutions against the Jews in Jerusalem, and also in Egypt. The victory was short-lived and he met his Waterloo, so to speak, in the next three verses. In verse thirteen, the previously defeated king of the north returns and by verse fifteen he overwhelms the king of the south.

Kota kuna baheula, nyaéta Raphia, ayana deukeut kota modéren Rafah. Rafah téh hiji kota anu perenahna di beulah kidul Jalur Gaza, anu kaasup kana wewengkon Paléstina. Sanggeus kameunangan Ptolemaios di Raphia dina taun 217 SM, anjeunna ngamimitian panganiayaan ka urang Yahudi di Yerusalem, kitu deui di Mesir. Kameunangan éta teu lila lilana, sarta anjeunna ngalaman Waterloo-na, upama kitu cenah, dina tilu ayat salajengna. Dina ayat tilu welas, raja kalér anu saméméhna kungsi éléh téh mulang deui, sarta nepi ka ayat lima welas anjeunna ngelehkeun raja kidul.

The victory of Putin in the Ukraine will be used by Putin, a former KGB officer who specialized in propaganda, to most likely expose the Nazi roots of the Ukrainian leadership, and also expose those in the Western World who supported the regime for economic greed, and no doubt also expose the hidden black-sites and bio-labs employed by the globalists, which have been funded by the taxpayers of the United States.

Kameunangan Putin di Ukraina bakal dipaké ku Putin, saurang urut perwira KGB anu ngahususkeun diri dina propaganda, pikeun kamungkinan gedé ngalaan akar Nazi tina kapamingpinan Ukraina, sarta ogé ngalaan jalma-jalma di Dunya Kulon anu ngarojong rézim éta ku sabab karanjingan ékonomi, jeung tangtu ogé ngalaan situs-situs hideung nu disumputkeun jeung laboratorium bio nu dipaké ku para globalis, anu geus dibiayaan ku para wajib pajeg Amérika Sarikat.

Those revelations will destroy the current talking points of the world globalists, and also of the Democratic talking heads in the United States. That victory for Putin will provide the mandate for the eighth President, that is of the seven, to take his role as the prophetic despot that arrives into history just before verse sixteen; and verse sixteen is the soon coming Sunday law.

Wahyu-wahyu éta bakal ngancurkeun pokok-pokok omongan anu ayeuna keur dipaké ku para globalis dunya, kitu deui ku para juru omong Partéy Démokrat di Amérika Sarikat. Kameunangan éta pikeun Putin bakal nyadiakeun mandat pikeun Présidén ka dalapan, nyaéta anu asalna tina tujuh, supaya nyekel kalungguhanana salaku lalim nubuat anu asup kana sajarah pas saméméh ayat genep welas; jeung ayat genep welas téh nyaéta hukum Minggu anu bakal geura sumping.

In verse thirteen, the king of the north regroups his army, and in verse fourteen, pagan Rome is introduced into history for the first time, though it is not yet the king of the north. It is there identified as the symbol which “establishes the vision”, and as the power who exalts himself and then falls. After the victory of Putin in the war in the Ukraine, the papacy will begin to lift itself up into world politics, just in advance of the Sunday law in verse sixteen.

Dina ayat katilu welas, raja ti kalér ngawangun deui tentarana, jeung dina ayat kaopat welas, Roma pagan mimiti diasupkeun kana sajarah pikeun kahiji kalina, sanajan can jadi raja ti kalér. Di dinya éta diidéntifikasi minangka lambang anu “ngadegkeun tetempoan”, jeung minangka kakawasaan anu ngangkat dirina sorangan tuluy ragrag. Sanggeus kameunangan Putin dina perang di Ukraina, kapausan bakal mimiti ngangkat dirina kana pulitik dunya, pas saméméh hukum Minggu dina ayat ka genep welas.

The French Revolution, and its connection with the Russian Revolution; Napoleon and Putin; the miracle of Fatima, and its three secrets; the secret alliance between the Vatican and Hitler, the secret alliance between the Vatican and Reagan, are all prophetic “wheels” that intersect in the history of verses eleven through fifteen, which occur during the history of September 11, 2001 until the Sunday law in the United States. It was important to provide a brief summary of these prophetic “wheels” before we take up verse ten.

Révolusi Prancis, katut patalina jeung Révolusi Rusia; Napoleon jeung Putin; mujijat Fatima, katut tilu rusiahna; pakumpulan rusiah antara Vatikan jeung Hitler, pakumpulan rusiah antara Vatikan jeung Reagan, éta sadayana mangrupa “roda-roda” nubuat anu silih pasisilang dina sajarah ayat-ayat sabelas nepi ka lima belas, anu lumangsung dina sajarah ti 11 Séptémber 2001 nepi ka hukum Minggu di Amérika Serikat. Penting pikeun méré ringkesan pondok ngeunaan “roda-roda” nubuat ieu saméméh urang ngulik ayat sapuluh.

The following article is taken from “NBC news,” which is as “Main Stream Media,” as it gets, and the “MSM” is the modern version of Hitler’s World War Two propaganda machine. The article is of course anti-Putin, anti-Russian, and pro-Ukraine, but that is not the point. As citizens of the heavenly kingdom, God’s people should not endorse either side of a satanic work, and all warfare is a satanic work.

Artikel di handap dicokot tina “NBC News,” anu kaasup kana “Mainstream Media” sajauh-jauhna, sarta “MSM” téh mangrupa vérsi modéren tina mesin propaganda Hitler dina Perang Dunya Kadua. Tangtu waé éta artikel téh anti-Putin, anti-Rusia, jeung pro-Ukraina, tapi éta lain inti perkara. Salaku warga Karajaan sawarga, umat Allah teu kudu ngadukung salah sahiji pihak dina pagawean Iblis, sarta sagala rupa perang téh mangrupa pagawean Iblis.

The purpose of this article is to allow those who are unfamiliar with the prophetic warfare between Catholicism (the king of the north) and atheism (the king of the south), and the fact that in the warfare of those two prophetic powers, Naziism has been employed as Catholicism’s proxy army (just as the United States was used in 1989). Students of prophecy need to have enough evidence to see that the background history of World War Two, and of the Cold War, are represented in the current war in Ukraine, as it fulfills verses eleven and twelve, of chapter eleven of Daniel.

Maksud tina ieu artikel nyaéta pikeun méré kasempetan ka jalma-jalma anu tacan wawuh kana peperangan nubuat antara Katolikisme (raja kalér) jeung ateisme (raja kidul), sarta kana kanyataan yén dina peperangan antara dua kakawasaan nubuat éta, Nazisme geus dipaké minangka tentara proksi Katolikisme (sakumaha Amérika Sarikat dipaké dina taun 1989). Para pameget nubuat kudu miboga bukti anu cekap pikeun ningali yén sajarah latar Perang Dunya Kadua, jeung Perang Tiis, kagambarkeun dina perang nu keur lumangsung ayeuna di Ukraina, sakumaha éta ngalaksanakeun ayat sabelas jeung dua belas, tina pasal sabelas kitab Daniel.

“Historical events, showing the direct fulfillment of prophecy, were set before the people, and the prophecy was seen to be a figurative delineation of events leading down to the close of this earth’s history.” Selected Messages, book 2, 102.

“Kajadian-kajadian sajarah, anu némbongkeun kacumponan langsung tina nubuat, geus dipidangkeun ka hareupeun jalma-jalma, sarta nubuat éta katempo minangka gambaran kiasan ngeunaan kajadian-kajadian anu nungtun nepi ka panutupan sajarah dunya ieu.” Selected Messages, buku 2, 102.

NBC News Article: “Ukraine’s Nazi problem is real, even if Putin’s ‘denazification’ claim isn’t”

Artikel NBC News: “Masalah Nazi di Ukraina nyata, sanajan klaim ‘denazifikasi’ Putin henteu”

Of the many distortions manufactured by Russian President Vladimir Putin to justify Russia’s assault on Ukraine, perhaps the most bizarre is his claim that the action was taken to “denazify” the country and its leadership. In making his case for entering his neighbor’s territory with armored tanks and fighter jets, Putin has stated that the move was undertaken “to protect people” who have been “subjected to bullying and genocide,” and that Russia “will strive for the demilitarization and denazification of Ukraine.”

Tina loba panyasab anu diréka ku Présidén Rusia Vladimir Putin pikeun ngabenerkeun serangan Rusia ka Ukraina, meureun anu panganehna nyaéta pamadeganana yén éta tindakan dilakukeun pikeun “ngadenazifikasi” nagara éta jeung kapamingpinanana. Dina ngedalkeun alesanana pikeun asup ka wewengkon tatanggana ku tank lapis baja jeung pesawat tempur, Putin nyatakeun yén léngkah éta dilaksanakeun “pikeun nangtayungan jalma-jalma” anu geus “dikenaan panganiaya jeung genosida,” sarta yén Rusia “bakal narékahan pikeun demilitarisasi jeung denazifikasi Ukraina.”

Putin’s destructive actions — among them the devastation of Jewish communities — make clear that he’s lying when he says his goal is to ensure anyone’s welfare.

Lalakon ngaruksak Putin — kaasup ngaruksak komunitas-komunitas Yahudi — nembongkeun écés yén anjeunna bohong nalika nyebutkeun yén tujuanana nyaéta ngajamin karaharjaan saha waé.

On its face, Putin’s smear is absurd, not least because Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelenskyy is Jewish and has said that members of his family were killed during World War II. There is also no evidence of recent mass killings or ethnic purges taking place in Ukraine. Moreover, labeling enemies Nazis is a common political ploy in Russia, especially from a leader who favors disinformation campaigns and wants to stir up feelings of national vengeance against a WWII foe to justify conquest.

Lamun ditingali sakumaha ayana, fitnah Putin téh kacida teu asup akalna, komo deui ku sabab Présidén Ukraina Volodymyr Zelenskyy téh urang Yahudi sarta geus nyatakeun yén aya anggota kulawargana anu tiwas dina mangsa Perang Dunya II. Teu aya ogé bukti yén pembantaian massal atawa pembersihan étnis keur lumangsung di Ukraina dina mangsa kiwari. Leuwih ti éta, méré cap Nazi ka musuh téh mangrupakeun akal pulitik anu ilahar dipaké di Rusia, hususna ku saurang pamingpin anu mikaresep kampanye disinformasi sarta hayang ngahudangkeun rasa bales dendam nasional ka hiji musuh dina Perang Dunya II pikeun ngahalalkeun penaklukan.

But even though Putin is engaging in propaganda, it’s also true that Ukraine has a genuine Nazi problem — both past and present. Putin’s destructive actions — among them the devastation of Jewish communities — make clear that he’s lying when he says his goal is to ensure anyone’s welfare. But important as it is to defend the yellow-and-blue flag against the Kremlin’s brutal aggression, it would be a dangerous oversight to deny Ukraine’s antisemitic history and collaboration with Hitler’s Nazis, as well as the latter-day embrace of neo-Nazi factions in some quarters.

Sanajan Putin keur ngalakukeun propaganda, bener ogé yén Ukraina boga masalah Nazi anu nyata — boh dina mangsa baheula boh ayeuna. Lampah Putin anu ngarusak — di antarana ngancurkeun komunitas-komunitas Yahudi — ngajelaskeun kalawan écés yén manéhna ngabohong nalika nyebutkeun yén tujuanana nyaéta ngajamin kasajahteraan saha waé. Sanajan ngabéla bandera konéng-biru tina agrési brutal Kremlin téh penting, mungkir kana sajarah antisemitisme Ukraina jeung kolaborasina jeung Nazi-nazi Hitler, kitu deui kana panarimaan jaman kiwari ka faksi-faksi neo-Nazi di sabagian kalangan, bakal jadi kalepatan anu ngabahayakeun.

Why are fleeing Ukrainians being talked about with such sympathy? They are white.

Naha urang Ukraina anu kabur téh dipedar kalayan rasa simpati anu sakitu gedéna? Sabab maranéhna bodas.

On the eve of World War II, Ukraine was home to one the largest Jewish communities in Europe, with estimates as high as 2.7 million, a remarkable number considering the territory’s long record of antisemitism and pogroms. By the end, more than half would perish. When German troops took control of Kyiv in 1941, they were welcomed by “Heil Hitler” banners. Soon after, nearly 34,000 Jews — along with Roma and other “undesirables” — were rounded up and marched to fields outside the city on the pretext of resettlement only to be massacred in what became known as the “Holocaust by bullets.”

Dina peuting sateuacan Perang Dunya II, Ukraina jadi tempat cicing salah sahiji komunitas Yahudi panggedéna di Éropa, kalayan perkiraan ngahontal 2,7 juta jiwa, hiji angka anu matak ngareuwaskeun lamun ditimbang ku panjangna sajarah antisemitisme jeung pogrom di éta wewengkon. Dina ahirna, leuwih ti satengahna bakal binasa. Nalika pasukan Jérman nyokot alih Kyiv dina taun 1941, maranéhna disambut ku spanduk-spanduk “Heil Hitler.” Teu lila sanggeusna, ampir 34.000 urang Yahudi — bareng jeung bangsa Roma jeung golongan “anu teu dipikahayang” séjénna — dikumpulkeun sarta digiring ka tegalan-tegalan di luar kota kalayan dalih rék dipindahkeun, ngan ukur pikeun dipaéhan dina pembantaian anu tuluy kawentar minangka “Holocaust ku pelor.”

The Babyn Yar ravine continued to fill up as a mass grave for two years. With as many as 100,000 murdered there, it became one of the largest single killing sites of the Holocaust outside of Auschwitz and other death camps. Researchers have noted the key role locals played in fulfilling Nazi kill orders at the site.

Gawir Babyn Yar terus kaeusi minangka kuburan massal salila dua taun. Ku jumlah nu dipaéhan di dinya nepi ka 100.000 urang, tempat éta jadi salah sahiji lokasi pembantaian tunggal panggedéna dina Holocaust di luar Auschwitz jeung kamp-kamp pati séjénna. Para panalungtik geus nyatet peran konci nu dipaénkeun ku warga satempat dina ngalaksanakeun parentah maéhan ti Nazi di éta tempat.

Nowadays, Ukraine counts between 56,000 to 140,000 Jews, who enjoy freedoms and protections never imagined by their grandparents. That includes an updated law passed last month criminalizing antisemitic acts. Unfortunately, the law was intended to address a pronounced uptick in public displays of bigotry, including swastika-laden vandalism of synagogues and Jewish memorials, and eerie marches in Kyiv and other cities that celebrated the Waffen SS.

Kiwari, Ukraina ngitung antara 56.000 nepi ka 140.000 urang Yahudi, anu ngarasakeun kabébasan jeung panangtayungan anu can kungsi kabayang ku nini aki maranéhna. Éta ngawengku hiji undang-undang anu parantos diropéa, disahkeun bulan kamari, anu ngajadikeun lampah antisemitik minangka kajahatan pidana. Hanjakalna, undang-undang éta dimaksudkeun pikeun ngungkulan kanaékan anu écés dina pintonan kabencian di hareupeun umum, kaasup vandalisme ka sinagog jeung tugu pangéling-éling Yahudi anu pinuh ku swastika, sarta arak-arakan anu matak nyingsieunan di Kyiv jeung kota-kota séjén anu muja Waffen SS.

In another ominous development, Ukraine has in recent years erected a glut of statues honoring Ukrainian nationalists whose legacies are tainted by their indisputable record as Nazi proxies. The Forward newspaper cataloged some of these deplorables, including Stepan Bandera, leader of the Organization of Ukrainian Nationalists (OUN), whose followers acted as local militia members for the SS and German army. “Ukraine has several dozen monuments and scores of street names glorifying this Nazi collaborator, enough to require two separate Wikipedia pages,” the Forward wrote.

Dina kamajuan séjén anu matak nyirorotkeun hate, Ukraina dina taun-taun panganyarna geus ngadegkeun kacida lobana arca pikeun ngahormat ka para nasionalis Ukraina anu warisan sajarahna kacemar ku catetan anu teu bisa dipungkir yén maranéhna kungsi jadi kaki tangan Nazi. Koran The Forward ngadaptarkeun sawatara di antara tokoh-tokoh pantes dipikaweuleuh éta, kaasup Stepan Bandera, pamingpin Organization of Ukrainian Nationalists (OUN), anu para pangikutna ngalakonan peran minangka anggota milisi lokal pikeun SS jeung tentara Jérman. “Ukraina boga sababaraha puluh monumén jeung puluhan ngaran jalan anu ngamulyakeun kolaborator Nazi ieu, nepi ka merlukeun dua kaca Wikipédia anu misah,” tulis The Forward.

Another frequent honoree is Roman Shukhevych, revered as a Ukrainian freedom fighter but also the leader of a feared Nazi auxiliary police unit that the Forward notes was “responsible for butchering thousands of Jews and … Poles.” Statues have also been raised for Yaroslav Stetsko, a one-time chair of the OUN, who wrote “I insist on the extermination of the Jews in Ukraine.”

Salah sahiji tokoh anu ogé remen dipiagung téh nyaéta Roman Shukhevych, anu dipikasucikeun minangka pejuang kabébasan Ukraina, tapi ogé pamingpin hiji unit pulisi bantu Nazi anu dipikasieun, anu ceuk Forward “tanggung jawab kana pangbantaian rébuan urang Yahudi jeung … urang Polen.” Patung-patung ogé geus diadegkeun pikeun Yaroslav Stetsko, saurang urut pupuhu OUN, anu nulis, “Kuring keukeuh kana musnahna urang Yahudi di Ukraina.”

Far-right groups have also gained political currency in the past decade, none more chilling than Svoboda (formerly the Social National Party of Ukraine), whose leader claimed the country was controlled by a “Muscovite-Jewish mafia” and whose deputy used an antisemitic slur to describe Ukrainian-born Jewish actor Mila Kunis. Svoboda has sent several members to Ukraine’s Parliament, including one who called the Holocaust a “bright period” in human history, according to Foreign Policy.

Golongan far-right ogé geus meunang pangaruh pulitik dina sapuluh taun ka tukang, jeung euweuh nu leuwih matak ngagerem tibatan Svoboda (baheulana Partéy Sosial Nasional Ukraina), nu pamingpinna kungsi ngaku yén nagara éta dikawasa ku “mafia Muscovite-Yahudi” sarta wakilna ngagunakeun sebutan antisemitik pikeun ngajelaskeun aktris Yahudi kalahiran Ukraina, Mila Kunis. Svoboda geus ngirim sababaraha anggotana ka Parlemén Ukraina, kaasup saurang anu nyebut Holocaust minangka “mangsa anu caang” dina sajarah umat manusa, nurutkeun Foreign Policy.

Just as disturbing, neo-Nazis are part of some of Ukraine’s growing ranks of volunteer battalions. They are battle-hardened after waging some of the toughest street fighting against Moscow-backed separatists in eastern Ukraine following Putin’s Crimean invasion in 2014. One is the Azov Battalion, founded by an avowed white supremacist who claimed Ukraine’s national purpose was to rid the country of Jews and other inferior races. In 2018, the U.S. Congress stipulated that its aid to Ukraine couldn’t be used “to provide arms, training or other assistance to the Azov Battalion.” Even so, Azov is now an official member of the Ukraine National Guard.

Sarua pisan ngaganggu, kaum neo-Nazi téh jadi bagian tina sawatara jajaran batalyon sukarelawan Ukraina anu beuki ngagedéan. Maranéhna geus kahardenan ku perang sanggeus ngalakonan sawatara tarung jalanan anu pangbeuratna ngalawan separatis nu didukung ku Moskwa di Ukraina wétan sanggeus invasi Krim ku Putin dina taun 2014. Salah sahijina nyaéta Batalyon Azov, nu diadegkeun ku saurang penganut supremasi kulit bodas anu sacara terang-terangan, anu ngedalkeun yén tujuan nasional Ukraina téh nyaéta ngabébaskeun nagara éta tina urang Yahudi jeung ras-ras séjén anu dianggap leuwih handap. Dina taun 2018, Kongrés A.S. netepkeun yén bantuanana ka Ukraina teu meunang dipaké “to provide arms, training or other assistance to the Azov Battalion.” Sanajan kitu, Azov ayeuna jadi anggota resmi Garda Nasional Ukraina.

For sure, none of this disturbing context justifies the misery that has befallen Ukrainians over the past several weeks — and it’s unlikely that Putin was motivated by any of it when he launched his invasion. Indeed, thanks to Putin, Jews living in Odessa, Kharkiv and other eastern cities are under extreme duress. While many have taken refuge in local synagogues and Jewish centers, others have fled to foreign countries, including Israel, which has urged all Jews to leave Ukraine.

Tangtu, euweuh sahiji kontéks anu ngaganggu ieu nu matak ngabenerkeun kasangsaraan anu tumiba ka urang Ukraina salila sababaraha minggu katukang — sarta leutik kamungkinanana yén Putin didorong ku salah sahiji éta nalika anjeunna ngaluncurkeun invasi na. Mémang, ku lantaran Putin, urang Yahudi anu cicing di Odessa, Kharkiv, jeung kota-kota séjén di beulah wétan keur dina kaayaan kacida marudaharna. Sanajan loba anu ngungsi ka sinagoga-sinagoga lokal jeung puseur-puseur Yahudi, nu séjénna geus ngungsi ka nagara-nagara deungeun, kaasup Israél, anu geus ngadesek sakumna urang Yahudi supaya ninggalkeun Ukraina.

My own grandparents themselves had to flee western Ukraine to escape persecution, and it is tragic to see this cycle continue. If the country devolves into chaos and insurgency, Jews could once again be at risk from some of their fellow citizens. Not acknowledging this threat means that little is being done to guard against it.

Aki buyut sorangan kedah ngungsi ti Ukraina kulon pikeun luput tina panganiayaan, jeung matak prihatin ningali ieu siklus terus lumangsung. Lamun nagara éta ragrag kana kakacauan jeung pemberontakan, urang Yahudi tiasa deui aya dina bahaya ti sawatara sasama warga nagarana sorangan. Teu ngakuan ancaman ieu hartina saeutik pisan anu keur dipigawé pikeun ngajaga tina éta.

But even if some elements of the country have been entangled with one of history’s most loathsome movements, standing with Ukraine is without doubt the honorable posture to take in this drama. Right now, every day that Putin ratchets up his assault against the Ukrainian people with scorched-earth zeal, it’s hard not to see who truly deserves the N-word.

Nanging sanajan sawatara unsur di éta nagara kungsi kabawa kakait ku salah sahiji gerakan anu pangmatak geuleuhna dina sajarah, nangtung babarengan jeung Ukraina taya ragu-raguna mangrupa sikep anu mulya pikeun dicokot dina drama ieu. Ayeuna, unggal poé nalika Putin terus ngaronjatkeun seranganana ka rahayat Ukraina kalayan sumanget bumi hangus, hésé pikeun teu ningali saha sabenerna anu pantes disebut ku kecap anu dimimitian ku hurup N.

Allen Ripp, March 5, 2022 – Source

Allen Ripp, 5 Maret 2022 – Sumber

We will continue this study in our next article.

Urang bakal nuluykeun ieu panalungtikan dina artikel urang salajengna.

“Those who cannot remember the past are condemned to repeat it.” George Santayana.

“Jalma-jalma anu teu sanggup nginget ka mangsa katukang, ditakdirkeun pikeun ngulang deui éta.” George Santayana.

“All that God has in prophetic history specified to be fulfilled in the past has been, and all that is yet to come in its order will be. Daniel, God’s prophet, stands in his place. John stands in his place. In the Revelation the Lion of the tribe of Judah has opened to the students of prophecy the book of Daniel, and thus is Daniel standing in his place. He bears his testimony, that which the Lord revealed to him in vision of the great and solemn events which we must know as we stand on the very threshold of their fulfillment.

“Sakabéh anu ku Allah geus ditangtukeun dina sajarah nubuat pikeun digenepan di mangsa katukang, geus kajadian, jeung sakabéh anu masih kénéh bakal datang dina runtuyanana, ogé bakal kajadian. Daniel, nabi Allah, nangtung dina tempatna. Yohanes nangtung dina tempatna. Dina Wahyu, Singa ti kaom Yuda geus muka ka para murid nubuat kitab Daniel, ku kituna Daniel nangtung dina tempatna. Anjeunna mere kasaksianana, nyaéta naon anu ku Gusti geus diwahyukeun ka anjeunna dina titingalian ngeunaan kajadian-kajadian anu agung jeung khidmat, anu kudu urang terang nalika urang nangtung pas dina ambang pangenepanana.

“In history and prophecy the Word of God portrays the long continued conflict between truth and error. That conflict is yet in progress. Those things which have been, will be repeated. Old controversies will be revived, and new theories will be continually arising. But God’s people, who in their belief and fulfillment of prophecy have acted a part in the proclamation of the first, second, and third angels’ messages, know where they stand. They have an experience that is more precious than fine gold. They are to stand firm as a rock, holding the beginning of their confidence steadfast unto the end.” Selected Messages, book 2, 109.

“Dina sajarah jeung nubuat, Firman Allah ngagambarkeun konflik anu parantos lila lumangsung antara bebeneran jeung kasalahan. Konflik éta kénéh keur lumangsung. Hal-hal anu geus kungsi aya, bakal diulang deui. Pasulayan-pasulayan baheula bakal dihirupkeun deui, sarta téori-téori anyar bakal terus-terusan mucunghul. Tapi umat Allah, anu dina kayakinan maranéhna jeung dina minuhan nubuat geus ngalaksanakeun bagianna dina ngawartakeun pekabaran malaikat kahiji, kadua, jeung katilu, nyaho di mana maranéhna nangtung. Maranéhna boga pangalaman anu leuwih mulya batan emas murni. Maranéhna kudu nangtung pageuh saperti batu karang, nyekel pageuh awal kapercayaan maranéhna nepi ka ahir.” Selected Messages, buku 2, 109.