Verse forty of Daniel chapter eleven, represents one of the most profound verses of God’s Word. The prophetic histories that are represented therein are where the wheels within the wheels of Ezekiel’s vision are brought together. With the time of the end of the Millerite movement in 1798, and also the time of the end of the movement of the third angel in 1989, the internal and external histories of God’s people of the last days are portrayed. Within the verse is the announcement of the approaching judgment which arrived with the first angel in 1798, all the way until the Sunday law of verse forty-one. The verse therefore represents the investigative judgment of God’s church beginning with the dead, through to the sealing of the one hundred and forty-four thousand, and God spewing Laodicean Adventism out of His mouth.
اوّى دانِيال 11:40، ئايا تێكڕايەکی زۆر قووڵی وشەی خودا نیشان دەدات. مێژووی پێشبینییەکان کە لەوەدا نیشان دراون، ئەو شوێنانەن کە تیژەکان لە ناو تیژەکانى بینینی حەزقیال تێکەڵ دەبن. لەگەڵ کاتی کۆتاییی بزووتنەوەی میلەری لە ساڵی 1798، و هەروەها کاتی کۆتاییی بزووتنەوەی فریشتەی سێیەم لە ساڵی 1989، مێژووی ناوخۆیی و دەرەکیی گەلی خودا لە ڕۆژانی دوایی نیشان دەدرێن. لە ناو ئەو ئايەتەدا ڕاگەیاندنی حوکمی نزیکبووەوە هەیە، ئەو حوکمەی کە لەگەڵ فریشتەی یەکەم لە 1798 هات، هەتا گەیشتن بە یاسای یەکشەممەی ئايەتی 41. بۆیە ئەو ئايەتە نوێنەرایەتیی حوکمی لێکۆڵینەوەیی کڵێسای خودا دەکات، کە بە مردووان دەست پێ دەکات، هەتا گەیشتن بە مۆرکردنی سەد و چل و چوار هەزار، و خودا ئەدڤێنتیستی لاودیکیای لە دەمەوە دەر دەفڕێنێت.
The history where the papacy received its deadly wound in 1798, until the deadly wound is healed in verse forty-one is represented in the history of the verse. Verse forty-one onward is set within the context of the escalating executive judgments of God, which begin in that verse. In this prophetic sense, verse forty is the end of Daniel chapter eleven, and verses one and two, of the chapter are the beginning. Chapter eleven presents the rebellion of the antichrist, and chapter ten represents the beginning of the Hiddekel River vision, and chapter twelve represents the end. Chapters ten and twelve represent the first and the last, and chapter eleven is the rebellion in the middle.
እቲ ጳጳሳዊ ስልጣን ብ1798 ዓ.ም. እቲ መቕተል ዝነበረ ቍስሉ ኣብ ዝተቐበለሉ ታሪኽ ክሳዕ እቲ ቍስሊ ኣብ ሓደ ዓረፍተ ነገር ኣርብዓን ሓደን ዝፈወሰሉ ጊዜ፡ ብታሪኽ እቲ ዓረፍተ ነገር ይውከል። ካብ ዓረፍተ ነገር ኣርብዓን ሓደን ንድሕሪት ዘሎ ክፍሊ፡ ኣብቲ ኣብ እቲ ዓረፍተ ነገር ዝጅምር እናተዓበየ ዝኸይድ ኣስፈጻሚ ፍርድታት ኣምላኽ ዝርከብሉ ኣውድ ውሽጢ ተቐሚጡ ኣሎ። በዚ ትንቢታዊ ትርጉም፡ ዓረፍተ ነገር ኣርብዓ መወዳእታ ዳንኤል ምዕራፍ ዓሰርተ ሓደ እዩ፣ እቶም ናይቲ ምዕራፍ ዓረፍተ ነገራት ሓደን ክልተን ድማ መጀመርታ እዮም። ምዕራፍ ዓሰርተ ሓደ ዕልወት እቲ ጸረ-ክርስቶስ ይቕርብ፣ ምዕራፍ ዓሰርተ ድማ መጀመርታ ራእይ ወሓዚ ሂድደቀል ይውክል፣ ምዕራፍ ዓሰርተ ክልተ ድማ መወዳእታኡ ይውክል። ምዕራፋት ዓሰርተን ዓሰርተ ክልተን እቲ ቀዳማይን እቲ ዳሕራይን ይውክሉ፣ ምዕራፍ ዓሰርተ ሓደ ድማ እቲ ኣብ መንጎ ዘሎ ዕልወት እዩ።
Chapters ten and twelve are the same, for, unlike chapter eleven, they represent Daniel’s experience in relation to the vision, and chapter eleven is the vision. Chapter ten is the first letter of the Hebrew alphabet, chapter eleven is the thirteenth rebellious letter of the Hebrew alphabet, and chapter twelve is the last letter of the alphabet. The Hiddekel River vision is the “Truth.”
Isura ya ikumi na ya ikumi na ibiri ni zimwi cine, kuko, bitandukanye n’isura ya ikumi na imwe, zigereranya ivyo Daniyeli yaciyemwo mu bijanye n’iyerekwa, kandi isura ya ikumi na imwe ni yo yerekwa ubwaryo. Isura ya ikumi ni urudome rwa mbere rw’inyuguti z’Ikiheburayo, isura ya ikumi na imwe ni urudome rwa cumi na gatatu rw’inyagano rwo mu nyuguti z’Ikiheburayo, kandi isura ya ikumi na ibiri ni urudome rwa nyuma rw’izo nyuguti. Iyerekwa ryo ku Ruzi Hiddekel ni “Ukuri.”
In chapter eleven, the beginning illustrates the end, for Christ never changes. The final history represented in verse forty, is the testing time of the image of the beast. That testing time concludes with the mark of the beast, which is represented in verse forty-one. Verses one and two, must therefore address the sealing time of the one hundred and forty-four thousand, for that period of time is also the period of the formation of the image of the beast.
En el capítulo once, el principio ilustra el fin, porque Cristo nunca cambia. La historia final representada en el versículo cuarenta es el tiempo de prueba de la imagen de la bestia. Ese tiempo de prueba concluye con la marca de la bestia, la cual está representada en el versículo cuarenta y uno. Los versículos uno y dos, por lo tanto, deben referirse al tiempo del sellamiento de los ciento cuarenta y cuatro mil, porque ese período de tiempo es también el período de la formación de la imagen de la bestia.
“The Lord has shown me clearly that the image of the beast will be formed before probation closes; for it is to be the great test for the people of God, by which their eternal destiny will be decided. . ..
“Rabbi na a fili cewa za a kafa siffar dabbar kafin ƙofar alheri ta rufe; gama ita ce za ta zama babban gwaji ga mutanen Allah, wanda ta wurinsa za a yanke hukuncin makomarsu ta har abada....”
“This is the test that the people of God must have before they are sealed.” Manuscript Releases, volume 15, 15.
«Aya su'udda qormaata saba Waaqayyoo dura mallatteeffamaniin qabaachuu qaban dha». Manuscript Releases, volume 15, 15.
There are always two waymarks that identify a time of the end. In the reform movement of Moses, it was Aaron’s birth followed three years later with Moses’ birth. In the reform movement to come out of Babylon and rebuild the temple it was king Darius, followed by king Cyrus. In the reform movement of Christ, it was the birth of John the Baptist, followed in six months by the birth of Christ. In the reform movement of the Millerites it was the death of the papal system in 1798, followed by the death of the pope in 1799. In the reform movement of the third angel, it was president Reagan and president Bush the first, who both represented 1989. In Daniel chapter ten, verse one, we find king Cyrus identified.
Tx̣ahab xaa dachxán x̱wasakú áwé x̱ʼéik’ has yoo x̱atángi yáa “time of the end” yéi x̱atángi. Moses yá reform movement áyá, Aaron tléix’ x̱átgi x̱wasáakw, áx̱ toowú klig̱éi tléix’ x̱ánxʼi i jee Moses x̱wasáakw. Babylon x̱áat uwagút át wé reform movement, i temple wooch.óotx̱ei kaa at wooné, áyá king Darius, áx̱ toowú yéi áwé king Cyrus. Christ yá reform movement áyá, John the Baptist x̱wasáakw, áx̱ tle six months i jee Christ x̱wasáakw. Millerites yá reform movement áyá, papal system kaadé 1798 x̱’éináx̱ x̱wasiteen, áx̱ toowú yéi áwé pope kaadé 1799 x̱’éináx̱ x̱wasiteen. Third angel yá reform movement áyá, president Reagan tlé president Bush the first, woosh jín yéi x̱atángi 1989. Daniel chapter ten, verse one kide, king Cyrus yéi x̱atángi x̱wasakóo.
In the third year of Cyrus king of Persia a thing was revealed unto Daniel, whose name was called Belteshazzar; and the thing was true, but the time appointed was long: and he understood the thing, and had understanding of the vision. Daniel 10:1.
ኣብ ሳልሳይ ዓመት ቂሮስ ንጉስ ፋርስ፡ ንዳንኤል እቲ ብልጣሳር ዝተባህለ ስሙ ነገር ተገልጸሉ፤ እቲ ነገር ድማ ሓቂ ነበረ፣ ግና እቲ ዝተወሰነ ጊዜ ነዊሕ ነበረ፤ ንሱ ድማ ነቲ ነገር ኣስተውዒሉ፣ ነቲ ራእይ ከኣ ምስትውዓል ነበሮ። ዳንኤል 10፥1።
In the following verses of chapter ten, we see the experience of Daniel represented in advance of Gabriel delivering the vision of prophetic history in chapter eleven. Cyrus marks the time of the end, for previously Cyrus, Darius’ nephew, had been Darius’ general who slew Belshazzar, thus marking the end of the seventy years of captivity, which typified the twelve-hundred and sixty-year captivity of spiritual Israel in spiritual Babylon from 538 unto 1798.
कपितुलु दसकं लोनी क्रिन्दि वचనाल्लो, अध्यायं पदకొండुलो प्रवचनात्मक चरित्र योక్క दर्शनान्नि गब्रिएलु अन्दिञ्चुटकु मुंदुगाने, दानिएलु योक्क अनुभवमु प्रतिनिधिंचबडिनदि मनमु चूचुचुन्नामु। साइरसु अंत्यकालान्नि सूचिस्ताडु, एन्दुकनगा इदिवरकु साइरसु, दारियुसु योక్క मनमडु, दारियुसु योक्क सेनापतिगा उण्डि बेल्शज्जरुनु संवहरिञ्चेनु; अट्टि दानि द्वारा डेब्बै संवत्सराल बंधकत्वानिकि अंतमु गुरुतिंचबडेनु, अदि 538 नुण्डि 1798 वरकु आत्मीय बाबेलुलो आत्मीय इस्राएलु योक्क पन्नेण्डु वंदल अरवै संवत्सराल बंधकत्वानिकि प्रतिरूपमै उण्डेनु।
“God’s church on earth was as verily in captivity during this long period of relentless persecution as were the children of Israel held captive in Babylon during the period of the exile.” Prophets and Kings, 714.
“Diospa iglesiana kay daga ket pudno unay a naipanaw iti pannakakayaw iti daytoy nga atiddog a panawen ti di agsardeng a pannakaidadanes, a kas met laeng kadagiti annak ti Israel a nairaman iti pannakakayaw idiay Babilonia iti panawen ti pannakaipapanawda.” Prophets and Kings, 714.
The end of the twelve hundred and sixty years in 1798, marked the time of the end, so the end of the seventy years marked the “time of the end” for that history. Both Darius and Cyrus are represented at the death of Belshazzar and end of the kingdom of Babylon, for as Darius’s general who accomplished the work, Cyrus was representing Darius. When George Bush the first was inaugurated on January 20, 1989, Reagan had been president for the first nineteen days of 1989.
1798 ވަނަ އަހަރު ގައި ފުރިހަމަވި އެކަށްޓާޅީ ހަތަރު ސަތޭކަ ހަލީސް އަހަރު، “ނިމުމުގެ ވަގުތު” ފާހަގަ ކުރި ވަގުތެވެ؛ އެހެންމެ، ހަތްދިހަ އަހަރުގެ ނިމުން ވެސް އެ ތާރީޚަށް “ނިމުމުގެ ވަގުތު” ފާހަގަ ކުރިއެވެ. ބެލްޝައްޒަރުގެ މަރުގައި އަދި ބާބިލޯނުގެ މަންދޫބު ނިމުމުގައި ދާރިޔުސް އަދި ސައިރަސް ދެކެވެސް މެތިވެގެންވާނެއެވެ؛ އެއީ، ކަން ހަމައެކު ނިންމި ދާރިޔުސްގެ ޖެނެރަލެއް ކަމުގައި ސައިރަސް ދާރިޔުސްގެ ތަމްސީލު ކުރަމުން އައިސްވެއެވެ. 1989 ވަނަ އަހަރުގެ ޖެނުއަރީ 20 ގައި ޖޯރޖު ބުޝް ފުރަތަމަ ހުވާކުރުމުގެ މަޤާމަށް ވަންނަ އިރު، 1989 ގެ ފުރަތަމަ ނަވާރަ ދުވަސް ރީގަން ރިޔާސަތުގެ ރައީސް ކަމުގައި ހުރިއެވެ.
The vision of the Hiddekel began at the time of the end, in the third year of Cyrus. When Gabriel begins to unfold to Daniel the prophetic history of chapter eleven, he first references the first year of Darius, to establish clearly that the vision of prophetic history that he was about to present to Daniel begins in the last time of the end, in 1989, for all the prophets speak more of the last days than the days in which they lived.
دید هِدِکَل در وقتِ آخر، در سالِ سومِ کوروش، آغاز شد. هنگامی که جبرئیل آغاز میکند تا تاریخِ نبویِ باب یازدهم را بر دانیال مکشوف سازد، نخست به سالِ اولِ داریوش اشاره میکند، تا بهروشنی تثبیت کند که رؤیای تاریخِ نبوی که در شُرُفِ عرضه به دانیال بود، در زمانِ واپسینِ آخر، یعنی در سالِ 1989، آغاز میشود؛ زیرا همهٔ انبیا بیش از ایّامی که خود در آن میزیستند، از ایّامِ آخر سخن میگویند.
But I will show thee that which is noted in the scripture of truth: and there is none that holdeth with me in these things, but Michael your prince. Also I in the first year of Darius the Mede, even I, stood to confirm and to strengthen him. Daniel 10:21, 11:1.
Ma tusuay na inan-anay ko kenka dayta naisurat iti surat ti kinapudno; ket awan ti sabali a makitinnulong kaniak kadagitoy a banbanag no di laeng ni Miguel, ti prinsipeyo. Ket siak met iti umuna a tawen ni Dario a Medo, siak mismo ti nagtakder a mangpasingked ken mangpapigsa kenkuana. Daniel 10:21; 11:1.
In the first year of Darius, which represents the time of the end in 1989, Gabriel “stood”, thus identifying that at a “time of the end”, an angel arrives. In 1798 the first angel arrived, and in 1989, the third angel arrived. It wasn’t until the message of the third angel was empowered in 2001 that the sealing of the third angel began, but the movement of the third angel arriving in 1989, is represented by Gabriel standing at the time of the end. Gabriel is going to show Daniel “that which is noted in the scripture of truth,” and the vision of the Hiddekel possesses the signature of “Truth,” which Gabriel is about to set forth.
Darioen lehen urtean, zeinak 1989ko amaierako denbora adierazten baitu, Gabrieldek «zutitu» egin zuen; hala, identifikatuz ezen «amaierako denbora» batean aingeru bat iristen dela. 1798an lehen aingerua iritsi zen, eta 1989an, hirugarren aingerua iritsi zen. Hirugarren aingeruaren mezua 2001ean ahaldundu zen arte ez zen hirugarren aingeruaren zigilatzea hasi; baina 1989an hirugarren aingerua iristearen mugimendua Gabriel amaierako denboran zutiturik agertzeak adierazten du. Gabrieldek Danieli erakutsiko dio «egiazko Eskrituraren liburuan idatzita dagoena», eta Hiddekelen ikuspenak ezaugarri gisa dauka «Egia»ren sinadura, Gabriel aurkeztera doana.
In verse fourteen of chapter ten Gabriel had already informed Daniel that what he was addressing in the vision of the Hiddekel was “what would happen to God’s people in the last days.”
تەڭ تۆتىنچى ئايەتتە، گابرىيەل دانيالغا ئاللىقاچان شۇنى بىلدۈرگەن ئىدىكى، ئۇ ھىددىكەلدىكى كۆرۈنۈشتە بايان قىلىۋاتقان نەرسە «ئاخىرقى كۈنلەردە خۇدانىڭ خەلقىگە يۈز بېرىدىغان ئىشلار» ئىكەن.
Now I am come to make thee understand what shall befall thy people in the latter days: for yet the vision is for many days. Daniel 10:14.
أمّا الآن فقد جئتُ لأُفهِمَكَ ما الذي سيصيبُ شعبَكَ في الأيامِ الأخيرة، لأنّ الرؤيا لا تزالُ لأيامٍ كثيرة. دانيال 10:14.
Verse two of Daniel chapter eleven represents the knowledge that was unsealed at the time of the end in 1989, and which identifies what “shall befall” God’s people “in the latter days”.
Verso dos de Daniel capítulo once representak 1989 watapasqa pacha tukukuypi kichasqa yachayta, chaymi reqsichin ima “pasanqa” Diospa llaqtanman “qhipa p’unchaykunapi”.
And now will I show thee the truth. Behold, there shall stand up yet three kings in Persia; and the fourth shall be far richer than they all: and by his strength through his riches he shall stir up all against the realm of Grecia. Daniel 11:2.
Jichha nayatak chiqaman qamman chiqayta. Qhawariy, Persia llaktapi manaraq kinsa reykuna sayarinqaku; chaymanta tawaq kaqqa llapankumanta aswan ancha qhapaq kanqa. Payqa qhapaq kayninpa kallpanwan Grecia suyutaq contranpi llapanta hatarichinqa. Daniel 11:2.
Cyrus prefigures the second king since 1989. He is the king of the Medo-Persian Empire, which represents the kingdom of Bible prophecy in the last days that is made up of two horns, represented by the Medes and the Persians. After the second king of the kingdom of the two-horned earth beast at the time of the end in 1989, there would yet be three kings (Clinton, Bush the last, Obama), and then there would be a king that was far richer than they all were. The three kings that followed Bush the first, got wealthy after their presidencies, and only because they had become president. Trump, the fourth that was far richer, and was the wealthiest president ever, did not make his money because he had been president, but primarily through his work in real estate investments, well before he ran for president.
ᏌᎵᏍ ᎤᏰᎸᏛ 1989 ᎤᎵᏍᏓᏴᏗᏍᎬ ᎤᎬᏫᏳᎯ ᎢᎬᏱᏱ ᎬᏩᏤᎵᎦ ᎤᏬᏚᎯᏍᏗᏍᎪᎢ. ᎡᎵ ᎤᎬᏫᏳᎯ ᎻᏗᏱ-ᏆᏏᎠᏂ ᎤᏂᏍᏗ ᎪᎯᏳᏗ, ᎾᏍᎩ ᏥᏳ ᎤᏮᏔᏅᎯ ᎤᎬᏫᏳᎯ ᎤᎾᏤᎵᎬ ᎪᎯᏳᏗ ᏗᎧᎿᎭᏩᏛ ᎤᏍᏆᎸᎯ ᎢᎦᎢ ᏓᏳᏓᎴ ᏔᎵ ᎠᏍᎪᎯ, ᎾᏍᎩ ᎬᏗ ᎻᏗᏱᏍᎩ ᎠᎴ ᏆᏏᎠᏂ. 1989 ᎤᎵᏍᏆᎸ ᏗᏂᎪᎯᎸ ᏔᎵ-ᎠᏍᎪᎯ ᎡᎶᎯ ᎠᏂᏅᏅ ᎤᎬᏫᏳᎯ ᎤᎬᏫᏳᎯ ᎢᎬᏱᏱ ᎣᏂ ᎤᏬᏎᎯ ᎠᏂᎬᏫᏳᎯ ᏦᎢ ᏗᎨᏥᎬᏫᏳᎯ (Clinton, Bush ᎤᎵᏍᏆᎸᎯ, Obama), ᎣᏂᏃ ᎡᎳᏗ ᎤᎬᏫᏳᎯ ᎤᎣᏍᏛ ᎤᏁᎬ ᎤᏣᏘ ᎤᏤᎯ ᎯᎠ ᏂᎦᏛ. ᏦᎢ ᎠᏂᎬᏫᏳᎯ ᎬᏩᏍᏓᏩᏛ Bush ᎢᎬᏱᏱ, ᎤᏂᏁᎿᎭᎥ ᎤᏣᏘ ᎤᏅᏒᎢ ᎣᏂ ᏄᏍᏛ ᎬᏩᎾᎵᏍᏔᏅ ᎠᏂᎬᏫᏳᎯ, ᎠᎴ ᎾᏍᎩ ᎤᏩᏒ ᏧᏓᎴᏅ. Trump, ᏅᎩᏁᎢ, ᎾᏍᎩ ᎤᏣᏘ ᎤᏤᎯ ᎤᏁᎬ ᏥᎨᏎᎢ, ᎠᎴ ᎤᏂᎥ ᎠᏂᏍᎦᏯ ᎤᎬᏫᏳᎯ ᎤᏁᎬ ᎤᏟ ᎢᎦᎢ ᏥᎨᏎᎢ, ᎥᏝ ᎤᏅᏅᎢ ᎤᏁᎬ ᎠᏴ ᏱᎩ ᎤᎬᏫᏳᎯ ᏄᎵᏍᏔᏅᎢ, ᎠᏎᏃ ᎠᏂᎦᏛ ᎤᏤᎵ ᎠᏰᎵ ᎠᎴ ᎦᏁᏍᎩ ᎤᎾᏁᎬ ᎤᏅᏅᎢ ᎤᏣᏘ ᎢᎸᎯᏳ ᎢᏳᏍᏗ, ᎤᏓᏬᏂᏍᎬ ᏗᎦᏁᎶᏗ ᎠᏎ ᎤᎬᏫᏳᎯ ᏱᏂᎦᎵᏍᏔᏅ.
Formerly the richest president in American history, relatively speaking, was the first president of the United States. Prior to Donald Trump, George Washington was the richest president in American history, and he made his money as did Donald Trump, through real estate investments. Both Washington and Trump came to the presidency from non-traditional political backgrounds. Washington was primarily a military leader before becoming president, and Trump was a businessman and television personality, who like unto Washington was without any prior political experience.
Abroha no adwumayɛfoɔ-panyin a na ɔyɛ ɔdefoɔ kɛseɛ paa wɔ Amerika abakɔsɛm mu, sɛ wɔde toto ho a, ne na ɔyɛɛ United States no manpanyin a ɔdi kan. Ansa na Donald Trump reba no, George Washington na ɔyɛɛ manpanyin a ɔdefoɔ kɛseɛ paa wɔ Amerika abakɔsɛm mu, na ɔnyaa n’ahonya no te sɛ Donald Trump nso, nam asase ne adan mu sika-sisɛm mu. Washington ne Trump baanu nyinaa fii amammuisɛm mu akwan a ɛnyɛ deɛ wɔtaa fa so baa tumi no mu. Ansa na Washington reyɛ manpanyin no, na ɔyɛ ɔsraani panyin titire; na Trump nso yɛ ɔdwadini ne televizɔn so nipa a wɔnim no, na te sɛ Washington no, na onni amammuisɛm mu osuahu biara da.
Both presidents were known for their strong personalities and leadership styles, although they manifested these traits quite differently. Washington was known for his stoic, calm, and confident leadership and unifying presence during the Revolutionary War and the early years of the Republic, while Trump is known for his assertive approach to leadership and governance. Both Washington and Trump were figures of significant controversy, albeit for very different reasons. Washington, while widely revered, faced criticism during his time for various issues, including his views on slavery. Trump’s presidency was marked by numerous controversies, including his use of “mean tweets” on social media, his America-first policy decisions, and his own self-awareness.
ദുനു രാ പ്രസിഡന്റുമരും തങ്ങളുടെ ശക്തമായ വ്യക്തിത്വത്തിനും നേതൃത്വശൈലികൾക്കും പ്രസിദ്ധരായിരുന്നു, എങ്കിലും അവർ ഈ ഗുണങ്ങൾ പ്രകടിപ്പിച്ച രീതി വളരെ വ്യത്യസ്തമായിരുന്നു. വിപ്ലവയുദ്ധകാലത്തും റിപ്പബ്ലിക്കിന്റെ പ്രാരംഭ വർഷങ്ങളിലുമുള്ള അദ്ദേഹത്തിന്റെ സ്ഥിതപ്രജ്ഞയുള്ള, ശാന്തവും ആത്മവിശ്വാസപൂർണ്ണവുമായ നേതൃത്വം കൂടാതെ ഐക്യദായക സാന്നിധ്യം കൊണ്ടാണ് വാഷിംഗ്ടൺ അറിയപ്പെട്ടിരുന്നത്; അതേസമയം, ട്രംപ് നേതൃത്വത്തിലും ഭരണനിർവഹണത്തിലും തന്റെ ദൃഢപ്രഖ്യാപനപരമായ സമീപനത്താൽ അറിയപ്പെടുന്നു. വാഷിംഗ്ടണും ട്രംപും ഇരുവരും ഗണനീയമായ വിവാദങ്ങളുടെ കേന്ദ്രപാത്രങ്ങളായിരുന്നു, എങ്കിലും അതിന്റെ കാരണങ്ങൾ ഏറെ വ്യത്യസ്തമായിരുന്നു. വ്യാപകമായി ആദരിക്കപ്പെട്ടിരുന്ന വാഷിംഗ്ടൺ, അടിമത്തത്തെക്കുറിച്ചുള്ള തന്റെ നിലപാടുകൾ ഉൾപ്പെടെ വിവിധ വിഷയങ്ങളിൽ തന്റെ കാലഘട്ടത്തിൽ വിമർശനങ്ങൾ നേരിട്ടിരുന്നു. ട്രംപിന്റെ പ്രസിഡൻസി അനേകം വിവാദങ്ങളാൽ അടയാളപ്പെട്ടിരുന്നു; അതിൽ സോഷ്യൽ മീഡിയയിലെ അദ്ദേഹത്തിന്റെ “mean tweets” എന്നറിയപ്പെട്ട പോസ്റ്റുകളുടെ ഉപയോഗം, അമേരിക്ക-ഫസ്റ്റ് നയപരമായ തീരുമാനങ്ങൾ, കൂടാതെ സ്വയംബോധം എന്നിവയും ഉൾപ്പെടുന്നു.
The richest and sixth president was to stir up the globalist dragon powers. When we lay the history of verse two of chapter eleven, upon the history of the period of 1776, 1789, and 1798, we find further information addressing the last president of the earth beast, for Jesus illustrates the end with the beginning. The first two periods represented by 1776, and 1789, provide two witnesses that the final president, will be the eighth president, who was of the seven. Trump was the sixth president after Reagan, and as the eighth president, he will be “of the seven”. The final, and eighth president will rule when the United States forms the image “to and of” the beast.
श्रीमन्ततर तथा छैठौं राष्ट्रपति नै विश्ववादी अजगर शक्तिहरूलाई उकास्नेवाला हुनुपर्ने थियो। जब हामी अध्याय एघारको पद दुईको इतिहासलाई 1776, 1789, र 1798 को अवधिको इतिहासमाथि राख्छौं, तब पृथ्वी-पशुको अन्तिम राष्ट्रपतिसम्बन्धी थप जानकारी पाउँछौं, किनकि येशूले अन्तलाई आरम्भद्वारा चित्रण गर्नुहुन्छ। 1776 र 1789 द्वारा प्रतिनिधित्व गरिएका पहिलो दुई अवधिहरूले दुई साक्षी प्रदान गर्छन् कि अन्तिम राष्ट्रपति सातमध्येका भएर आठौं राष्ट्रपति हुनेछ। ट्रम्प, रेगनपछिका छैठौं राष्ट्रपति थिए, र आठौं राष्ट्रपतिका रूपमा उनी “सातमध्येका” हुनेछन्। अन्तिम, अर्थात् आठौं राष्ट्रपति, संयुक्त राज्य अमेरिकाले पशुको “तर्फ र त्यसकै” प्रतिमा निर्माण गर्ने बेला शासन गर्नेछ।
The president who rules when the image of the beast is formed by the United States, must be the eighth, that is of the seven, as witnessed to by Peyton Randolph, and John Hancock. The papacy is the eighth head that was of the seven, and it received a prophetic deadly wound. To be an image of the papacy, the eighth president that is of the seven, must also have a prophetic identification of being prophetically “wounded” or “killed”.
ئەو سەرۆکەی کە لەو کاتەدا حوکم دەکات کە وێنەی ئاژەڵەکە لەلایەن ویلایەتە یەکگرتووەکانەوە دروست دەکرێت، دەبێت هەشتەم بێت، واتە لەو حەوتانە بێت، وەک لەلایەن Peyton Randolph، و John Hancock ـەوە شایەتحاڵی بۆ دراوە. پاپایەتی سەری هەشتەمە کە لەو حەوتانە بوو، و برینی مەزنێکی پێشبینیکراوی کوشندەی وەرگرت. بۆ ئەوەی وێنەیەکی پاپایەتی بێت، ئەو سەرۆکی هەشتەمەی کە لەو حەوتانەیە، دەبێت هەروەها ناسنامەیەکی پێشبینیکراوی هەبێت بەوەی کە بە شێوەی پێشبینیکراو “بریندار” یان “کوژراو” بووە.
The papacy received its deadly wound from a dragon power (France), a dragon power who the papacy had been struggling against since the time when Paul identified that, the mystery of iniquity (the man of sin), did already work at that time. The dragon of paganism was restraining the papacy from taking the throne, which it did in 538.
پاپایی زخمِ مهلکِ خود را از یک قدرتِ اژدهایی (فرانسه) دریافت کرد؛ قدرتی اژدهایی که پاپایی از زمانی که پولس تصریح کرد «سرّ بیدینی» (مردِ گناه) از همان هنگام بالفعل در کار است، با آن در کشاکش بوده است. اژدهایِ بتپرستی پاپایی را از بهدست گرفتنِ تخت بازمیداشت؛ تختی که سرانجام در سال ۵۳۸ آن را تصاحب کرد.
From the beginning of the papacy unto its final demise it struggles against dragon powers. An image of the papacy requires that the image struggles with a dragon power. In Revelation seventeen the papacy, who is the eighth head, that is of the seven heads, is ultimately burned with fire and her flesh is eaten by the ten kings. In both deaths (1798 and the last days), the papal beast is killed by a dragon power. In order for the United States to form an image of the beast, the eighth president would also need to be killed by a dragon power that it was at war with, and the sixth king after the time of the end in 1989, is the king that stirred up all the dragon powers.
Ab baaya papaatummaa jalqabee hamma badiisa isaa isa dhumaaatti, inni humnoota bineensaa wajjin wal’aansoo godha. Fakkeenyi papaatummaa tokko fakkeenyi sun humna bineensaa wajjin akka wal’aansoo godhu gaafata. Mul’ata boqonnaa kudha torba keessatti papaatummaan, inni mataa saddeettaffaa, kan mataawwan torban keessaa ta’e, dhuma irratti ibiddaan gubama, foon ishee immoo mootota kurnaniin nyaatama. Du’a lamaan keessatti (1798 fi guyyoota dhumaa), bineensi papaa humna bineensaatiin ni ajjeefama. Ameerikaan fakkeenya bineensaa uumuuf, pirezidaantiin saddeettaffaan ishees humna bineensaa isa inni ittiin waraana keessa tureen ajjeefamuu qaba ture; mootii jahaffaan immoo yeroo dhumaa sana booda bara 1989 irraa eegalee, mooticha humnoota bineensaa hunda kakaase dha.
Ronald Reagan was an apostate Protestant, but George Bush the first, was a classic globalist. One of his famous quotes is where he lied by saying, on August 18, 1988, “And I’m the one who will not raise taxes. My opponent now says he’ll raise them as a last resort, or a third resort. But when a politician talks like that, you know that’s one resort he’ll be checking into. My opponent won’t rule out raising taxes. But I will. And the Congress will push me to raise taxes and I’ll say no. And they’ll push, and I’ll say no, and they’ll push again, and all I can say to them is: read my lips: no new taxes.”
රොනල්ඩ් රීගන් යනු ධර්මභ්රෂ්ට ප්රොටස්ටන්ට්වරයෙකි; එහෙත් පළමුවන ජෝර්ජ් බුෂ් සාම්ප්රදායික ගෝලීයවාදියෙකි. ඔහුගේ ප්රසිද්ධ උද්ධෘතවලින් එකක් වන්නේ, 1988 අගෝස්තු 18 දින, ඔහු මෙසේ පවසමින් බොරුවක් කී අවස්ථාවයි: “තවද බදු ඉහළ නොනංවන තැනැත්තා මමයි. දැන් මගේ ප්රතිවාදියා පවසන්නේ අවසාන විකල්පයක් ලෙස, නැතහොත් තුන්වැනි විකල්පයක් ලෙස, ඔහු ඒවා ඉහළ නංවන බවයි. නමුත් දේශපාලකයෙකු එසේ කථා කරන විට, ඔහු යොමුවන විකල්පයක් ඒක බව ඔබ දන්නවා. මගේ ප්රතිවාදියා බදු ඉහළ නැංවීම ප්රතික්ෂේප කරන්නේ නැහැ. නමුත් මම එය ප්රතික්ෂේප කරන්නෙමි. තවද කොංග්රසය මට බදු ඉහළ නංවන්නට බල කරනු ඇත, මම ‘නැහැ’ කියන්නෙමි. ඔවුන් බල කරනු ඇත, මම ‘නැහැ’ කියන්නෙමි; ඔවුන් නැවතත් බල කරනු ඇත; එවිට මට ඔවුන්ට කියන්නට ඇති එකම දෙය මෙයයි: මගේ තොල් කියවන ලෙස බලන්න: අලුත් බදු නැත.”
Other than that public lie, which is an attribute of a representative of the dragon power, his most famous quote was at a joint session of Congress on September 11, 1990, where he said, “Now, we can see a new world coming into view. A world in which there is the very real prospect of a new world order. In the words of Winston Churchill, a ‘world order’ in which ‘the principles of justice and fair play … protect the weak against the strong …’ A world where the United Nations, freed from cold war stalemate, is poised to fulfill the historic vision of its founders.” Bush the senior was a globalist, even if he identified as a Republican.
Aparte de aquella mentira pública, que es un atributo de un representante del poder del dragón, su cita más famosa fue en una sesión conjunta del Congreso el 11 de septiembre de 1990, donde dijo: “Ahora, podemos ver un nuevo mundo que comienza a perfilarse. Un mundo en el que existe la muy real perspectiva de un nuevo orden mundial. En palabras de Winston Churchill, un ‘orden mundial’ en el cual ‘los principios de justicia y de juego limpio … protegen a los débiles contra los fuertes …’ Un mundo donde las Naciones Unidas, liberadas del estancamiento de la guerra fría, están preparadas para cumplir la visión histórica de sus fundadores.” Bush padre era un globalista, aunque se identificara como republicano.
Bill Clinton was the first president to hold his inauguration ceremony at the Lincoln Memorial, which means he turned his back to Lincoln and faced the obelisk of Washington’s monument, an obelisk that is internally filled with symbols of Freemasonry. Both the obelisk and the symbols of Freemasonry he chose to face as he falsely swore his allegiance to the Constitution, represented not only that he had turned his back upon the anti-slavery symbol of the Lincoln Memorial, but Clintons’ chosen historic positioning, agrees with his acceptance speech, where he praised a professor whom he had studied under in the Jesuit University that he had attended.
Билл Клинтон был первым президентом, проведшим церемонию своей инаугурации у Мемориала Линкольна, а это означает, что он повернулся спиной к Линкольну и лицом к обелиску монумента Вашингтона — обелиску, внутреннее пространство которого наполнено символами масонства. И обелиск, и символы масонства, к которым он предпочёл обратиться лицом, когда ложно клялся в своей верности Конституции, свидетельствовали не только о том, что он повернулся спиной к символу антирабства, каковым является Мемориал Линкольна, но и о том, что избранное Клинтоном историческое расположение согласуется с его речью по случаю вступления в должность, в которой он восхвалял профессора, у которого учился в посещаемом им иезуитском университете.
That professor, Carroll Quigley, wrote the book: Tragedy and Hope: A History of the World in Our Time, which was published in 1966, and is correctly and widely understood to represent “the Bible for globalist ideas”. As the Koran is to Islam, and as Morals and Dogma of the Ancient and Accepted Scottish Rite of Freemasonry, written by Albert Pike, and published in 1871, is considered the most comprehensive exposition of the esoteric teachings of Freemasonry; or as The Book of Mormon is to the Latter Day Saints, Quigley’s book is the Bible of globalist philosophy. Most would have known if Clinton praised Mohammed of the Koran, or if he praised Joseph Smith of The Book of Mormon, and some would have known who Albert Pike was, but few knew that Clinton’s praise of Quigley was consistent with his own globalist agenda, and his rejection of the principles represented by Abraham Lincoln.
ꯃꯍꯥꯛ ꯄ꯭ꯔꯣꯐꯦꯁꯔ ꯑꯗꯨ, Carroll Quigley, ꯅꯥꯍꯥꯛꯅꯥ ꯑꯁꯤ ꯂꯥꯢꯔꯤꯛꯁꯤꯡ ꯏꯁꯤ ꯏꯕꯥ ꯑꯃ ꯏꯕꯥꯏ: Tragedy and Hope: A History of the World in Our Time, ꯃꯁꯤ 1966ꯗꯥ ꯄꯨꯕ꯭ꯂꯤꯁ ꯇꯧꯈꯤ, ꯑꯃꯁꯨꯡ ꯃꯁꯤꯕꯨ “ꯒ꯭ꯂꯣꯕꯥꯂꯤꯁ꯭ꯠ ꯏꯗꯤꯌꯥꯁꯀꯤ ꯕꯥꯏꯕꯦꯜ” ꯍꯥꯏꯅ ꯆꯨꯝꯃꯤꯅꯥ ꯑꯃꯁꯨꯡ ꯑꯌꯥꯝꯅꯥ ꯈꯪꯍꯜꯂꯤ। Koran ꯑꯗꯨ Islamꯒꯤ ꯃꯐꯝꯗꯥ ꯑꯗꯨꯒꯨꯝꯕꯥ, ꯑꯃꯁꯨꯡ Albert Pikeꯅꯥ ꯏꯕꯥ, 1871ꯗꯥ ꯄꯨꯕ꯭ꯂꯤꯁ ꯇꯧꯈꯤꯕꯥ Morals and Dogma of the Ancient and Accepted Scottish Rite of Freemasonry ꯑꯗꯨ Freemasonryꯒꯤ ꯑꯁꯦꯣꯇꯦꯔꯤꯛ ꯇꯤꯆꯤꯡꯁꯤꯡꯒꯤ ꯃꯇꯝ ꯑꯃꯗꯥ ꯈꯛꯆꯤꯡꯕꯥ ꯃꯐꯝ ꯑꯣꯏꯅꯥ ꯂꯧꯔꯤꯕꯥꯒꯨꯝꯕꯥ; ꯅꯠꯇ꯭ꯔꯒꯥ The Book of Mormon ꯑꯗꯨ Latter Day Saintsꯒꯤ ꯃꯐꯝꯗꯥ ꯑꯗꯨꯒꯨꯝꯕꯥ, Quigleyꯒꯤ ꯂꯥꯢꯔꯤꯛ ꯑꯗꯨ ꯒ꯭ꯂꯣꯕꯥꯂꯤꯁ꯭ꯠ ꯐꯤꯂꯣꯁꯣꯐꯤꯒꯤ ꯕꯥꯏꯕꯦꯜ ꯑꯣꯏ। Clintonꯅꯥ Koranꯒꯤ Mohammedꯕꯨ ꯊꯥꯒꯠꯂꯕꯥ, ꯅꯠꯇ꯭ꯔꯒꯥ The Book of Mormonꯒꯤ Joseph Smithꯕꯨ ꯊꯥꯒꯠꯂꯕꯥꯅ ꯃꯌꯥꯝꯅꯥ ꯈꯪꯉꯝꯈꯤꯒꯅꯤ, ꯑꯃꯁꯨꯡ Albert Pike ꯀꯔꯤꯅꯣ ꯍꯥꯏꯕꯗꯨ ꯈꯔꯅꯥ ꯈꯪꯉꯝꯈꯤꯒꯅꯤ, ꯑꯗꯨꯕꯨ Quigleyꯕꯨ Clintonꯅꯥ ꯊꯥꯒꯠꯂꯕꯗꯨ ꯃꯍꯥꯛꯀꯤ ꯃꯆꯥꯀꯤ ꯒ꯭ꯂꯣꯕꯥꯂꯤꯁ꯭ꯠ ꯑꯦꯖꯦꯟꯗꯥꯁꯤꯡꯒꯥ ꯆꯨꯝꯅ ꯂꯩꯅꯕꯥ, ꯑꯃꯁꯨꯡ Abraham Lincolnꯅꯥ ꯃꯥꯌꯣꯛꯈꯤꯕꯥ ꯃꯇꯤꯀ ꯑꯗꯨꯗꯒꯤ ꯃꯍꯥꯛꯅꯥ ꯌꯥꯎꯗꯅꯕꯗꯨ ꯑꯌꯥꯝꯕꯅꯥ ꯈꯪꯗꯦ।
In the speech, Clinton said: “As a teenager, I heard John Kennedy’s summons to citizenship. And then, as a student at Georgetown, I heard that call clarified by a professor named Carroll Quigley, who said to us that America was the greatest nation in history because our people have always believed in two things: that tomorrow can be better than today and that every one of us has a personal moral responsibility to make it so.” Carroll Quigley’s idea on how to “make America great again”, was for the United States to surrender its national sovereignty to the United Nations. Clinton was a Democrat, globalist, representative of the dragon.
Ay discursope, Clinton he’i: “Mitãrusúramo ahendu John Kennedy ohenóiva tekohápe ñande reko hag̃ua. Ha upéi, estudiante-rõ Georgetown-pe, ahendu upe ñehenói oñemyesakãveha peteĩ mbo’ehára hérava Carroll Quigley rupive, ha’e oréve he’i va’ekue América ha’eha tetã tuichavéva tembiasakue ryepýpe pórke ñande tavayguakuéra akóinte oguerovia mokõi mba’épe: ko’ẽrõ ikatuha iporãve ko áragui ha maymáva ñandéve ñandejehegui oguerekóha peteĩ tembiapo tekoporãme guare ñande pópe ojapo hag̃ua upéicha.” Carroll Quigley remiandu mba’éichapa “ojejapo jey América tuicha hag̃ua”, ha’e va’ekue Estados Unidos ome’ẽ hag̃ua ijehegui tetã reko tee Naciones Unidas-pe. Clinton ha’e va’ekue peteĩ demócrata, globalista, dragón rehegua representante.
“Like father, like son”, George Bush the last, was a globalist, and just as was his father, a globalist who professed to be Republican. The apple does not fall far from the tree. The Bible raises the rhetorical question, “Can two walk together, except they be agreed?” One simply needs to track the many enterprises that Bush the last, accomplished together with Bill and Hillary Clinton to see who Bush the last agreed with.
«ከአባት ወደ ልጅ የሚተላለፍ መልክ»፤ የመጨረሻው ጆርጅ ቡሽ ዓለምአቀፋዊ ነበር፣ እንዲሁም አባቱ ራሱን ሪፐብሊካን ነኝ ብሎ የሚናገር ዓለምአቀፋዊ እንደነበረ ሁሉ። ፖም ከዛፉ ሩቅ አይወድቅም። መጽሐፍ ቅዱስ “ሁለት ሰዎች ካልተስማሙ በአንድነት ሊሄዱ ይችላሉን?” ብሎ የሚነሣውን የአነጋገር ጥያቄ ያቀርባል። የመጨረሻው ቡሽ ከቢል እና ከሂላሪ ክሊንተን ጋር በአንድነት ያከናወናቸውን ብዙ ሥራዎች መከታተል ብቻ በቂ ነው፤ ይህም የመጨረሻው ቡሽ ከማን ጋር እንደተስማማ ለማየት ያስችላል።
Barack Hussein Obama made a statement about fundamentally transforming the United States during a campaign rally shortly before he was elected as President. On October 30, 2008, in Columbia, Missouri, Obama said: “We are five days away from fundamentally transforming the United States of America.” The statement was part of Obama’s broader message of “hope and change”, which was a central theme of his 2008 presidential campaign, emphasizing his commitment to significant policy reforms and a different direction for the country. The direction he turned the country was into the dragon policies of globalism, anti-white, pro-abortion, anti-carbon fuels, anti-America pro-globalism, Diversity, Equity, Inclusion, the false history of Critical Race Theory, and on and on. Obama was not simply a community organizer; he was and still is a representative of the dragon power’s globalist agenda.
Barack Hussein Obama, Presidente-taqan akllinchasqa mana unayllam kampaña tantanakuypi Estados Unidos-ta sapankamanta tikrayta rimarqan. 2008 watapa octubre killapa 30 punchawninpi, Columbia, Missouri llaqtapi, Obama kaynata nirqan: “Pichqa punchawllam faltawanchik Estados Unidos de América-ta sapankamanta tikraykuykuqpaq.” Chay rimariyqa Obama-pa aswan hatun willakuyninmanta karqan, “suyaywan tikraywan” nisqamanta, chaymi 2008 watapi presidencial kampañanpa chawpi yuyaynin karqan, allin hatun kamachiy tikraykunaman churasqa kasqanta, hinallataq suyuypaq huk sapa ñanta akllakusqanta sut’ichaspa. Chay ñanmanmi suyuta muyuricherqan: globalismo-pa dragón kamachiykunaman, yuraq runakunapa contranman, aborto-pa favorninman, carbono combustiblekunapa contranman, América-pa contranman, globalismo-pa favorninman, Diversidad, Equidad, Inclusión nisqaman, Critical Race Theory nisqapa llulla historiannman, hinaspa aswan achka imakunamanpas. Obama mana llapanmantachu huk comunidad organizadorlla karqan; payqa karqan hinaspa kunankamapas kachkan dragón atiyniyuqpa globalista agenda-ninpa huk rakinchasqa kamachiqnin.
Trump however, unlike a typical modern politician, kept more promises than all the other seven presidents in the period beginning in 1989, combined. He was committed to making America great again, and in so attempting, he stirred up the globalist powers that be, not only in the United States, but in the entire world.
მაგრამ ტრამპმა, ტიპური თანამედროვე პოლიტიკოსისგან განსხვავებით, 1989 წლიდან დაწყებულ პერიოდში ყველა დანარჩენი შვიდი პრეზიდენტის ერთად აღებულზე მეტი დაპირება შეასრულა. იგი ერთგული იყო იმისა, რომ ამერიკა კვლავ დიდებული გამხდარიყო, და ამ მცდელობით მან აღძრა მოქმედი გლობალისტური ძალები, არა მხოლოდ შეერთებულ შტატებში, არამედ მთელ მსოფლიოში.
Joe Biden has no evidence whatsoever that he is anything other than another globalist.
جو بايدن وٽ ڪو به اهڙو ثبوت هرگز ڪونهي، جيڪو ڏيکاري ته هو هڪ ٻئي گلوبلسٽ کان سواءِ ڪجهه ٻيو آهي۔
The beast of Catholicism waged a long-drawn-out war with the dragon powers, and the president that is reigning when the United States forms an image of the papacy, will, of prophetic necessity, be in a struggle with the dragon powers. None of the living presidents, other than Donald Trump, would wage war with the dragon powers, for the Democrats are openly globalist (dragons), and George Bush the last, was, as his father was (a professed Republican, that is actually a globalist dragon), for Jesus always illustrates the last with the first.
ကက်သလစ်ဝါဒ၏ သားရဲသည် နဂါး၏အာဏာများနှင့် ရှည်လျားစွာ စစ်ဆင်နွှဲခဲ့သကဲ့သို့၊ အမေရိကန်ပြည်ထောင်စုသည် ပုပ်ရဟန်းမင်းစနစ်၏ ပုံရိပ်တစ်ရပ်ကို ဖွဲ့စည်းသောအခါ အုပ်စိုးနေသော သမ္မတသည်လည်း ပရောဖက်ပြုချက်ဆိုင်ရာ မဖြစ်မနေလိုအပ်ချက်အရ နဂါး၏အာဏာများနှင့် တိုက်ပွဲဝင်နေမည်ဖြစ်သည်။ အသက်ရှင်နေသေးသော သမ္မတများထဲတွင် Donald Trump မှတစ်ပါး အခြားမည်သူမျှ နဂါး၏အာဏာများနှင့် စစ်ဆင်နွှဲမည်မဟုတ်၊ အကြောင်းမှာ ဒီမိုကရက်များသည် ကမ္ဘာလုံးဆိုင်ရာဝါဒီများ (နဂါးများ) ဖြစ်ကြသည်ကို ပွင့်လင်းစွာ ထင်ရှားစေကြပြီး၊ နောက်ဆုံး George Bush သည်လည်း သူ၏ ဖခင်ကဲ့သို့ပင် ဖြစ်ခဲ့သည် (အမည်ခံ ရီပတ်ဘလစ်ကန်တစ်ဦး ဖြစ်သော်လည်း အမှန်တကယ်တွင် ကမ္ဘာလုံးဆိုင်ရာဝါဒီ နဂါးတစ်ဦး ဖြစ်သည်)၊ အကြောင်းမှာ ယေရှုသည် အမြဲတမ်း နောက်ဆုံးသောအရာကို ပထမသောအရာအားဖြင့် ပုံဖော်တင်ပြတော်မူသောကြောင့် ဖြစ်သည်။
We will continue this study in the next article.
Ñuqanchikqa kay yachayta qhipa qillqapiña sut’inchaspa qatiqasun.
“A great crisis awaits the people of God. A crisis awaits the world. The most momentous struggle of all the ages is just before us. Events which for more than forty years we have upon the authority of the prophetic word declared to be impending are now taking place before our eyes. Already the question of an amendment to the Constitution restricting liberty of conscience has been urged upon the legislators of the nation. The question of enforcing Sunday observance has become one of national interest and importance. We well know what the result of this movement will be. But are we ready for the issue? Have we faithfully discharged the duty which God has committed to us of giving the people warning of the danger before them?
“ఇశ్వరుని ప్రజలను ఒక గొప్ప సంక్షోభం ఎదురుచూచియున్నది. లోకమును కూడ ఒక సంక్షోభం ఎదురుచూచియున్నది. సమస్త యుగములలో అతి గంభీరమైన పోరాటము మన ముందే నిలిచియున్నది. ప్రవచన వాక్యాధికారమునుబట్టి నలభై సంవత్సరములకు మించిన కాలంగా సమీపించుచున్నవని మేము ప్రకటించుచున్న సంఘటనలు ఇప్పుడు మన కన్నుల ఎదుట జరుగుచున్నవి. అంతఃకరణ స్వేచ్ఛను పరిమితపరచు రాజ్యాంగ సవరణ విషయము ఇదివరకే దేశ శాసనకర్తల సమక్షమున ప్రతిపాదింపబడినది. ఆదివార ఆచరణను బలవంతపరచు ప్రశ్న జాతీయ ఆసక్తి, ప్రాముఖ్యతల విషయముగా మారినది. ఈ ఉద్యమ ఫలితం ఏమియై యుండునో మాకు బాగా తెలియును. అయితే ఆ పరిణామాన్ని ఎదుర్కొనుటకు మనము సిద్ధమై యున్నామా? తమ ముందున్న ప్రమాదమును గూర్చి ప్రజలకు హెచ్చరికనివ్వుటయే దేవుడు మనకు అప్పగించిన కర్తవ్యము; దానిని మనము విశ్వాసపూర్వకముగా నెరవేర్చితివా?”
“There are many, even of those engaged in this movement for Sunday enforcement, who are blinded to the results which will follow this action. They do not see that they are striking directly against religious liberty. There are many who have never understood the claims of the Bible Sabbath and the false foundation upon which the Sunday institution rests. Any movement in favor of religious legislation is really an act of concession to the papacy, which for so many ages has steadily warred against liberty of conscience. Sunday observance owes its existence as a so-called Christian institution to ‘the mystery of iniquity;’ and its enforcement will be a virtual recognition of the principles which are the very cornerstone of Romanism. When our nation shall so abjure the principles of its government as to enact a Sunday law, Protestantism will in this act join hands with popery; it will be nothing else than giving life to the tyranny which has long been eagerly watching its opportunity to spring again into active despotism.
“Adzɔ geɖe li, hã le ame siwo wowɔa dɔ le ɖoɖo sia me be woahe Kwasida dziyɔyɔ wɔwɔ va la dome, siwo ŋutɔmeɖoɖo siwo ava dze dɔa sia yome la nye abe gbegblẽ me na wo ene. Mewole ekpɔm o be le nu si wowɔ la me la, wole tsi tre srɔ̃e kpuie ɖe subɔsubɔa ƒe ablɔɖe ŋu. Ame geɖe li siwo kpɔ gbeɖeka meɖe Biblia ƒe Sabat ƒe biabiawo gɔme nyuie o, eye mekpɔ gɔmesese si te Kwasida ƒe ɖoɖo dzi, si nye dzesi aɖe si menyo o, o. ɖoɖo sia ɖe sia ɖe si wotsɔ doa asi na se siwo ku ɖe subɔsubɔ ŋu la, le nyateƒe me nye nuɖeɖe asi na papaɖome, si wɔ asi kple lɔlɔ̃nu mado ɖe ame ƒe dzidzɔdzɔ gbɔ me ƒe ablɔɖe ŋu le ɣeyiɣi didi geɖewo me. Kwasida dziyɔyɔ le eƒe anyigbadzi me abe Kristotɔ ɖoɖo ene la, eƒe nɔnɔme tsoa ‘vɔ̃ɖi ƒe gɔmesese ɣaɣla’ me; eye ne wowɔ eƒe dziyɔyɔ se be wòanye dɔwɔwɔ si woate ŋu awɔ la, eya nye woawɔ Roma subɔsubɔ ƒe gɔmedzedzeawo siwo nye Romanism ƒe ɖoƒe tɔxɛ kplikpa la ŋudzedze kple woatsɔ asi ade edzi kplikpa. Ne miaƒe dukɔ la agbe eɖo eƒe dziɖuɖu ƒe gɔmedzedzeawo gbɔ ale be wòawɔ Kwasida se aɖe la, le dɔwɔwɔ sia me Protestantiwo akpe asi kple popery; menye naneke bubu wu be woatsɔ agbe na ɖekakpuiɖuɖu si le didi na ɣeyiɣi didi me, eye si nɔ mɔ kpɔm kplikpa be yéakpɔ mɔ ayi dzi ake le ŋusẽʋuʋu kple dziɖuɖu vɔ̃ɖi ƒe nɔnɔme me.”
“The National Reform movement, exercising the power of religious legislation, will, when fully developed, manifest the same intolerance and oppression that have prevailed in past ages. Human councils then assumed the prerogatives of Deity, crushing under their despotic power liberty of conscience; and imprisonment, exile, and death followed for those who opposed their dictates. If popery or its principles shall again be legislated into power, the fires of persecution will be rekindled against those who will not sacrifice conscience and the truth in deference to popular errors. This evil is on the point of realization.
“ꯅꯦꯁꯅꯦꯜ ꯔꯤꯐꯣꯔꯝ ꯃꯨꯕꯃꯦꯟꯇꯁꯤꯡ, ꯂꯥꯏꯅꯤꯡ-ꯂꯤꯆꯠꯀꯤ ꯑꯦꯄꯥꯡ ꯁꯤꯖꯤꯟꯅꯔꯤꯕꯁꯤ, ꯃꯍꯥꯛ ꯃꯄꯨꯡ ꯐꯥꯕ ꯃꯇꯝꯗꯥ, ꯃꯃꯥꯡ ꯉꯥꯛꯄꯤ ꯆꯍꯤꯁꯤꯡꯗꯥ ꯊꯧꯗꯣꯛꯈꯤꯕ ꯃꯈꯣꯏꯒꯤ ꯑꯁꯣꯏꯕ ꯑꯃꯁꯨꯡ ꯑꯄꯨꯟꯕꯗꯤ ꯃꯁꯥꯅꯤꯡꯉꯥꯏꯅ ꯎꯠꯂꯒꯅꯤ꯫ ꯃꯇꯝ ꯑꯗꯨꯗꯥ ꯃꯤꯑꯣꯏꯕ ꯄꯥꯟꯊꯣꯛꯁꯤꯡꯅ ꯂꯥꯏꯒꯤ ꯄꯥꯎ ꯌꯥꯝꯅꯥ ꯃꯐꯝ ꯇꯧꯕꯤ, ꯃꯈꯣꯏꯒꯤ ꯑꯅꯤꯡꯕ ꯑꯦꯄꯥꯡꯒꯤ ꯃꯈꯥꯗꯥ ꯆꯤꯡꯕꯤꯔꯛꯄꯥ ꯆꯦꯠꯅꯕ ꯃꯐꯝ ꯂꯣꯠꯄꯥ ꯄꯨꯡꯈ꯭ꯔꯦ; ꯑꯃꯁꯨꯡ ꯃꯈꯣꯏꯒꯤ ꯑꯥꯗꯦꯁꯁꯤꯡ ꯌꯥꯎꯔꯤꯕꯁꯤꯡꯗꯒꯤ ꯑꯣꯟꯅꯕꯥꯈꯣꯏꯗꯥ ꯄꯨꯔꯣꯏꯅꯕ, ꯂꯩꯕꯥꯛꯇꯒꯤ ꯊꯣꯛꯄ, ꯑꯃꯁꯨꯡ ꯁꯤꯕꯥ ꯃꯇꯨꯡ ꯏꯟꯊꯣꯛꯈꯤ꯫ ꯄꯣꯄꯔꯤ ꯅꯠꯇ꯭ꯔꯒ ꯃꯁꯤꯒꯤ ꯑꯋꯥꯡꯕ ꯃꯇꯪꯁꯤꯡ ꯑꯃꯨꯛ ꯑꯩꯅꯥ ꯂꯥꯏꯔꯤꯛꯀꯤ ꯑꯦꯄꯥꯡꯗꯥ ꯍꯥꯞꯆꯤꯟꯕ ꯑꯃꯥ ꯑꯣꯏꯔꯛꯄꯥꯁꯨ, ꯃꯤꯌꯥꯝꯒꯤ ꯃꯔꯨꯑꯣꯏꯕ ꯑꯁꯣꯏꯕꯁꯤꯡꯗꯥ ꯃꯄꯥꯟꯒꯜ ꯇꯧꯅꯥ ꯅꯥꯛ ꯁꯤꯟꯅꯕ ꯑꯃꯁꯨꯡ ꯑꯆꯨꯝꯕꯥꯕꯨ ꯊꯥꯗꯣꯛꯄ ꯌꯥꯗꯕꯁꯤꯡꯒꯤ ꯃꯊꯛꯇꯥ ꯑꯄꯨꯟꯕꯒꯤ ꯃꯩ ꯑꯃꯨꯛ ꯆꯥꯟꯊꯍꯜꯂꯒꯅꯤ꯫ ꯃꯁꯤꯒꯤ ꯑꯁꯣꯏꯕꯁꯤ ꯍꯧꯖꯤꯛ ꯏꯅꯥꯛ ꯃꯄꯨꯡ ꯐꯥꯈ꯭ꯔꯦ꯫”
“When God has given us light showing the dangers before us, how can we stand clear in His sight if we neglect to put forth every effort in our power to bring it before the people? Can we be content to leave them to meet this momentous issue unwarned?” Testimonies, volume 5, 711, 712.
«Diosajj qhant'i churistu, ñawpaqpi kaq peligrokunata rikuchispa, imaynataq paypa ñawpaqenpi mana huchayuq hina sayayta atisun, sichus atiyninchikman hina llapa kallpanchikta mana churanchikchu chayta runakunaman apaypaq? ¿Kusisqa kayta atinmanchu, mana willasqa hina paykunata saqespa, kay ancha hatun asuntowan tinkunankupaq?» Testimonies, volumen 5, 711, 712.